Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Congressional research reportSep 16, 2024

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Defense Production for Ukraine: Background

and Issues for Congress

September 16, 2024

Congressional Research Service

https://crsreports.congress.gov

R48182

SUMMARY

Defense Production for Ukraine: Background

and Issues for Congress

Since the commencement of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the U.S.

government has engaged in efforts to organize and expand the production of defense equipment

for Ukraine-related purposes. To date, such purposes have included the direct provision of

security assistance to Ukraine, the replacement of U.S. equipment already provided to Ukraine

from existing stocks, and the expansion of U.S. and global defense industrial capacity.

Congress has played a role in these efforts, including by enacting annual and supplemental

defense appropriations to fund Ukraine-related acquisition and industrial base investment

programs; establishing or modifying authorities and policies relating to security assistance,

defense procurement, and related activities; and overseeing the executive branch’s use of these

funds and authorities.

The Biden Administration contends that these attempts to mobilize the defense industrial base are

critical to the effective battlefield performance of the Ukrainian military, as well as the

realization of broader U.S. strategic interests. Partly as a result of these actions, since 2022, U.S.

suppliers—which include both privately-owned defense contractors as well as government

facilities and organizations—have increased the production of certain defense articles relevant to

the conflict in Ukraine (e.g., artillery shells, precision-guided munitions, and air defense

systems). Some policymakers and analysts argue that production challenges remain.

R48182

September 16, 2024

Luke A. Nicastro,

Coordinator

Analyst in U.S. Defense

Infrastructure Policy

Andrew S. Bowen

Analyst in Russian and

European Affairs

Brendan W. McGarry

Specialist in U.S. Defense

Budget

Daniel M. Gettinger

Analyst in U.S. Defense

Policy

Jennifer DiMascio

Analyst in U.S. Defense

Policy

Potential questions facing Congress include:

•

Do U.S. and global suppliers possess adequate industrial capacity to achieve

congressional objectives regarding Ukraine?

•

Is the executive branch’s use of Ukraine-related production authorities and

appropriations meeting congressional intent?

•

What has been the impact of U.S.-produced defense equipment on the conflict? Are U.S.

suppliers providing the right kinds of capabilities to achieve congressional objectives

regarding Ukraine?

Congressional Research Service

Christina L. Arabia

Analyst in Security

Assistance, Security

Cooperation and the

Global Arms Trade

Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Contents

Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1

Background ..................................................................................................................................... 2

Funding, Authorities, and Programs for Ukraine-Related Production ...................................... 2

Overview ............................................................................................................................. 2

Producing Items for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative ......................................... 4

Replacing Items Transferred Under Presidential Drawdown Authority ............................. 5

Foreign Military Financing and Foreign Military Sales ..................................................... 6

Investing in the U.S. Industrial Base................................................................................... 7

Producing Key Weapon Systems and Munitions ...................................................................... 8

155 mm Artillery Round ..................................................................................................... 9

Javelin ................................................................................................................................11

Stinger ............................................................................................................................... 12

M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) .............................................. 13

Phased Array Tracking Radar to Intercept of Target (PATRIOT) ..................................... 14

Uncrewed Aircraft Systems (Drones) ............................................................................... 15

F-16 Fighting Falcon ........................................................................................................ 16

Production Diplomacy ............................................................................................................ 18

Coordinating National Production with Foreign Governments ........................................ 18

International Co-Production.............................................................................................. 20

Issues Facing Congress ................................................................................................................. 23

Industrial Capacity .................................................................................................................. 23

Assessing Capacity Needs ................................................................................................ 23

Legislative Options ........................................................................................................... 24

Exercising Oversight ............................................................................................................... 25

Existing Oversight Efforts ................................................................................................ 25

Possible Oversight Questions for Congress ...................................................................... 27

Impact on the Conflict ............................................................................................................. 28

Relationship to Battlefield Performance ........................................................................... 28

Figures

Figure 1. Ukraine-related Funding and Authorities ......................................................................... 4

Tables

Table 1. Production Output for Selected Weapons and Munitions, 2022-2024............................... 8

Table A2. Defense Articles and Services Provided to Ukraine, 2022-2024 .................................. 32

Appendixes

Appendix. U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine ............................................................................ 32

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Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Contacts

Author Information........................................................................................................................ 35

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Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Introduction

On February 24, 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Since then, the

government of Ukraine has fought to defend and retake Ukrainian territory, assisted in various

ways by the governments of the United States and other countries.

At the outset of Russia’s full-scale invasion, the Ukrainian Armed Forces (UAF) was equipped

mainly with upgraded Soviet or early post-Soviet era systems, and Ukraine’s domestic defense

industry—which was largely inherited from the Soviet Union—possessed only a limited ability to

produce advanced equipment at scale.1 As a result, the UAF faced a persistent shortage of

materiel, a problem exacerbated by equipment losses sustained in previous fighting as well as by

Russian strikes on Ukrainian production facilities.2 This made Ukraine dependent on outside

security assistance, the largest amount of which has come from the United States (other countries

in Europe and elsewhere have also provided significant security assistance, but not on the scale of

U.S. commitments).3 The U.S. government refers to the coordination of security assistance to

Ukraine as Operation Atlantic Resolve (OAR).

To provide this assistance, the United States has sought to leverage its defense industrial base

(DIB)—the network of organizations, facilities, and resources that supply the U.S. government

with defense articles and services.4 Broadly speaking, the U.S. DIB supports Ukraine’s war effort

in two major ways: 1) by producing weapons, munitions, and other military hardware to provide

directly to the UAF, and 2) by manufacturing items to replace those that the United States has

already provided to the UAF from its existing stocks.

In addition to using its own DIB, the U.S. government has also sought to encourage and

coordinate the global production of materiel for Ukraine (efforts sometimes referred to as

production diplomacy).5 As part of these efforts, U.S. officials have negotiated and coordinated

production investments and procurement actions with other governments, as well as assisted in

the creation or expansion of international co-production arrangements and related industrial

partnerships.

The mobilization of the U.S. DIB to produce weapons for Ukraine has been the subject of

considerable debate, both within Congress and more broadly. The Biden Administration has

1 Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukraine inherited roughly 30% of Soviet defense industrial

capacity. Despite efforts to bring Ukrainian defense production in line with NATO standards prior to 2022, years of

underinvestment, corruption, and mismanagement have impacted the country’s defense industry. See Kateryna Bondar,

“Arsenal of Democracy: Integrating Ukraine into the West’s Defense Industrial Base,” Carnegie Endowment,

December 4, 2023; and Tor Bukkvoll, “Failures in Ukrainian Arms Procurement 2014-2023: The Negative Effects of

Limited Access Orders on National Security,” Problems of Post Communism (2024), pp. 1-23.

2 For more information on Ukraine’s military performance in the conflict, see CRS In Focus IF12150, Ukrainian

Military Performance and Outlook, by Andrew S. Bowen.

3 This preeminent role has been recognized by other governments—for example, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz stated

in February 2024 that “support from the United States is indispensable for the question of whether Ukraine will be able

to defend its own country.” A. Hernandez-Morales, “U.S. Aid ‘Indispensable’, Scholz Says,” Politico, February 10,

2024. For a breakdown of security assistance by country, see the Kiel Institute for the World Economy, “Ukraine

Support Tracker,” https://www.ifw-kiel.de/topics/war-against-ukraine/ukraine-support-tracker/.

4 For an overview of the U.S. defense industrial base, see CRS Report R47751, The U.S. Defense Industrial Base:

Background and Issues for Congress, by Luke A. Nicastro.

5 In the contemporary context, the term production diplomacy appears to have been coined by Under Secretary of

Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment Dr. William LaPlante, and has since been used by other government officials

and some think tanks. See remarks in “Strengthening the U.S. Industrial Base (Transcript),” Center for Strategic and

International Studies, September 26, 2023, https://www.csis.org/analysis/strengthening-us-industrial-base-hon-drwilliam-laplante.

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Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

maintained that 1) Ukrainian victory is in the United States’ national interest; 2) U.S. suppliers

are capable of meeting the requirements of arming Ukraine’s military (given the proper

government support); and 3) the resultant capacity expansion also improves U.S. military

readiness and the health of the domestic economy.6 Some officials also have claimed that the size

of the U.S. DIB means that its production efforts are uniquely important to Ukrainian success,

and that no other country or group of countries could replace its contributions.7 Other

stakeholders have argued that Ukraine-related production consumes limited resources that would

better be applied to other national security problems, such as strategic competition with China.8

Still others have posited that, even with Western assistance, Ukrainian victory is impossible, or

that U.S. support for Ukraine is itself unwise (making Ukraine-related production wasteful at best

and dangerous at worst).9

Background

Funding, Authorities, and Programs for Ukraine-Related

Production

Overview

Since 2022, Congress has appropriated $174.2 billion in emergency supplemental funding for

Ukraine-related purposes, with the majority of funds going to Department of Defense (DOD) and

defense-related accounts—which received $110.7 billion, or 64% of the total—and Department of

State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPS) accounts—which received $58.4

billion, or 34% of the total.10

Ukraine-related appropriations to DOD and defense-related accounts have been used for a variety

of purposes, including the provision of defense articles and services (i.e., security assistance) to

6 For example, in his address of October 19, 2023, President Joe Biden stated: “On Ukraine, I’m asking Congress to

make sure we can continue to send Ukraine the weapons they need to defend themselves and their country without

interruption, so Ukraine can stop Putin’s brutality in Ukraine… We send Ukraine equipment sitting in our stockpiles.

And when we use the money allocated by Congress, we use it to replenish our own stores, our own stockpiles, with

new equipment. Equipment that defends America and is made in America. Patriot missiles for air defense batteries,

made in Arizona. Artillery shells manufactured in 12 states across the country, in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Texas… Just as

in World War II, today patriotic American workers are building the arsenal of democracy and serving the cause of

freedom.” See also similar remarks in the State of the Union address of March 7, 2024, and the address of July 9, 2024.

7 As an example of this view, U.S. National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan has claimed that “at the end of the day,

there is no alternative to the United States stepping up to the plate and providing a level of resources that allow Ukraine

to have the artillery, the air defense systems and the other capabilities they need.” NATO, “Joint Press Conference,”

February 7, 2024, https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/opinions_222506.htm. See also comments by German Prime

Minister Olaf Scholz in Footnote 3.

8 See, for example, Senator J.D. Vance, “J.D. Vance: The Math on Ukraine Doesn’t Add Up,” The New York Times,

April 12, 2024.

9 See, for example, Anatol Lieven, “Ukraine Can’t Win the War,” Time, February 24, 2024.

10 Congress has provided emergency funding for Ukraine in five supplemental appropriations acts: Ukraine

Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2022 (P.L. 117-103, Division N); Additional Ukraine Supplemental Appropriations

Act, 2022 (P.L. 117-128); Ukraine Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2023 (P.L. 117-180, Division B); Additional

Ukraine Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2023 (P.L. 117-328, Division M); and Ukraine Security Supplemental

Appropriations Act, 2024 (P.L. 118-50, Division B). Although defense and SFOPS accounts together received 98% of

this emergency funding, Ukraine-related appropriations were also made to Agriculture; Commerce, Justice, Science;

Energy and Water; and Financial Services, General Government; and Labor, Health and Human Services, Education

accounts. Congress has also provided certain funding for Ukraine-related activities in regular appropriations acts.

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Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Ukraine, the replacement of items already transferred to Ukraine from DOD stocks, the

deployment of U.S. military personnel and assets to Europe, and related activities.11 Funding with

direct production requirements or implications has included:

•

•

$31.8 billion to procure newly manufactured weapons and equipment for

provision to Ukraine under the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, or USAI;12

and

$45.8 billion to replace defense articles and services already provided to Ukraine,

as well as to reimburse the department for services, military education, and

training provided to Ukraine or foreign countries that have supported Ukraine.13

Funding related to defense production for Ukraine but provided to non-defense accounts has

included $6.33 billion for the SFOPS foreign military financing (FMF) account, to be made

available to Ukraine and countries impacted by the situation in Ukraine.14 This assistance may be

used by its recipients to, inter alia, procure defense articles and services from U.S. suppliers via

the foreign military sales (FMS) system.15

Outside of the appropriations described above, Congress has also increased the total dollaramount limit for Presidential Drawdown Authority (PDA; a statutory authority by which the

President may transfer materiel from existing stocks and provide services to foreign countries) to

permit more transfers to Ukraine than statute would have otherwise allowed.16 Since 2022,

Congress has raised this cap to a combined maximum of $33.3 billion.17

Figure 1 below provides a notional illustration of how such funding and authorities have been

used to supply Ukraine with weapons and equipment, as well as replenish U.S. defense stocks.

11 For more information, see CRS Insight IN12107, Department of Defense Supplemental Funding for Ukraine: A

Summary, by Brendan W. McGarry.

12 In addition to the $31.8 billion provided for USAI via supplemental appropriations acts, Congress has also provided

$900 million via regular appropriations acts during this period (P.L. 117-103, §8139; P.L. 117-328, §8110; and P.L.

118-47, §8148). See also DOD, “Ukraine Security Assistance,” infographic, August 8, 2024,

https://www.acq.osd.mil/news/spotlight/ukraine-infographic_08aug2024.pdf.

13 This total includes both $39.34 billion in operation and maintenance (O&M) funding for transfer between certain

accounts and $6.436 billion in multiple procurement accounts for replacement of DOD stocks. According to

information provided to CRS by DOD, the procurement funds were appropriated by P.L. 118-50, Division B and

include $3.103 billion in Procurement of Ammunition, Army; $1.897 billion in Missile Procurement, Army; $549.0

million in Weapons Procurement, Navy; $366.0 million in Missile Procurement, Air Force; $309.0 million in Other

Procurement, Army; and $212.4 million in Procurement, Marine Corps. For more information, see CRS Insight

IN12107, Department of Defense Supplemental Funding for Ukraine: A Summary, by Brendan W. McGarry.

14 CRS Report R47275, Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPS) Supplemental

Funding for Ukraine: In Brief, by Emily M. McCabe, p. 10.

15 For more information on FMF, see Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), “Foreign Military Financing

(FMF),” https://www.dsca.mil/foreign-military-financing-fmf.

16 22 U.S.C. §2318. For more information, see CRS In Focus IF12040, U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine, by

Christina L. Arabia, Andrew S. Bowen, and Cory Welt.

17 Congress increased the annual PDA cap from $100 million to $11 billion for FY2022, $14.5 billion for FY2023, and

$7.8 billion for FY2024; for more information, see CRS In Focus IF12040, U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine, by

Christina L. Arabia, Andrew S. Bowen, and Cory Welt.

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Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Figure 1. Ukraine-related Funding and Authorities

Selected Funding and Authorities Used to Aid Ukraine and Replenish U.S. Stocks

Source: CRS graphic.

Notes: FMF assistance may be used by Ukraine and other recipient countries to, inter alia, procure materiel

from U.S. defense suppliers.

Using these funds, authorities, and programs, the executive branch has reported that it has

provided more than $55.7 billion in security assistance to Ukraine since February 2022, including

$26.2 billion committed for USAI contracting actions, $25.6 billion in announced PDA transfers,

and $4 billion committed for FMF uses.18

In addition, the executive branch has used other funding sources to make investments that it has

framed as supportive of security assistance to Ukraine, including Defense Production Act (DPA)

Title III projects and other industrial base expansion programs and authorities.19

Producing Items for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative

USAI is an initiative to fund security assistance to Ukraine, which may include the provision of

defense equipment, training, logistics support, intelligence support and other defense articles and

services to the military and security forces of Ukraine. Although USAI was initially established

by Section 1250 of the FY2016 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA; P.L. 114-92), the

majority of USAI assistance has been provided since February 2022.20 The provision of USAI

assistance typically has involved new contracting actions with U.S. defense suppliers. As of

August 8, 2024, DOD has awarded $15.8 billion of USAI funding to various contractors for 155

millimeter (mm) artillery rounds, air defense systems and munitions, mobile rocket artillery

systems, and other defense equipment.21

18 The term provide in this context refers to 1) appropriated funds that have been obligated or committed (i.e., their use

has been notified to Congress); and 2) PDA transfers that have been publicly announced. DOS, “U.S. Security

Cooperation with Ukraine,” September 6, 2024, https://www.state.gov/u-s-security-cooperation-with-ukraine/; and

DOD, “Ukraine Security Assistance,” August 8, 2024.

19 See discussion in “Investing in the U.S. Industrial Base” section below.

20 CRS In Focus IF12040, U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine, by Christina L. Arabia, Andrew S. Bowen, and Cory

Welt.

21 DOD, “Ukraine Security Assistance,” infographic, August 8, 2024.

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Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

To address what it has described as urgent Ukrainian shortfalls, the executive branch has also

taken actions to redirect the production and delivery of certain defense articles—initially intended

to be sold to other countries—to Ukraine via USAI. On June 20, 2024, for instance, National

Security Council spokesman John Kirby announced that “the United States government has made

the difficult but necessary decision to reprioritize near term planned deliveries of foreign military

sales to other countries, particularly of Patriot and [National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile

System] missiles to go to Ukraine instead.”22 One media report has suggested that the costs of this

reprioritization could exceed $1 billion and would be drawn from USAI funds.23

Replacing Items Transferred Under Presidential Drawdown Authority

To replace the capabilities provided to Ukraine through PDA, DOD has contracted with suppliers

to produce new items for U.S. use. As of this writing, President Biden has invoked PDA to

transfer approximately $25.6 billion in defense equipment to Ukraine since August 2021; as of

August 8, 2024, DOD has obligated $21.0 billion for contracting actions to replace the equipment

so provided.24

Although PDA replacement funding is intended primarily to backfill PDA-provided equipment,

contracting actions are not necessarily being taken on a ‘one-to-one’ basis (that is, DOD may not

be procuring a replacement for every single item sent to Ukraine). Rather, the Government

Accountability Office (GAO) has reported that DOD may use PDA replacement funds for four

distinct purposes:

•

•

•

•

To “buy exact replacements of weapons delivered to Ukraine;”

To “buy newer, modern variants of weapons delivered to Ukraine;”

To “invest in the defense industrial base to accelerate the production of

weapons;” and

To “reimburse service costs, including logistics costs associated with PDA

transfers to Ukraine (e.g., operation and maintenance fuel costs to ship equipment

overseas).”25

As of December 2023, the largest amount of PDA replacement funds had been obligated for

actions related to ammunition production ($6.0 billion), followed by actions related to missiles

($5.4 billion) and combat vehicles ($2.7 billion).26

PDA Valuation Errors

On June 20, 2023, DOD reported overestimating the value of equipment transferred to Ukraine under PDA by

$6.2 billion, including $2.6 billion in FY2022 and $3.6 billion in FY2023. Deputy Press Secretary Sabrina Singh said

department officials discovered inconsistencies in how financial managers in the military services calculated such

estimates. In a “significant” number of cases, Singh said, the services used replacement cost (i.e., the cost to

purchase a new item to replace a transferred item) rather than net book value (i.e., the depreciated value of a

22 The White House, “On-the-Record Press Gaggle by White House National Security Communications Advisor John

Kirby,” June 20, 2024, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/press-briefings/2024/06/20/on-the-record-pressgaggle-by-white-house-national-security-communications-advisor-john-kirby-15/.

23 Tony Bertuca, “U.S. to Redirect Foreign Sales of Air Defense Missiles,” Inside Defense, June 20, 2024.

24 CRS analysis of Ukraine appropriations acts; DOS, “U.S. Security Cooperation with Ukraine,” September 6, 2024;

and DOD, “Ukraine Security Assistance,” August 8, 2024. See also CRS In Focus IF12040, U.S. Security Assistance to

Ukraine, by Christina L. Arabia, Andrew S. Bowen, and Cory Welt.

25 U.S. Government Accountability Office, Ukraine: Status and Challenges of DOD Weapon Replacement Efforts,

GAO-24-106649, April 30, 2024, p. 2.

26 Ibid., p. 4.

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transferred item). After correcting for the “valuation errors,” Singh said, DOD identified $6.2 billion in previously

announced PDA still available for use.27

Some Members of Congress have expressed concern these errors may have affected the pace and mix of

equipment transferred to Ukraine. In May 2023, for instance, House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Michael

McCaul and House Armed Services Committee Chairman Mike Rogers issued a joint statement claiming that

“these funds could have been used for extra supplies and weapons for the upcoming counteroffensive, instead of

rationing funds to last for the remainder of the fiscal year.”28

In July 2024, the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) published a report examining the valuation of

PDA transfers, and documented additional valuation errors totaling over $2.1 billion. GAO found that some DOD

components did not consistently follow department accounting policy when valuing defense articles for PDA, and

recommended that Congress clarify the definition of PDA-related “value” in the Foreign Assistance Act, and that

DOD update its Financial Management Regulation to include a PDA-specific valuation section, among other

recommendations. Without these or similar changes, GAO states that “DOD cannot have assurance that the

articles will be valued accurately, which may result in a miscalculation of the remaining presidential determination

authorization amount.”29 In addition, if Congress were to base the amounts appropriated for PDA replacement

actions on misvalued PDA transfers, one result could be too much or too little funding to procure new weapons

and munitions for U.S. stocks.

Foreign Military Financing and Foreign Military Sales

As noted above, both FMF and FMS have been used to provide security assistance to Ukraine.

According to the Department of State (DOS), as of September 6, 2024, $4 billion of the $6.33

billion in Ukraine-related FMF had been notified to Congress.30 In addition, DOS has reported

that the United States has $595.9 million in active FMS cases with Ukraine (it is unclear how

much of this total is financed by FMF).31 Recently approved FMS sales include “Blanket Order

Sustainment of U.S. Army Supplied Systems” (May 2024; $100 million estimated cost),

HIMARS and “related elements of logistics and program support” (May 2024; $30 million

estimated cost), and “HAWK Phase III Missile System Sustainment and related elements of

logistics and program support” (April 2024).32 In addition, at least $2 billion of Ukraine-related

FMF is intended to fund a “defense enterprise fund,” which U.S. Secretary of State Antony

Blinken described as having three elements:

One is to provide weapons today, so this will assist Ukraine in acquiring those weapons.

Two is to focus [on] investing in Ukraine’s defense industrial base, helping to strengthen

even more its capacity to produce what it needs for itself but also to produce for others.

27 DOD, “Deputy Pentagon Press Secretary Sabrina Singh Holds a Press Briefing,” transcript, June 20, 2023.

28 House Foreign Affairs Committee, “Chairmen McCaul and Rogers on Pentagon Multi-Billion-Dollar ‘Accounting

Error’,” press release, May 18, 2023.

29 GAO, Ukraine Assistance: Actions Needed to Properly Value Defense Articles Provided under Presidential

Drawdown Authority, GAO-24-10634, July 2024.

30 DOS, “U.S. Security Cooperation with Ukraine,” September 6, 2024, https://www.state.gov/u-s-securitycooperation-with-ukraine/.

31 Ibid.

32 DSCA, “Ukraine – Blanket Order Sustainment of U.S. Army Supplied Systems,” May 16, 2024,

https://www.dsca.mil/press-media/major-arms-sales/ukraine-blanket-order-sustainment-us-army-supplied-systems;

DSCA, “Ukraine – HIMARS,” May 10, 2024, https://www.dsca.mil/press-media/major-arms-sales/ukraine-highmobility-artillery-rocket-systems; and DSCA, “HAWK Phase III Missile System Sustainment,” April 9, 2024,

https://www.dsca.mil/press-media/major-arms-sales/ukraine-hawk-phase-iii-missile-system-sustainment.

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And finally, using this fund to help Ukraine purchase military equipment from other

countries, not just the United States, for Ukraine’s use.33

More generally, the executive branch has reported an uptick in FMS since 2022, and some DOD

officials have attributed much of this increase to European reactions to the war in Ukraine.34

Depending on the particular systems and components involved in these sales, they could have an

impact on the production of Ukraine-related defense equipment. For example, increased demand

for systems relevant to the war in Ukraine (e.g., HIMARS or PATRIOT) could lead to production

or sustainment delays for Ukraine or other FMS customers (or both).

Investing in the U.S. Industrial Base

The U.S. government has also made a number of Ukraine-related investments in the DIB. Since

February 2022, Congress has appropriated at least $600 million for Ukraine-related uses of Title

III of the DPA, which allows the President to provide loan guarantees, loans, purchases and

purchase commitments, grants, and other financial assistance directly to suppliers for the purpose

of expanding production.35 According to DOD, these appropriations—along with other DPA Title

III funds—have been used to bolster and expand the production of numerous systems and

components relevant to Ukraine assistance, including missiles, other munitions, and strategic and

critical materials.36 As an example, Aerojet Rocketdyne (a subsidiary of L3 Harris Technologies

Inc.) is using Ukraine-related DPA Title III funds in Camden, AR, and Orange, VA to expand and

modernize production facilities for solid rocket motors.37

Beyond DPA appropriations, DOD has also reported using nearly $5.6 billion for other industrial

base expansion efforts related to Ukraine, including $4.9 billion associated with the production of

155 mm artillery shells, Guided Multiple Launch Rocket System (GMLRS) munitions, Javelin

anti-tank systems/munitions, Stinger anti-air systems/munitions, and other related equipment.38

Ukraine-related industrial base investments may utilize funds from a number of different

appropriations accounts. These may include the Industrial Facilities line item within the

Procurement of Ammunition, Army (PAA) appropriation, which funds “modernization,

construction and rehabilitation efforts at [government-owned] plants and commercial facilities as

well as preservation of inactive production lines”);39 as well as the Operational Systems

Development budget activity of the Research, Development, Test, and Evaluation (RDT&E),

33 DOS, “Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba at a Joint Press Availability,”

May 15, 2024, https://www.state.gov/secretary-antony-j-blinken-and-ukrainian-foreign-minister-dmytro-kuleba-at-ajoint-press-availability-5/.

34 C. Todd Lopez, “DOD Has Seen 'Huge' Increase in Military Sales Since Ukraine Invasion,” DOD press release,

April 9, 2024, https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3736017/dod-has-seen-huge-increase-inmilitary-sales-since-ukraine-invasion/.

35 Congress appropriated $600 million for this purpose through the Additional Ukraine Supplemental Appropriations

Act of 2022 (P.L. 117-128). For more information on the DPA, see CRS Testimony TE10092, Mission Critical:

Restoring National Security as the Focus of Defense Production Act Reauthorization, by Luke A. Nicastro. Note that

DOD reports a total of $746 million in Ukraine-related DPA Title III funding (see DOD, “Ukraine Security

Assistance,” infographic, August 8, 2024).

36 DOD, “Ukraine Security Assistance,” August 8, 2024.

37 Investments in Aerojet Rocketdyne facilities were funded by appropriations made via the Additional Ukraine

Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2022 (P.L. 117-128). For more information on this project, see Aerojet Rocketdyne,

“Factories of the Future,” press release, May 9, 2024, https://www.l3harris.com/newsroom/editorial/2024/05.

38 DOD, “Ukraine Security Assistance,” August 8, 2024.

39 A recent project funded by this line item that may be relevant to Ukraine may be the construction of a “future

artillery complex” at Iowa Army Ammunition Plant ($280.65 million total cost). See Department of the Army,

Department of Defense FY2025 Budget Estimates: Procurement of Ammunition, Army, March 2024, pp. 782-830.

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Defense-wide appropriation, which funds “investment in prime and sub-tier suppliers to mitigate

supply chain risks and eliminate production capacity bottlenecks” under the aegis of the Industrial

Base Analysis and Sustainment (IBAS) program.40 As an example of broader industrial base

expansion efforts that may have relevance for Ukraine-related production, in May 2024 the Army

opened a new Universal Artillery Projectile Lines facility to produce metal parts for large caliber

ammunition in Mesquite, TX (see “155 mm Artillery Round” section of this report for more

information).41

Producing Key Weapon Systems and Munitions

Through the authorities, funding, and other activities described above, the United States has

provided and produced a wide array of defense equipment for purposes related to Ukraine. The

ability of U.S. suppliers to make this hardware can be understood as a function of the DIB’s

industrial capacity—that is, the total amount of resources available for the manufacture of

defense-related goods. Such resources may include facilities and equipment, labor, and raw

materials, as well as less tangible assets such as intellectual property.42

According to DOD, contract awards and grants related to defense production for Ukraine have

been made to suppliers in at least 38 U.S. states since February 2022.43 Some media reports and

company statements suggest these awards constitute a significant and growing source of revenue

for some defense contractors, particularly manufacturers of ammunition, precision-guided

munitions, and air/missile defense systems.44 Some suppliers have reported increases in

production output for certain Ukraine-related defense items, including 155 mm artillery shells,

precision-guided munitions, and related systems and components (see Table 1). DOD and some

defense suppliers have also sought to increase relevant industrial capacity both by making

investments in existing sites and by establishing new sites.

Table 1. Production Output for Selected Weapons and Munitions, 2022-2024

Total output figures for producers of selected U.S.-origin defense articles

Monthly output,

2022

Monthly output,

2024

155 mm projectile

14,400

40,000

+178%

155 mm propelling charge

14,494

18,000

+24%

GMLRS

833

1,167

+40%

Javelin

175

200

+14%

PAC-3 MSE (PATRIOT Interceptor)

21

42

+100%

HIMARS

5

8

+60%

Item

Percentage change

40 The IBAS program is authorized by 10 U.S.C. §4817 as the Industrial Base Fund. See Office of the Secretary of

Defense, Department of Defense FY2025 Budget Estimates: Research, Development, Test, & Evaluation, DefenseWide, March 2024, pp. 1179-1201.

41 U.S. Army Public Affairs, “Army Inaugurates Universal Artillery Projectile Lines Facility,” May 29, 2024,

https://www.army.mil/article/276727/army_inaugurates_universal_artillery_projectile_lines_facility.

42 For more information, see discussion in CRS Report R47751, The U.S. Defense Industrial Base: Background and

Issues for Congress, by Luke A. Nicastro, pp. 24-25.

43 DOD, “Ukraine Security Assistance,” infographic, August 8, 2024.

44 See, for example, Doug Cameron, “Ukraine Aid Lifts Defense Industry as Debate Over Profits Reignites,” The Wall

Street Journal, April 28, 2024.

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Item

M777 Tubes

Monthly output,

2022

Monthly output,

2024

11

18

Percentage change

+64%

Source: DOD, “Fact Sheet on Efforts of Ukraine Defense Contact Group – National Armaments Directors,”

September 6, 2024, https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-efforts-ofukraine-defense-contact-group-national-armaments-direc/.

Notes: For more information on individual items, refer to relevant subsections below. Not all of the output

documented above may be intended for direct provision to Ukraine.

The production process varies considerably across different categories of defense equipment. The

subsections below describe the manufacture and transfer of seven key U.S.-made weapons or

munitions (155 mm artillery rounds, the Javelin anti-tank weapon, the Stinger anti-air weapon,

the HIMARS rocket artillery system, the PATRIOT air defense system, select unmanned aerial

systems, and the F-16 fighter aircraft).

155 mm Artillery Round

The 155 mm munition is a large caliber field artillery round. The United States produces several

varieties of 155 mm ammunition with different warheads and functions, including some with

precision guidance (e.g., the Excalibur munition).45 The U.S. Army’s general purpose 155 mm

round is the M795 High Explosive (HE), first introduced in 1999.46

The United States has provided 155 mm ammunition to Ukraine since 2022. In July 2023, the

Biden Administration announced that it would transfer 155 mm Dual Purpose Improved

Conventional Munitions, a type of cluster munition, to Ukraine.47 As of early September 2024,

the United States had provided Ukraine more than 3,000,000 155 mm artillery rounds.48

Media reporting suggests that Ukraine’s expenditure of artillery ammunition has exceeded the

ability of its partners, including the United States, to supply it in quantities sufficient to meet its

stated goals.49 The UAF relies on artillery to compensate for Russia’s quantitative advantage in

personnel and its strategy of massed infantry assaults.50 Ukrainian officials have called for as

many as 594,000 artillery rounds a month to sustain combat operations.51 According to one study,

“Ukraine will need around 75,000–90,000 artillery shells per month to sustain the war

defensively, and more than double that — 200,000–250,000 — for a major offensive.”52

Shortages of artillery ammunition have reportedly caused the UAF to ration fire during Russian

45

According to DOD, the M982 Excalibur is a precision-guided, extended-range 155-millimeter munition that uses a

guidance system comprised of both GPS and an inertial navigation system (INS).

46 United States Army, PEO Ammunition Systems Portfolio Book 2017, Washington, DC, p. 40,

https://www.dau.edu/sites/default/files/Migrated/CopDocuments/PEO%20Ammo%20Portfolio%20Book%202017.pdf.

47 See CRS Report RS22907, Cluster Munitions: Background and Issues for Congress, by Paul K. Kerr and Andrew

Feickert.

48 DOD, “Fact Sheet on U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine,” September 6, 2024. See also Appendix A to this report.

49 Andrew E. Kramer, “Dwindling Ammunition Stocks Pose Grave Threat to Ukraine,” The New York Times, April 5,

2024; Antti Ruokonen, “Ukraine’s Artillery Shell Shortfall,” Lawfare, April 3, 2024,

https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/ukraine-s-artillery-shell-shortfall; Isobel Koshiw, “We’re Almost Out of

Ammunition and Relying on Western Arms, says Ukraine,” The Guardian, June 10, 2024.

50 Jack Detsch, “Ukraine Is Still Outgunned by Russia,” Foreign Policy, April 23, 2024; Gordon Corera, “Ukraine Calls

Them Meat Assaults: Russia’s Brutal Plan to Take Ground,” BBC, July 3, 2024.

51 Andy Bounds, “Ukraine Asks EU for 250,000 Artillery Shells a Month,” Financial Times, March 3, 2023.

52 Franz-Stefan Gady and Michael Kofman, “Making Attrition Work: A Viable Theory of Victory for Ukraine,”

Survival 66, no. 1 (February-March 2024), p. 19.

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offensives and were described by Ukrainian officials as a key factor in the UAF’s retreat from the

strategically-located town of Avdiivka in February 2024.53

At the outbreak of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the United States

produced an estimated 14,400 155 mm rounds per month.54 Since then, the U.S. Army has made

efforts to produce greater quantities of 155 mm ammunition than it has in recent years. Colonel

Leon L. Rogers II, the project manager for Combat Ammunition Systems, the Army office

responsible for managing mortars and artillery ammunition, described these efforts as the “most

significant U.S. ramp-up of 155 mm artillery ammunition production since the Korean War.”55 In

September 2023, Assistant Secretary of the Army for Acquisition, Logistics, and Technology

Doug Bush said that the Army had set a target of producing 100,000 155 mm rounds per month

by the end of 2025.56 In September 2024, DOD reported producing 40,000 rounds per month.57

Army initiatives to expand production capacity have included scaling production of the steel alloy

casing for the 155 mm artillery round. The 78-pound metal body of an M795 155-millimeter

round is made of high fragmentation steel, or HF-1. Production of the metal casing has in recent

years occurred largely at the Scranton Army Ammunition Plant (SCAAP) in Scranton,

Pennsylvania, after which the munition is assembled at other facilities.58 As part of the 15-year

Army Organic Industrial Base Modernization Plan, the Army committed to investing $243

million in updating the Scranton facility.59 In November 2023, Assistant Secretary of the Army

Doug Bush said upgrades to the facilities that produce 155 mm ammunition had “helped double

the Army’s artillery production rate.”60 In addition to increasing capacity at its pre-existing

facility, in May 2024 the Army opened a new site known as the Universal Artillery Project Lines

(UAPL) facility (located in Mesquite, Texas), to produce metal parts for 155 mm ammunition.61

Henry Foy, Felicia Schwartz, and Christopher Miller, “Ukraine Faces ‘Gap in the Hose’ as Western Ammunition

Dries Up,” Financial Times, February 9, 2024; Mike Eckel, “Ukraine's New War Strategy: Dig In, Hold On, Find More

Soldiers, Hope For U.S. Weaponry,” RFE/RL, March 13, 2024; Special Inspector General Report to the United States

Congress, Operation Atlantic Resolve: Including U.S. Government Activities Related to Ukraine, April 1, 2024-June

30, 2024, p. 26.

54 Abraam Dawoud, “US Army and Industry Partners Mobilize to Boost US Artillery Production,” U.S. Army press

release, February 8, 2024, https://www.army.mil/article/273152/us_army_and_industry_partners. DOD, “Fact Sheet on

Efforts of Ukraine Defense Contact Group – National Armaments Directors,” September 6, 2024,

https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-efforts-of-ukraine-defense-contactgroup-national-armaments-direc/.

55 Defence iQ, “Mobilizing Artillery Interview with Colonel Leon L. Rogers II,” March 2024,

https://www.defenceiq.com/events-futureartillery/downloads/mobilizing-artillery-interview-with-colonel-leon-l-rogers.

56 Audrey Decker, “Pentagon set to make 100K artillery shells a month in 2025 ,” Defense One, September 15, 2023,

https://www.defenseone.com/threats/2023/09/pentagon-set-make-100k-artillery-shells-year-2025/390338/.

57 DOD, “Fact Sheet on Efforts of Ukraine Defense Contact Group – National Armaments Directors,” September 6,

2024, https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-efforts-of-ukraine-defensecontact-group-national-armaments-direc/.

58 Richard P. Hanson, “Scranton Army Ammunition Plant Manufactures and Ships Large-Caliber Ammunition Metal

Parts,” U.S. Army, August 19, 2020,

https://www.army.mil/article/238269/scranton_army_ammunition_plant_manufactures_and_ships_large_caliber_amm

unition_metal_parts.

59 Matthew Wheaton, “Secretary of the Army discusses modernization efforts during SCAAP visit,” U.S. Army,

February 7, 2023,

https://www.army.mil/article/263789/secretary_of_the_army_discusses_modernization_efforts_during_scaap_visit.

60 Christopher Hurd, “Strengthened Army industrial base doubles artillery production,” U.S. Army, November 14,

2023, https://www.army.mil/article/271572/strengthened_army_industrial_base_doubles_artillery_production.

61 Matthew Olay, “Army Opens New Munitions Factory,” U.S. Department of Defense, May 30, 2024,

https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3791962/army-opens-new-munitions-facility/.

53

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Like the SCAAP, the UAPL is a government-owned facility operated by General Dynamics

Ordnance and Tactical Systems.62

Additional projects to accelerate production of artillery ammunition include work at other GOCO

facilities involved in the production of 155 mm ammunition such as Holston Army Ammunition

Plant and Radford Army Ammunition Plant, where the Army produces explosives and propellant

charges, respectively, for the 155 mm munition, as well as at the Iowa Army Ammunition Plant,

where the Army assembles 155 mm munitions.63 In September 2024, DOD reported having

increased production of propellant charges for the 155 mm from 14,494 per month in 2022 to

18,000 per month.64 In all, according to one estimate by the Project Director Joint Services, the

DOD office in the Joint Program Executive Office Armaments & Ammunition that is responsible

for production base activities, the Army has invested $2.7 billion into the production of 155 mm

ammunition as of March 2024.65

Javelin

The Javelin is a shoulder-mounted, fire-and-forget anti-tank guided missile system.66 The 48pound Javelin system consists of the FGM-148 Javelin missile, a disposable launch tube

assembly, and the command launch unit, a reusable system used to acquire, identify, and track

targets. The U.S. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) and the U.S. Army

began developing the Javelin in the early 1980s; low-rate initial production of the system began

in 1994.67 The primary contractor for the Javelin is the Javelin Joint Venture, a collaboration

between Raytheon, an RTX company, and Lockheed Martin.

Some observers have credited the Javelin system with helping Ukraine repel Russia’s full-scale

invasion in February 2022. For example, NATO Secretary Jens Stoltenberg has stated that the

Ukrainians “were able to push back the Russian invaders, not least because they had the Javelins

and they played a critical role in those opening weeks of the war.”68 As of September 2024, the

United States had provided Ukraine with more than 10,000 Javelin missiles.69

62 Steff Chávez, “US defence industry faces uncertainty despite production ‘boomlet’,” Financial Times, June 25, 2024,

https://www.ft.com/content/dc127392-2d98-4571-8ec9-2ed82b510b46.

63 Roxana Tiron and Tony Capaccio, “US Puts $2 Billion Into Plants Making Ammo Vital to Ukraine (1),” Bloomberg

Government, January 25, 2023.

64 DOD, “ Fact Sheet on Efforts of Ukraine Defense Contact Group – National Armaments Directors ,” press release,

September 6, 2024, https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-efforts-of-ukrainedefense-contact-group-national-armaments-direc/.

65 Joshua Headley and Melissa Markos, “Project Director Joint Services,” presentation at NDIA's 2024 Munitions

Executive Summit, Parsippany, NJ, March 20, 2024, https://ndia.dtic.mil/wp-content/uploads/2024/mes/Headley.pdf.

66 “Fire-and-forget” munitions are a type of guided munition that, once launched, do not require additional inputs from

the operator to guide the munition to its target. After an operator of the Javelin system designates a target and launches

the missile, the missile’s onboard infrared seeker, autopilot, and tracking system are designed to maintain the missile’s

course towards the target even if the target moves to avoid the missile.

67 Amael Kotlarski and Thomas Ford, Janes Infantry Weapons 2021-2022, (Coulsdon: Jane's Group UK, 2021), pp.

998.

68 Jens Stoltenberg, “Remarks by NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg at the Lockheed Martin Facility in Troy,

Alabama,” North Atlantic Treaty Organization, January 31, 2024,

https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/opinions_222260.htm.

69 DOD, “Fact Sheet on U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine,” September 6, 2024. See also Appendix A to this report.

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The length of time required to manufacture Javelin missiles is among the highest of the U.S.

military’s portfolio of precision munitions, some analysts have found.70 The Army and the Javelin

Joint Venture are seeking to reduce manufacturing lead-times by growing the production capacity

of the Javelin to 3,960 missiles per year by the end of 2026.71 As of February 2024, Lockheed

Martin reported that production of the Javelin had risen to 2,400 missiles per year from 2,100

missiles annually in 2022 (a 14% increase).72

Stinger

The Stinger is a fire-and-forget man-portable air defense (MANPAD) surface-to-air missile

system. Produced by RTX’s Raytheon, the 34.5-pound Stinger system consists of a reusable

launch tube assembly and an FIM-92 Stinger missile round. The U.S. Army began developing the

Stinger in the late 1960s, before fielding the weapon in 1981.73 Originally designed to defend

against fixed- and rotary-wing aircraft, the Army has adapted the Stinger for use against other

low-altitude aerial threats such as cruise missiles and uncrewed aircraft.74 In addition to the manportable version, vehicle-mounted short-range air defense systems like the U.S. Army’s Avenger

and Maneuver Short-Range Air Defense systems are also equipped with the Stinger.

The Stinger was among the first weapons provided by the United States to Ukraine following

Russia’s full-scale invasion of the country in February 2022.75 “With Russia's unrelenting and

brutal air attacks on Ukrainian civilian and critical infrastructure, additional air defense

capabilities are critical,” said DOD Deputy Pentagon Press Secretary Sabrina Singh in

announcing a November 2022 aid package that included additional Avenger and Stinger

systems.76 As of September 2024, the United States had provided more than 2,000 Stinger

missiles to Ukraine.77

In May 2022, the U.S. Army announced that it had awarded Raytheon a $625-million contract for

an estimated 1,300 missiles to replenish its inventory of Stinger missiles.78 The contract

represented the first such award by the Army for new Stinger missiles in approximately two

70 Seth G. Jones, Empty Bins in a Wartime Environment, Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington,

D.C., January 23, 2023, p. 14, https://www.csis.org/analysis/empty-bins-wartime-environment-challenge-us-defenseindustrial-base.

71 Lockhed Martin, “Ramping Up: Lockheed Martin Steadily Increasing Production of High-Demand Systems,” press

release, February 15, 2024, https://www.lockheedmartin.com/en-us/news/features/2024/ramping-up--lockheed-martinsteadily-increasing-production-o.html.

72 Lockhed Martin, “Ramping Up: Lockheed Martin Steadily Increasing Production of High-Demand Systems,” press

release, February 15, 2024, https://www.lockheedmartin.com/en-us/news/features/2024/ramping-up--lockheed-martinsteadily-increasing-production-o.html.

73 Karl E. Cocke, Detmar H. Finke, and James E. Hewes, Jr., et al., Department of the Army Historical Summary Fiscal

Year 1981, ed. Christine O. Hardyman (Washington, D.C.: Center for Military History, 1988), p. 30.

74 Gary Sheftick, “Army prioritizes mobile system to counter drones,” United States Army, March 5, 2018,

https://www.army.mil/article/201365/army_prioritizes_mobile_system_to_counter_drones; Kevin Jackson, “Stinger

maintenance work to increase service life, reliability,” United States Army, May 25, 2017,

https://www.army.mil/article/188420/stinger_maintenance_work_to_increase_service_life_reliability.

75 Joe Gould and Howard Altman, “Amid fears of Russian air dominance, US to send anti-aircraft Stingers to Ukraine,”

Defense News, February 28, 2022.

76 Sabrina Singh, “Sabrina Singh, Deputy Pentagon Press Secretary, Holds a Press Briefing,” U.S. Department of

Defense, November 10, 2022, https://www.defense.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/3216785/sabrina-singhdeputy-pentagon-press-secretary-holds-a-press-briefing/.

77 DOD, “Fact Sheet on U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine,” September 6, 2024. See also Appendix A to this report.

78 U.S. Department of Defense, “Contracts For May 27, 2022,” press release, May 27, 2022,

https://www.defense.gov/News/Contracts/Contract/Article/3046664/.

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decades; the Army last accepted new Stingers in 2005.79 The Stinger missiles ordered by the

Army in 2022 are expected to be delivered in 2026, according to the Army’s award notice.80

Raytheon officials have cited obsolete parts and the lack of trained personnel as among the

challenges to re-starting production of the Cold War-era missile.81

M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS)

A self-propelled, wheeled weapon system, the M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System

(HIMARS) comprises a multiple rocket launcher mounted on an M1140 truck chassis. The U.S.

Army introduced the HIMARS in the late 1990s as an alternative to the tracked M270 Multiple

Launch Rocket System (MLRS).82 The HIMARS is compatible with several families of

munitions, including the Guided Multiple Launch Rocket System (GMLRS), Army Tactical

Missile System (ATACMS), and the Precision Strike Missile (PrSM). Both the GMLRS and

ATACMS families of munitions encompass multiple types of warheads and capabilities, with

maximum ranges of up to 150 kilometers and 300 kilometers, respectively.83

The U.S. Department of Defense announced in June 2022 that it would provide the HIMARS and

GMLRS ammunition to Ukraine.84 President Biden pledged in September 2023 to provide

ATACMS ammunition to Ukraine.85 As of September 2024, the United States has provided at

least 40 HIMARS systems and an unspecified amount of HIMARS ammunition to Ukraine.86

Ukrainian officials have credited the HIMARS and, in particular, the long-range capabilities of

the ATACMS munitions, for allowing Ukrainian forces to strike targets within Russian-held

territory.87

DOD and Lockheed Martin, the primary contractor for HIMARS and GMLRS, has sought to

accelerate its production of both systems. In September 2024, DOD reported having achieved a

production rate of eight HIMARS per month, or 96 per year, a 60% increase over production rates

in 2022.88 Production of GMLRS munitions, according to DOD, had reached 1,167 per month —

the equivalent of 14,000 annually — a 40% increase over 2022.89 Production may also be

79 Darrell Ames, “PEO Missiles and Space teams up with McAlester Army Depot to revive Stinger inventory,” Defense

Visual Information Distribution Service, January 23, 2024, https://www.dvidshub.net/news/462282/peo-missiles-andspace-teams-up-with-mcalester-army-depot-revive-stinger-inventory.

80 U.S. Department of Defense, “Contracts For May 27, 2022,” press release, May 27, 2022,

https://www.defense.gov/News/Contracts/Contract/Article/3046664/.

81 Marcus Weisgerber, “Raytheon Calls in Retirees to Help Restart Stinger Missile Production,” Defense One, June 28,

2023.

82

Kinsey Lindstrom, “Army celebrates production of 500th HIMARS,” Defense Visual Information Distribution

Service, November 6, 2020, https://www.dvidshub.net/news/382526/army-celebrates-production-500th-himars.

83 Mary Kate Aylward, “Then & Now: Long-range for the modern age,” U.S. Army, April 16, 2018,

https://www.army.mil/article/203705/then_now_long_range_for_the_modern_age.

84 C. Todd Lopez, “Advanced Rocket Launcher System Heads to Ukraine,” DOD press release, June 1, 2022,

https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3050010/advanced-rocket-launcher-system-heads-toukraine/.

85 Michael R. Gordon, Nancy A. Youssef, and Gordon Lubold, “Biden Told Zelensky U.S. Is Willing to Provide LongRange ATACMS Missiles,” The Wall Street Journal, September 22, 2023.

86 DOD, “Fact Sheet on U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine,” September 6, 2024. See also Appendix A to this report.

87 Isabelle Khurshudyan, Siobhán O'Grady, and Dan Lamothe, “Ukraine fires long-range ATACMS to strike Russian

depot and aircraft,” The Washington Post, October 17, 2023.

88 DOD, “ Fact Sheet on Efforts of Ukraine Defense Contact Group – National Armaments Directors ,” press release,

September 6, 2024, https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-efforts-of-ukrainedefense-contact-group-national-armaments-direc/.

89 Ibid.

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influenced by Section 8010 of P.L. 118-47, the Further Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2024,

which provided the Army with the authority to award multi-year procurement contracts for

critical munitions, including GMLRS. According to the accompanying explanatory statement, this

authority is intended to help “stabilize the defense supply base with predictable production

opportunities.”90

Phased Array Tracking Radar to Intercept of Target (PATRIOT)

The Phased Array Tracking Radar to Intercept of Target (PATRIOT) is a long-range air and

missile defense (AMD) system. The system consists of a radar set, engagement control station,

one or more launcher stations, an antenna mast group, and interceptor missiles.91 The most recent

version of the interceptor missile is the PATRIOT Advanced Capability 3 Missile Segment

Enhancement, or PAC-3 MSE, although earlier versions of the PAC-3 and its predecessor, the

PAC-2, are still in production and use. The U.S. Army, the primary U.S. military operator of the

system, introduced the PATRIOT in the early 1980s and the PAC-3 MSE in 2015. The militaries

of at least 19 other countries reportedly operate the PATRIOT system.92

Ukrainian officials have described the PATRIOT as essential to Ukraine’s ability to defend itself

from Russia’s aerial attacks, particularly those that involve ballistic missiles.93 DOD first

announced in December 2022 that the United States would provide Ukraine with a PATRIOT

battery.94 The United States has provided a total of two PATRIOT batteries and associated

munitions to Ukraine, according to the U.S. Department of State. In June 2024, Ukrainian

President Volodymyr Zelensky said that Ukraine urgently needed another seven PATRIOT

systems to defend Ukrainian cities from attacks.95 On July 10, 2024, the United States, Germany,

and Romania pledged to send additional PATRIOT systems to Ukraine.96

In response to growing demand for PATRIOT interceptors, Lockheed Martin, the primary

contractor for PAC-3 MSE, and RTX’s Raytheon, the primary contractor for the PAC-2 GEM-T,

have each taken steps to expand production of the missiles. In October 2022, Lockheed opened a

new facility, All-Up Round III, in Camden, Arkansas, to support the production of the PAC-3

MSE.97 As of early 2024, Lockheed Martin had increased its output of PAC-3 MSE missiles from

a pre-2022 level of 300 per year to 500 per year, and had set a target of 650 PAC-3 MSE missiles

90 Rep. Kay Granger, “Explanatory Statement Submitted by Ms. Granger, Chair of The House Committee on

Appropriations, Regarding H.R. 2882, Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2024,” Congressional Record, daily

edition, vol. 170 (March 22, 2024), p. 2.

91 See CRS In Focus IF12297, PATRIOT Air and Missile Defense System for Ukraine, by Andrew Feickert

92 RTX, “RTX's Raytheon awarded $1.2 billion contract to provide Patriot air and missile defense systems to

Germany,” press release, March 21, 2024, https://www.rtx.com/news/news-center/2024/03/21/rtxs-raytheon-awarded1-2-billion-contract-to-provide-patriot-air-and-missile-d.

93 James Marson, Doug Cameron, and Ievgeniia Sivorka, “How the U.S. Patriot Missile Became a Hero of Ukraine

War,” Wall Street Journal, June 11, 2023.

94 David Vergun, “Ukraine Getting Patriot Battery, Other Defense Weapons,” DOD press release, December 21, 2022,

https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3253206/ukraine-getting-patriot-battery-other-defenseweapons/.

95 The White House, “ Remarks by President Biden and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine in Joint Press

Conference | Fasano, Italy,” press release, June 13, 2024, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speechesremarks/2024/06/13/remarks-by-president-biden-and-president-volodymyr-zelenskyy-of-ukraine-in-joint-pressconference-fasano-italy/.

96 France 24, “NATO members pledge dozens of air defense systems to Ukraine,” France 24, July 10, 2024.

97 Lockheed Martin, “New Lockheed Martin Facility to Support Increased PAC-3 Production,” press release, October

4, 2022, https://news.lockheedmartin.com/2022-10-04-new-lockheed-martin-facility-to-support-increased-pac-3production

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annually by 2027.98 As of April 2024, Raytheon produced 20 PAC-2 GEM-T missiles each

month—the equivalent of 240 per year—and planned on expanding production to 35 missiles per

month by the end of 2027.99

In addition to meeting the current demand from Ukraine and other U.S. allies and partners, U.S.

Army officials have cited a need to raise the production of PATRIOT missiles to prepare for

future conflicts.100 In Section 8010 of P.L. 118-47 the Further Consolidated Appropriations Act of

2024, Congress authorized the Army to award multi-year procurement contracts for PAC-3 MSE

interceptors and other critical munitions.101 On June 28, 2024, the Army awarded Lockheed

Martin a $4.5 billion multiyear contract for 870 PAC-3 MSE missiles.102

Uncrewed Aircraft Systems (Drones)

Ukrainian officials have described uncrewed aircraft systems (UAS), or drones, as playing a

critical role in the UAF’s efforts to resist Russia’s full-scale invasion of the country.103 Ukraine

has acquired drones from several of its international partners, including the United States. As of

July 2024, the United States had provided nine different UAS models to Ukraine.104 The list of

U.S.-provided UAS includes some systems, like the Boeing Insitu ScanEagle, that the U.S.

military has used over the past two decades, as well as more recently-developed drones like the

CyberLux K8 that are not typically used by the U.S. military. The United States has provided

unarmed drones that are used primarily for gathering intelligence, such as the AeroVironment

Jump-20, and one-way attack drones—expendable armed drones that are designed to explode

upon impact with a target—like the Aevex Aerospace Phoenix Ghost family of systems and the

AeroVironment Switchblade 300 and 600.

Aevex Aerospace and AeroVironment appear to be the foremost recipients of DOD contracts for

Ukrainian security assistance, according to figures published in August 2024 by Office of the

Undersecretary for Acquisition and Sustainment.105 As of August 2024, DOD had awarded Aevex

98 Lockheed Martin, “New Lockheed Martin Facility to Support Increased PAC-3 Production,” press release, October

4, 2022, https://news.lockheedmartin.com/2022-10-04-new-lockheed-martin-facility-to-support-increased-pac-3production; Elisabeth Gosselin-Malo, “Lockheed Martin eyes Patriot interceptor parts production in Spain,” Defense

News, April 22, 2024; Lockheed Martin, “Ramping Up: Lockheed Martin Steadily Increasing Production of HighDemand Systems,” press release, February 15, 2024, https://www.lockheedmartin.com/enus/news/features/2024/ramping-up--lockheed-martin-steadily-increasing-production-o.html.

99 Jen Judson, “How companies plan to ramp up production of Patriot missiles,” Defense News, April 9, 2024,

https://www.defensenews.com/land/2024/04/09/how-companies-plan-to-ramp-up-production-of-patriot-missiles/.

100 Jen Judson, “How companies plan to ramp up production of Patriot missiles,” Defense News, April 9, 2024.

101 Rep. Kay Granger, “Explanatory Statement Submitted by Ms. Granger, Chair of The House Committee on

Appropriations, Regarding H.R. 2882, Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2024,” Congressional Record, daily

edition, vol. 170 (March 22, 2024), p. 2.

102 U.S. Army Public Affairs, “Army awards $4.5 billion Patriot Advanced Capability-3 Missile Segment Enhancement

missile multiyear contract,” press release, June 28, 2024,

https://www.army.mil/article/277680/army_awards_4_5_billion_patriot_advanced_capability_3_missile_segment_enh

ancement_missile_multiyear_contract.

103 In February 2024, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said that drones had “proven their effectiveness in

battles on land, in the sky and at sea.” In an interview in July 2024, Colonel General Oleksandr Syrskyi, the UAF’s

commander-in-chief, said that drones played “as big a role as artillery” in the UAF’s combat operations. See: David

Ingram, “Ukraine creates a branch of its armed forces specific to drone warfare,” NBC News, February 6, 2024; and

Luke Harding, “‘I know we will win – and how’: Ukraine’s top general on turning the tables against Russia,” The

Guardian, July 24, 2024.

104 DOD, “Fact Sheet on U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine,” July 29, 2024. See also Appendix A to this report.

105 DOD, “Ukrainian Security Assistance.”

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Aerospace and AeroVironment $576 million and $90 million, respectively, in USAI contracts.106

Aevex Aerospace has supplied approximately 5,000 one-way attack drones to Ukraine since

Russia’s renewed invasion of the country.107 Both companies have said that they are working to

increase production of one-way attack drones. In March 2024, AeroVironment CEO said that the

company had “significantly increased our Switchblade production capacity.”108 Aevex Aerospace

said in July 2024 that its expanded production facility in Tampa, Florida, could produce up to

1,000 Phoenix Ghost aircraft per month when operating at maximum capacity.109

F-16 Fighting Falcon

The F-16 is a fourth-generation, multi-role fighter aircraft capable of conducting air-to-air and

air-to-ground operations.110 The first F-16s were delivered to the U.S. Air Force in 1979;

approximately 3,100 are in operation today across 25 countries, according to manufacturer

Lockheed Martin.111 F-16s are used for a variety of missions, including suppression of enemy air

defenses, offensive counter-air, defensive counter-air, close-air support, and forward air control.112

Prior to Russia’s February 2022 full-scale invasion, Ukraine operated mostly Soviet-era, Russianbuilt planes, although the government had plans to modernize its fighter fleet by acquiring

Western jets.113 Following that invasion, Ukrainian officials began lobbying Western governments

to transfer F-16s, arguing that the aircraft could boost air defenses and help intercept Russian

combat aircraft using glide bombs in Ukraine.114 Although the U.S. government—citing concerns

about the risk of escalation, high costs, and Ukraine’s ability to effectively employ F-16s—

initially declined these requests, in May 2023 President Biden announced that “the United States,

together with our allies and partners, is going to begin training Ukrainian pilots in fourthgeneration fighter aircraft, including F-16s.”115 Later that summer, 11 NATO governments agreed

to provide training for Ukrainian pilots, and the Department of State announced U.S. support for

the planned transfer of F-16s to Ukraine by the governments of Denmark and the Netherlands.116

106 DOD, “Ukrainian Security Assistance,” infographic, August 8, 2024.

107 E-mail from Aevex Aerospace to CRS, July 30, 2024.

108 AeroVironment Inc, “AVAV.OQ - Q3 2024 AeroVironment Inc Earnings Call,” press release, March 4, 2024,

https://investor.avinc.com/static-files/27fa3b4e-8968-4ec0-b1b3-85a2d75b68ef.

109 Aevex Aerospace, “Aevex Aerospace Ramps Up Production at Unmanned Systems Tampa Facility,” press release,

July 10, 2024, https://aevex.com/aevex-aerospace-ramps-up-production-at-unmanned-systems-tampa-facility/; Brad

Graves, “AEVEX Delivers Phoenix Ghosts, Grows Revenue to $500M,” San Diego Business Journal, June 19, 2024,

https://www.sdbj.com/defense/aevex-delivers-phoenix-ghosts-grows-revenue-to-500m/; E-mail from Aevex Aerospace

to CRS, July 30, 2024.

110 Air Combat Command Public Affairs Office, “F-16 Fighting Falcon,” U.S. Air Force, September 2021,

https://www.af.mil/About-Us/Fact-Sheets/Display/Article/104505/f-16-fighting-falcon.

111 Lockheed Martin, “F-16 Fighting Falcon Fast Facts,” July 2024,

https://www.lockheedmartin.com/content/dam/lockheed-martin/aero/documents/F-16/24-19622.

112 Air Combat Command Public Affairs Office, “F-16 Fighting Falcon.”

113 Steve Trimble, “How Ukraine’s Two-Year Campaign for Fighters Finally Succeeded,” Aviation Week Intelligence

Network, June 15, 2023.

114 Tony Osborne, “European Coalition Forming Around Supply of F-16s to Ukraine,” Aviation Week Intelligence

Network, May 18, 2023.

115 Remarks by President Biden in a Press Conference, May 21, 2023, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefingroom/speeches-remarks/2023/05/21/remarks-by-president-biden-in-a-press-conference/. For information on the

Administration’s previous stance, see Dan DeLuce and Mosheh Gains, “Biden admin rules out transfer of Polish fighter

jets to Ukraine,” NBC News, March 9, 2022.

116 Government of the Netherlands, “Statement on F-16 Training of the Ukrainian Air Force,”, July 11, 2023,

https://www.government.nl/documents/diplomatic-statements/2023/07/12/statement-joint-coalition; and Joseph Clark,

(continued...)

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Since then, Belgium and Norway have also pledged to provide additional aircraft.117 On July 10,

2024, President Biden, Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof, and Danish Prime Minister Mette

Frederiksen said in a joint statement that “the transfer process for these [Dutch and Danish] F-16s

is now underway, and Ukraine will be flying operational F-16s this summer.”118 Media reports

suggest that Ukraine will eventually receive about 80 F-16s, although the majority may not be

provided until 2025.119 On July 31, a U.S. official confirmed to the Associated Press that Ukraine

had received the first of these aircraft.120 By late August, Ukraine was reportedly using transferred

F-16s to shoot down Russian missile strikes (one such jet was lost in a crash that killed its

Ukrainian Air Force pilot).121

Although the United States has not announced plans to provide F-16s directly, it is committing

related security assistance with implications for U.S. defense production. According to press

reports, the United States has agreed to provide Ukraine with several air-to-ground and air-to-air

munitions that can be employed by F-16 aircraft. Air-to-ground munitions will reportedly include

the AGM-88 High-speed Anti-Radiation Missile (which targets enemy radar emissions), Joint

Direct Attack Munition kits (which guide bombs to targets), and small diameter bombs (used to

strike stationary targets).122 Air-to-air munitions will reportedly include AIM-120 Advanced

Medium-range Air-to-Air Missiles and AIM-9X short-range air-to-air missiles.123 A U.S.

electronic warfare squadron is also collaborating with Denmark and the Netherlands to help

Ukrainian F-16s withstand Russian jamming attacks.124 DOD officials have also stated that U.S.

suppliers will need to provide spare parts and other logistical and sustainment support for

Ukrainian F-16s, and the Department is currently training Ukrainian pilots and ground crews on

the aircraft.125 It is also possible that the U.S. government may seek to provide F-16s directly to

Ukraine in the future.

“U.S. Will Train Ukrainian F-16 Pilots, Ground Crews,” DOD press release, August 24, 2023,

https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3504621/us-will-train-ukrainian-f-16-pilots. Because the

F-16s in question were originally obtained from the United States, their transfer required congressional notification.

See DOS, “Third Party Transfer,” https://www.state.gov/third-party-transfer-process-and-documentation/.

117 Alex Horton, “Ukraine’s First F-16s Will See Combat this Summer, Officials Say,” The Washington Post, July 10,

2024.

118 Joint Statement on F-16s for Ukraine from U.S. President Joseph R. Biden, Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof, and

Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen, July 10, 2024, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statementsreleases/2024/07/10/joint-statement-on-f-16s-for-ukraine-from-u-s-president-joseph-r-biden-dutch-prime-ministerdick-schoof-and-danish-prime-minister-mette-frederiksen/.

119 Lara Seligman, “First F-16 Jet Fighters on Their Way to Ukraine, U.S. and Allies Say,” The Wall Street Journal,

July 10; and Courtney McBride and Andrea Palasciano, “Ukraine’s F-16 Ambitions Snarled,” Bloomberg, July 12,

2024.

120 Tara Copp, “Ukraine Receives First F-16 Fighter Jets to Bolster Defenses Against Russia, Officials tell AP,”

Associated Press, July 31, 2024.

121 Lara Seligman, “U.S.-Made F-16 Crashed in Ukraine, Killing Pilot,” The Wall Street Journal, Aug. 30, 2024.

122 Lara Seligman and Allistair MacDonald, “U.S. to Arm Ukraine’s F-16 Jets with Advanced Weapons,” The Wall

Street Journal, July 30, 2024.

123 Ibid.

124 Captain Benjamin Aronson, “Dominate the Spectrum: 350th SWW Enables EW Capabilities for Ukrainian F-16s,”

350th Spectrum Warfare Wing, August 26, 2024, https://www.350sww.af.mil/News/Display/Article/3884560/dominatethe-spectrum-350th-sww-enables-ew-capabilities-for-ukrainian-f-16s/.

125 C. Todd Lopez, “DOD Aims to Ensure Availability of Spare Parts to Sustain Ukraine-Bound F-16s,” DOD press

release, November 16, 2023, https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3591267/dod-aims-toensure-availability-of-spare-parts-to-sustain-ukraine-bound-f-16s/; and Carla Babb, “First Ukrainian Pilots Graduate

From F-16 Training in US,” Voice of America, May 29, 2024. These efforts have been criticized by some Members of

Congress for the allegedly insufficient number of personnel trained thus far. See, for example, Representative Michael

(continued...)

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Production Diplomacy

In addition to leveraging suppliers based in the United States, the U.S. government has also

sought to encourage and coordinate Ukraine-related defense production by foreign manufacturers.

Coordinating National Production with Foreign Governments

To meet its objectives regarding the provision of materiel to Ukraine, the U.S. government has

engaged directly with allied and partner governments. Broadly speaking, the aim of these efforts

has been to encourage and align international commitments to defense investment, production,

and procurement actions.

One major multilateral forum for this coordination has been the Ukraine Defense Contact Group

(UDCG), a group of around 50 nations that first met in April 2022.126 As part of the UDCG

structure, the National Armaments Directors (NADs) of member nations also agreed to regularly

meet to conduct high-level synchronization of national efforts. According to DOD, major lines of

effort for UDCG NAD meetings include mapping global production capacity, identifying

production constraints and associated mitigation strategies, supporting the sustainment of

Ukrainian materiel and manpower, and improving standardization, interchangeability, and ease of

integration for equipment produced by UDCG nations.127

The UDCG conducts its work, in part, through eight “capability coalitions” (which are each

organized around a particular technical or functional defense areas) and four NAD working

groups (each aligned to a different functional areas). The current capability coalitions cover air

forces, air defense, artillery, maritime security, armor, information technology, de-mining, and

drones, and the working groups cover innovation, production, sustainment, and Ukraine’s

industrial base.128 DOD describes these two organizational schemas as “complementary, not

duplicative.”129

In June 2024, U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III announced that the UDCG had

collectively committed more than $98 billion in security assistance to Ukraine, including “most of

the counter-UAS systems provided to Ukraine and most of the 155 mm artillery systems, most of

the tanks, most of the armored personnel carriers, most of the infantry fighting vehicles and

more.”130 Secretary Austin has also stated that the group’s members “remain determined to keep

Turner, “Letter from Representative Michael Turner Secretary Lloyd Austin,” May 20, 2024,

https://intelligence.house.gov/uploadedfiles/5.20.24_joint_letter_to_dod_for_urgent_ukraine_aid.pdf.

126 As of this writing, the UDCG has convened at least 23 times. C. Todd Lopez, “2-Year Anniversary of Ukraine

Defense Contact Group Comes with Billions in New Aid,” DOD press release, April 26, 2024,

https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3758274/2-year-anniversary-of-ukraine-defense-contactgroup-comes-with-billions-in-new/.

127 DOD, “Fact Sheet on Efforts of Ukraine Defense Contact Group – National Armaments Directors,” September 6,

2024, https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-efforts-of-ukraine-defensecontact-group-national-armaments-direc/.

128 Senior Defense Official, “Senior Defense Official Holds a Background Briefing on the Outcomes of the 19th

Ukraine Defense Contact Group Meeting,” U.S. Department of Defense, February 16, 2024,

https://www.defense.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/3680149/. DOD, “UDCG Fact Sheet,”

https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-efforts-of-ukraine-defense-contactgroup-national-armaments-direc/.

129 DOD, “UDCG Fact Sheet,” https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-effortsof-ukraine-defense-contact-group-national-armaments-direc/.

130 Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III, “Opening Remarks at the 23rd Ukraine Defense Contact Group (As Delivered),” U.S.

Department of Defense, June 13, 2024, https://www.defense.gov/News/Speeches/Speech/Article/3805429/opening(continued...)

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supporting Ukraine while ensuring [their] own military readiness” and are therefore exploring

“ways to expand the production of critical munitions and systems and to deepen [their]

coordination through the capability coalitions.”131 According to DOD, as of September 2024

UDCG members have also committed to a range of Ukraine-related production efforts, including:

•

•

•

•

•

•

Doubling production capacity for ammunition and explosives loading by 2025,

doubling capacity of modular charges by 2026, and increasing powder production

capacity ten-fold by 2026 (France and Sweden);

Constructing a new gunpowder factor (Romania/European Commission);

Constructing a new artillery ammunition facility (Germany);

Co-producing up to 1,000 PARTRIOT GEM-T missiles (Germany, the

Netherlands, Romania, and Spain);

Acquiring 500,000 artillery rounds for provision to Ukraine from various sources

(Czech-led consortium of 15 countries); and

Investing approximately $92 million to expand artillery production (Norway).132

Other multilateral fora that the U.S. government has sought to leverage for Ukraine-related

defense production include the U.S.-European Union (EU) Security and Defense Dialogue and

the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO; see the shaded text box below for more

information).133

NATO and Defense Production for Ukraine

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, some U.S. policymakers have seen NATO as a key

forum for the coordination of defense industrial support for Ukraine. NATO’s national armaments directors (i.e.,

the officials responsible for weapons procurement and development in each member government) have regularly

met to discuss national and alliance-wide efforts to arm Ukraine. In addition, the NATO-Ukraine Council serves as

a joint body for NATO and Ukrainian representatives to manage security, economic, and political aid and

cooperation, including security assistance and defense production.

During the July 2024 NATO Summit in Washington, D.C., NATO announced several new efforts and

commitments related to defense production and security assistance for Ukraine, including:

•

Establishment of the NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine (SATU) organization

to coordinate NATO members’ provision of defense equipment, training, and logistical support;134

•

Additional weapons transfers (notably, F-16s and air defense systems/munitions);135

•

A pledge of €40 billion ($43 billion) in security assistance in 2025;136 and

•

A commitment to “accelerate the growth of defense industrial capacity and production across

the alliance,” through measures such as expanded investments, improved coordination among NATO

remarks-by-secretary-of-defense-lloyd-j-austin-iii-at-the-23rd-ukraine/; and C. Todd Lopez, “2-Year Anniversary of

Ukraine Defense Contact Group,” DOD press release, April 26, 2024.

131 Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III, “Outcomes of Ukraine Defense Contact Group Presented to the Media,” U.S. Mission

to NATO, June 13, 2024, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U9hHfbbbEH8. Quoted remarks start at 4:28.

132 DOD, “UDCG Fact Sheet,” https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-effortsof-ukraine-defense-contact-group-national-armaments-direc/.

133 For information on the U.S.-EU Security and Defense Dialogue, see U.S. Department of State, “2nd U.S.-EU

Security and Defense Dialogue,” December 1, 2023, https://www.state.gov/2nd-u-s-eu-security-and-defense-dialogue/.

134

NATO, Washington Summit Declaration, July 10, 2024, https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_227678.

135 Ibid.

136 Ibid. Note that the declaration text specifies the figure in euros.

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governments and industry, greater use of large-scale multinational procurement arrangements, and an

increased focus on NATO-wide standardization.137

For more information on the 2024 NATO Summit, see CRS Report R48121, NATO’s July 2024 Washington, DC

Summit: In Brief, by Paul Belkin.

In addition to this multilateral coordination, the U.S. government has also sought to encourage

Ukraine-related defense production in its bilateral engagements with foreign governments. For

example, in June 2024, U.S. Ambassador to Japan Rahm Emanuel called for Japanese assistance

in producing Ukraine-related systems and munitions, and in October 2023, the U.S. and

Australian governments announced a series of “continuing, coordinated actions to assist

Ukraine,” including through defense industrial assistance.138 On some occasions, the U.S.

government has sought to make arrangements with foreign suppliers to meet immediate Ukrainerelated needs. In November 2022, for instance, DOD reportedly concluded a deal to purchase

100,000 155 mm artillery shells from South Korean suppliers.139

International Co-Production

To provide materiel for Ukraine, some American defense suppliers have also established

industrial partnerships directly with foreign suppliers to collaboratively develop, produce, and

sustain various weapons and munitions. These partnerships have involved companies and

government organizations in Ukraine itself, as well as in other countries that are providing

security assistance.

Production Partnerships with Ukrainian Suppliers

American suppliers have pursued (and the U.S. government has encouraged) production

partnerships with Ukraine with an eye toward a number of potential advantages. Locating

production within Ukrainian territory may shorten the time to transport equipment to the

battlefield, for instance, and the associated influx of American capital, technology, and expertise

may increase the capacity of Ukraine’s domestic defense industry, allowing it to produce more

and better weapons. In addition, direct coordination with Ukrainian industry and government

officials—whether in support of production at facilities in Ukraine itself or elsewhere—may also

lead to production efforts that are more responsive to Ukraine’s military needs.

In December 2023, the U.S. government convened the U.S.-Ukraine Defense Industrial Base

Conference, a gathering of U.S., Ukrainian, and European industry and government officials

intended to “focus on significantly increasing weapons production to support Ukraine’s fight for

freedom against Russian aggression, and strengthen Ukraine’s long-term self-defense.”140

137 NATO, Industrial Capacity Expansion Pledge, July 10, 2024,

https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_227504.

138 Mari Yamaguchi, “U.S. Envoy Calls for Japan’s Help to Quickly Replenish US Missile Inventory, Repair

Warships,” Associated Press, June 11, 2024; and The White House, “United States-Australia Joint Leaders’

Statement,” October 25, 2023, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2023/10/25/fact-sheet.

139 Lolita Baldor and Tara Copp, “U.S. to Buy South Korean Howitzer Rounds to Send to Ukraine,” Associated Press,

November 11, 2022.

140 The White House, “The White House Announces New Actions to Strengthen Cooperation and Co-Production

between U.S. and Ukraine’s Defense Industrial Bases,” December 6, 2023, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefingroom/statements-releases/2023/12/06/fact-sheet-the-white-house-announces-new-actions-to-strengthen-cooperationand-co-production-between-u-s-and-ukraines-defense-industrial-bases.

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Following this conference, the White House announced that it would undertake the following

steps to strengthen and expand defense industrial cooperation with Ukraine:

1. Embedding a U.S. advisor in Ukraine’s Ministry of Strategic Industries to

“support and accelerate Ukraine’s transition to an interoperable military force,

combat corruption, and attract foreign investment in critical industries;”

2. Establishing an interagency team to “support industry, Ukrainian, and other

partners who seek guidance on potential deals, and export requirements for

Ukraine’s defense industry;”

3. Signing a Statement of Intent on Co-production and Technical Data Exchange

that would facilitate cooperative work “in the areas of air defense systems, repair

and sustainment, and production of critical munitions;” and

4. Providing Ukraine with technical data to allow for the Ukrainian production and

integration of air defense systems and components.141

In June 2024, the U.S. and Ukrainian governments signed the U.S.-Ukraine Bilateral Security

Agreement, which committed both parties to “increased defense industrial cooperation” and the

pursuit of “private industry partnerships in key priority areas of defense production… [including]

air defense systems and supporting munitions, artillery ammunition of multiple calibers,

supporting barrels and other components, and manufacturing of unmanned aerial vehicles.”142

Media reports in December 2023 suggested that two unnamed U.S. defense contractors had

agreed to produce artillery ammunition inside Ukraine by 2025.143 In June 2024, Northrop

Grumman announced plans to produce medium caliber ammunition at a facility inside Ukraine, in

what appears to be the first publicly-acknowledged instance of a major U.S. defense contractor

manufacturing equipment in Ukraine itself.144 The following month, Boeing signed a

memorandum of understanding to collaborate with Antonov—a Ukrainian aerospace firm—on

“training, logistical support and overhaul services for tactical Unmanned Aerial Systems utilized

by the [UAF], which includes the ScanEagle,” and company statements and media reports

suggest some of this work will be conducted inside Ukraine.145 Other instances of cooperation

between U.S. and Ukrainian companies include a partnership between Amentum and Ukrainian

Defense Industry to restore and maintain U.S.-provided armored vehicles (announced in June

2024) and the construction of an ammunition factory inside Ukraine by D&M Holding

Company.146

In addition to these U.S.-Ukrainian partnerships, several European companies have also

established defense industrial cooperation with Ukraine. Rheinmetall—a German defense firm—

141 Ibid.

142 White House, Bilateral Security Agreement Between the United States of America and Ukraine, June 13, 2024.

143 Reuters, “Ukraine to Make Shells With US Firms As It Seeks to Develop Defence Sector,” December 7, 2023.

144 The move was announced at the Eurosatory 2024 defense trade show and confirmed during the July 2024 NATO

Summit. See Valerie Insinna, “Northrop Planning to Build Munitions Inside Ukraine,” Breaking Defense, June 18,

2024, https://breakingdefense.com/2024/06/northrop-planning-to-build-munitions-inside-ukraine/; and Lee Hudson,

“Northrop Grumman Becomes First US Company to Build Weapons Inside Ukraine,” Politico, July 11, 2024.

145 Boeing, “Boeing, Antonov to Collaborate on Defense Projects,” July 22, 2024, https://boeing.mediaroom.com/newsreleases-statements?item=131463; and Paul Mcleary, “Boeing Looks to Start Drone Work Inside Ukraine,” Politico,

July 22, 2024.

146 This effort may have predated the Northrop Grumman partnership, as DOD in a September 2024 press release gave

October 2023 as the date of the partnership, but it does not appear to have been publicly acknowledged until September

2024. DOD, “UDCG Fact Sheet,” https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-onefforts-of-ukraine-defense-contact-group-national-armaments-direc/.

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has announced plans to co-produce a variety of weapons and munitions inside Ukraine, and as of

July 2024 has confirmed the opening of an armor plant in western Ukraine.147 The Norwegian

defense firm Nammo has announced the licensing of 155 mm round production in Ukraine, and

the joint-Franco-German venture KNDS will establish a subsidiary in Ukraine to produce 155

mm rounds and spare parts.148

Ukraine has also sought to establish production-related liaison missions abroad. In July 2024,

Ukraine’s state-owned arms manufacturer, Ukroboronprom, opened its first overseas office in

Washington, D.C. According to a Ukrainian official, the aim is to “promote joint US-Ukrainian

defense projects and enhance our integration into NATO's defense industrial base.”149

Production Partnerships with Other Countries

U.S. defense suppliers have also established partnerships with suppliers in other countries

supporting the Ukrainian war effort. As DOD’s senior procurement official put it in a Senate

hearing in May 2024:

One of the lessons of Ukraine is co-production of munitions. So, right now, we're working

a lot across Europe around co-production of 155 [mm ammunition]. Co-production of

Patriot in Australia, separate from AUKUS, we're going to be doing co-production, the

Army is, of GMLRS and eventually Prism.

And I mentioned earlier about Japan with the Glide [Phase Intercept missile defense

system], I think you're going to see much more co-production and co-sustainment with our

allies and partners.150

In addition to the Glide Phase Intercept system, Japanese suppliers are also involved in

supporting other Ukraine-related capabilities—Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, for instance,

produces PAC-3 interceptor missiles for the PATRIOT air defense system, and is reportedly

seeking to increase output to meet heightened demand.151

Other DOD officials have singled out Poland as an example of a country with which U.S.

industry is initiating co-production efforts. In April 2024, the then-director of the Defense

Security Cooperation Agency stated that the U.S. government had “recently undertaken some new

cooperation with Poland in the joint co-production of some defense systems” and was “looking at

how to do that with other allies and partners, as well.”152

147 Rheinmetall, “Ammunition Factory to be Built in the Ukraine [sic],” press release, July 23, 2024,

https://www.rheinmetall.com/en/media/news-watch/news/2024/07/2024-07-24-rheinmetall-supplies-equipment-forammunition-factory-in-ukraine.

148 DOD, “UDCG Fact Sheet,” https://www.defense.gov/News/Releases/Release/Article/3897721/fact-sheet-on-effortsof-ukraine-defense-contact-group-national-armaments-direc/.

149 Reuters, “Ukraine’s State Arms Producer Opens Office in Washington,” July 9, 2024.

150 Remarks of Dr. William LaPlante, Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment, in U.S. Congress,

Senate Appropriations Committee, Subcommittee on Defense, A Review of Select Department of Defense Acquisition

Programs, Hearings to Examine Selected Acquisition Programs, 118th Cong., 2nd sess., May 15, 2024.

151 According to Reuters, however, these efforts have faced challenges due to a component shortage. See Nobuhiro

Kubo and Tim Kelly, “Exclusive: US-Japan Patriot Missile Production Plan Hits Boeing Component Roadblock,”

Reuters, July 21, 2024.

152 C. Todd Lopez, “DOD Has Seen 'Huge' Increase in Military Sales Since Ukraine Invasion,” DOD press release,

April 9, 2024, https://www.defense.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/3736017/dod-has-seen-huge-increase-inmilitary-sales-since-ukraine-invasion/.

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The production of a wide array of Ukraine-related weapon systems and munitions made by U.S.

suppliers involve international partnerships, including artillery munitions (various), PATRIOT air

defense systems and munitions (various), F-16s (Poland), HIMARS (Germany), and others.153

Issues Facing Congress

Congress faces a range of potential issues relating to defense production for Ukraine, including

three broad sets of questions:

1. Do U.S. and global suppliers possess adequate industrial capacity to achieve

congressional objectives regarding Ukraine?

2. Is the executive branch’s use of Ukraine-related production authorities and

appropriations meeting congressional intent?

3. What has been the impact of U.S.-produced defense equipment on the conflict?

Are U.S. suppliers providing the right kinds of capabilities to achieve

congressional objectives regarding Ukraine?

Industrial Capacity

Assessing Capacity Needs

Because of the diversity of defense equipment being produced for Ukraine, the issues and

dynamics associated with industrial capacity will necessarily vary (for a system-specific

discussion of production, refer to the “Producing Key Weapon Systems and Munitions” section of

this report).154 Nevertheless, some policymakers and commentators have contended that the DIB,

considered holistically, lacks sufficient capacity to accomplish the U.S. government’s Ukrainerelated objectives.155

In part, this may be due to expanded demand. Compared to the pre-2022 baseline, the U.S.

government has increased its requirements for Ukraine-related weapons and munitions,

establishing higher output goals that producers may not be able to immediately meet. Some

observers have also attributed capacity shortfalls to broader economic and strategic developments

over the past 30-40 years. Commonly cited factors include consolidation among major defense

contractors, changes in logistics and manufacturing practices, the divestment of governmentowned production assets, and a strategic focus on counter-terrorism and low-intensity conflicts at

the expense of planning for high-intensity conflict.156 Some stakeholders have also highlighted

153 Elisabeth Gosselin-Malo, “European Nations Team Up to Buy Patriot Missiles,” Defense News, January 3, 2024;

Kubo and Kelly, “US-Japan Patriot Missile Production Plan,” Reuters, July 21, 2024; PZL Mielec, “PZL Mielec

Celebrates Completion of First F-16 Block 70/72 Aft Fuselage,” press release, August 29, 2023; Christina MacKenzie,

“Rheinmetall, Lockheed unveil GMARS, in talks with European customers,” Breaking Defense, June 17, 2024; and

Vivienne Machi, “Lockheed, Rheinmetall Pair Up,” Defense News, June 23, 2023.

154 In the context of this report, industrial capacity refers to the total amount of resources available for the manufacture

of defense-related goods.

155 For examples of this perspective, see U.S. Chamber of Commerce, “NATO Governments on Industrial Cooperation

& Challenges,” July 10, 2024, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XU7tAoIV8t8; and PBS News, “Arms

Manufacturers Struggle to Supply Ukraine With Enough Ammunition,” March 10, 2023,

https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/arms-manufacturers-struggle-to-supply-ukraine-with-enough-ammunition;

Stephen Grey, John Shiffman, and Allison Martell, “Years of Miscalculations by U.S., NATO Led to Dire Shell

Shortage in Ukraine,” Reuters, July 19, 2024.

156 See Mike Lofgren, “Why Can’t America Build Enough Weapons?” Washington Monthly, June 23, 2024; Noah

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the ongoing policies and actions of particular actors, including the U.S. government—whose

allegedly slow and inefficient acquisition process has been characterized by some as a barrier to

capacity expansion—and some private defense firms—which some critics argue have prioritized

share buybacks and widening profit margins over investing in new production.157 In addition,

GAO has identified capacity issues specific to the replacement of equipment provided to Ukraine

via PDA, including “long lead times associated with the delivery of supplier parts and raw

materials,” the difficulty of replacing some necessary components or manufacturing tools that

have become obsolete, and quality issues.158

Whether Congress assesses that defense suppliers possess sufficient industrial capacity will

ultimately depend on the nature of congressional priorities, goals, and expectations. Congress

may determine and communicate these in a number of ways. One approach could be to develop

specific output targets for capabilities it deems to be particularly important (e.g., the monthly

production of a certain number of 155 mm rounds) and then assess industrial capacity against

those metrics.

If Congress were to develop production goals for Ukraine-related systems, several factors may

warrant its consideration. Congress may consider what kinds of analysis, projections, and

advocacy should inform any metrics it may adopt, and how much importance to attach to these

various inputs. Possible sources of information may include executive branch assessments of

production requirements and battlefield impact (particularly by DOD, DOS, and the intelligence

community), requests for weapons and munitions by Ukrainian government and military officials,

and perspectives from U.S. and global defense suppliers. Congress may also consider the degree

and pace of potential changes relating to defense production for Ukraine—battlefield

developments, technological or industrial advancements, and other unforeseeable developments

could rapidly change congressional objectives in this area.

In addition, Congress may consider the interaction of Ukraine-related production with other

potential defense requirements. For example, if Congress considers it likely that future

geopolitical developments may require new or expanded security assistance to other countries

(e.g., Israel, Taiwan), or that the United States may itself become involved in a protracted or

intensive conflict, it may factor those possibilities into whatever approach to capacity assessment

it chooses to adopt.

Legislative Options

If Congress determines that U.S. defense suppliers possess insufficient industrial capacity, a

number of options are available. Congress could consider whether or not to appropriate more

funding for the acquisition of capabilities of concern, for instance, which may increase short-term

output as well as send a “demand signal” for private industry to invest their own resources into

expanding capacity. Another approach could be to change DOD contracting and acquisition

practices—as Congress did in 2022, for example, by authorizing multi-year procurement of

Robertson, “The Pentagon Wants Industry to Transform Again to Meet Demand,” Defense News, February 20, 2024;

and NPR, “The Military Industry… It’s Complex,” Planet Money broadcast, January 2024. See also discussion in CRS

Report R47751, The U.S. Defense Industrial Base: Background and Issues for Congress, pp. 24-33.

157 For criticism of procurement timelines, see Eric Bazail-Emil, “NATO Members, Industry Execs Bemoan Production

Lags,” Politico, July 9, 2024. For discussion of potential corporate underinvestment, see Doug Cameron, “Ukraine Aid

Lifts Defense Industry as Debate Over Profits Reignites,” The Wall Street Journal, April 28, 2024; see also Senator

Bernie Sanders, “Defense Contractors Are Bilking the American People,” The Atlantic, February 27, 2024.

158 GAO, Ukraine: Status and Challenges of DOD Weapon Replacement Efforts, GAO-24-106649, April 30, 2024, pp.

4-5.

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certain Ukraine-related munitions—or to establish or modify programs to incentivize investment

in defense firms or support workforce recruitment, retention, and job training programs.159

Congress could also consider whether or not to appropriate more funding for DIB-wide capacity

expansion programs, such as the Industrial Base Fund or DPA Title III, or expand governmentowned capacity more directly by establishing additional organic industrial facilities, like the

Army’s newly-opened Universal Artillery Projectile Lines facility. Additionally, Congress could

also consider whether or not to direct the executive branch to pursue more defense industrial

partnerships with foreign governments and industry.

Exercising Oversight

Amid the scale and strategic significance of Ukraine-related defense production and transfer

activities, some Members of Congress have called for thorough oversight and monitoring of U.S.

security assistance to Ukraine, including in congressional hearings and through proposed and

enacted legislation.160

Existing Oversight Efforts

Ukraine Oversight Interagency Working Group

The Biden Administration has implemented what it characterizes as a “whole of government”

approach to providing “comprehensive independent oversight” of U.S. security assistance.161 A

centerpiece of this approach has been interagency coordination between various oversight

officials and organizations, now consolidated as a partnership of 24 federal oversight agencies

under the auspices of the Ukraine Oversight Interagency Working Group (UOIWG).162 Pursuant

to Section 1250B of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2024 (FY2024

NDAA; P.L. 118-31), the Department of Defense Inspector General (DOD IG) leads this

partnership as the Special Inspector for Operation Atlantic Resolve (SIG-OAR), in which

capacity he or she—together with the Inspectors General for the Department of State and the

United States Agency for International Development (USAID)—must fulfill a number of

functions relating to Ukraine oversight. Statutorily-established requirements include the

submission of an annual Joint Strategic Oversight Plan for OAR to Congress, as well as quarterly

OAR Reports.163 These plans and reports, along with an array of other oversight projects

conducted by various federal agencies, are available on a publicly-accessible website

(www.ukraineoversight.gov). As of this writing, this website contained information on 175

159 Section 1244(c) of the FY2023 NDAA (P.L. 117-263) authorized multi-year procurement of 16 different munitions.

For more information, see discussion in CRS Report R41909, Multiyear Procurement (MYP) and Block Buy

Contracting in Defense Acquisition: Background and Issues for Congress, by Ronald O'Rourke, p. 13.

160 Andrew Desiderio, Lara Seligman, and Connor O’Brien, “Pentagon Vs. Congress Tension Builds Over Monitoring

Billions in Ukraine Aid,” Politico, June 6, 2022; U.S. Congress, House Foreign Affairs Committee, Oversight,

Transparency, and Accountability of Ukraine Assistance, 118th Cong., 1st sess., March 29, 2023.

161 “About Us,” http://www.ukraineoversight.gov/about-us/.

162 Coordination of Ukraine oversight was initially spearheaded by the DOD, DOS, and United States Agency for

International Development (USAID) Inspectors General. The UOIWG was established in June 2022. See “Ukraine

Oversight Interagency Working Group,” https://www.ukraineoversight.gov/Oversight-Work/Ukraine-OversightInteragency-Group/. See also DOD, DOS, and USAID, “Joint Statement on Commitment to Ukraine Response

Oversight,” November 1, 2022. https://oig.usaid.gov/node/5630.

163 According to SIG-OAR and the other Inspectors General, the responsibility to develop an annual joint strategic

oversight plan is derived from 5 U.S.C. § 419. The requirement for quarterly OAR reports is established by Section

1250B of the FY2024 NDAA.

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oversight projects: of these, 60 were reported to be ongoing, while 115 were listed as completed

(this latter number included 7 projects from FY2022 and 45 from FY2023).164 A plurality of these

projects (66, or 38% of the total) were reported to be overseen by DOD.165

Some Members have called for the designation of a Special Inspector General separate from the

DOD IG (an approach similar to that taken for Afghanistan reconstruction), and a bill to that

effect was introduced in 2023 (S. 651, 118th Congress).166

End-Use Monitoring

In addition to oversight of U.S. government efforts, some provision has also been made for

oversight of Ukrainian use of U.S.-produced or provided arms (commonly referred to as end-use

monitoring). For example, the Annex to the 2024 U.S.-Ukraine Bilateral Security Agreement

reiterates the U.S. interest in “mitigat[ing] the risk of diversion of advanced conventional

weapons,” and commits Ukraine to “ensuring the security of United States-provided defense

articles and technology in accordance with DOD’s Golden Sentry enhanced end-use monitoring

(EEUM) requirements.”167 The Annex further commits Ukraine (security conditions permitting)

to:

•

•

•

“Conducting a comprehensive inventory of all remaining EEUM items in

Ukraine’s possession;”168

“Providing DOD with access to military installations across Ukraine at which

EEUM items are stored, to allow for the resumption of all in-person verification

activities;”169 and

“Supporting future EEUM requirements the United States may identify to

maintain reasonable assurances of the security of advanced conventional

weapons in a postwar environment.”170

A DOD IG report released on January 10, 2024, identified several issues with DOD monitoring of

Ukraine-transferred defense articles designated as requiring “enhanced end-use monitoring”

(EEUM), including an inability to conduct initial inventories of all EEUM-designated articles and

a lack of serial number inventories for 59% of the total value of EEUM-designated articles

164 SIG-OAR, “Ukraine Oversight Dashboard,” September 5, 2024, https://www.ukraineoversight.gov/Oversight-

Work/Oversight-Dashboard/.

165 Ibid.

166 See, for instance, Daniel F. Runde and Madeleine McLean, “Ensuring Oversight to U.S. Aid to Ukraine,” CSIS, July

21, 2023; and Patrick Sullivan, “It’s Time for a Special Inspector General for Ukraine Assistance,” Modern War

Institute, September 19, 2023.

167 The White House, “Bilateral Security Agreement Between the United States of America and Ukraine,” June 13,

2024, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/06/13/bilateral-security-agreementbetween-the-united-states-of-america-and-ukraine/.

168 Ibid.

169 The White House, “Bilateral Security Agreement Between the United States of America and Ukraine,” June 13,

2024, https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/06/13/bilateral-security-agreementbetween-the-united-states-of-america-and-ukraine/.

170 Ibid.

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transferred to that point.171 Some Members have also expressed concerns about DOD’s ability to

effectively conduct end-use monitoring.172

Legislative Options

Congress may review the efficacy of existing oversight efforts and mechanisms, and consider

whether or not to modify existing requirements and mechanisms. If Congress determines it needs

more information to inform its oversight, it could consider whether or not to include additional

planning and reporting requirements through legislation such as the annual NDAA. It could also

consider whether or not to establish new positions or organizations to exercise oversight

responsibilities, or direct or request existing entities—both governmental and nongovernmental—to conduct reporting on particular issues of concern.173 If Congress determines

that existing oversight activities are unnecessary or unduly impede Ukraine assistance, it could

consider whether or not to reduce or eliminate requirements.

Possible Oversight Questions for Congress

Beyond reviewing the existing oversight efforts described above, Congress may assess how

effectively the Administration has implemented and executed production-related authorities and

appropriations provided by Congress, and how effective implementation and execution are likely

to be in the future. Congress could consider posing the following oversight questions:

Readiness Impacts

•

•

How has the transfer of weapons and equipment to Ukraine affected the size and

makeup of U.S. defense stocks?

Are certain items above, at, or below minimum levels viewed by military

commanders as necessary to conduct operations in various combatant

commands? If any are below minimum levels, does DOD assess the DIB is able

to produce enough to replace these in a timely fashion? What is the basis of

DOD’s assessment, and does it align with congressional objectives?

USAI Actions

•

As of August 8, 2024, DOD reported having obligated $15.8 billion, or 48%, of

the $32.7 billion it has available for USAI contracting actions.174 What factors

affect DOD’s rate of obligation?

PDA Replacement Actions

•

How have valuation issues with PDA transfers affected DOD’s planning for PDA

replacement activities?175 For example, has DOD’s undervaluing prior PDA

171 DOD IG, “Evaluation of the DoD’s Enhanced End-Use Monitoring of Defense Articles Provided to Ukraine,”

January 10, 2024, https://media.defense.gov/2024/Jan/11/2003374323/-1/-1/1/dodig-2024-043eemu_redacted%20secure.pdf.

172 Rep. James Comer et al., “Letter to Secretary Austin,” February 6, 2024, https://oversight.house.gov/wpcontent/uploads/2024/02/Ukraine-DoD-End-Use-Monitoring-Letter_.pdf.

173

For example, Inspectors General, GAO, or federally funded research and development centers.

174 DOD, “Ukraine Security Assistance,” infographic, August 8, 2024.

175 See discussion on p. 6 of this report.

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•

•

transfers meant that fewer funds than necessary have been requested or

appropriated for PDA replacement?

As of August 26, 2024, the Department of State reported that $6.176 billion of

the $7.8 billion in FY2024 PDA remained available, meaning that almost 80% of

the authority had not been used five weeks before the end of the fiscal year.176

What are the implications of this for Ukraine assistance broadly and PDA

replacement actions specifically? Is this rate of usage related to the pace or

efficacy of PDA replacement actions?

As of August 8, 2024, DOD reported having obligated $21.0 billion, or 46%, of

the $45.8 billion it has available to replace items already transferred to Ukraine

via PDA.177 What factors affect DOD’s rate of obligation?

Production Diplomacy

•

•

Media reports suggest that European countries have had difficulty meeting goals

for the production of Ukraine-related weapons and munitions (e.g., 155mm

rounds).178 To what extent are executive branch efforts to encourage the

expansion of international production working, what is that assessment based on,

what areas have been the most challenging, and why?

Are there statutory or regulatory barriers to executive branch efforts to encourage

U.S. defense firms to coordinate with international suppliers to expand Ukrainerelated production?

Impact on the Conflict

As noted above, the United States has been the single largest supplier of defense equipment to

Ukraine. When assessing the efficacy of U.S. security assistance and considering future defense

support Congress may consider the extent to which U.S. defense production and assistance has

contributed to Ukrainian battlefield performance and options for congressional oversight of

Ukraine’s use of U.S.-provided weapons.

Relationship to Battlefield Performance

Since the commencement of Russia’s full-scale invasion, the composition of the security

assistance that the United States has provided Ukraine has changed. Initially, U.S. security

assistance focused on weapons and munitions best adapted for defensive operations and urban

environments, such as man-portable anti-tank and anti-air systems (e.g., Javelins and Stingers)

and munitions compatible with Soviet/Russian artillery.179 As the conflict developed, U.S.

security assistance has come to include more sophisticated platforms and equipment, including

176 Office of Management and Budget, “FY2025 Continuing Resolution Appropriations Issues,” p. 25.

177 DOD, “Ukraine Security Assistance,” infographic, August 8, 2024.

178 See, for example, Anna Myroniuk and Valeria Yehoshyna, “EU Shell-Production Capacity, Supplies To Ukraine

Fall Far Short Of Promises,” Radio Free Europe, July 8, 2024. See also Patricia Cohen and Liz Alderman, “Europe

Wants to Build a Stronger Defense Industry, but Can’t Decide How,” The New York Times, May 20, 2024.

179 Karoun Demirjian and Alex Horton, “As War Loomed, U.S. Armed Ukraine to Hit Russian Aircraft, Tanks, and

Prep for Urban Combat, Declassified Shipment List Shows,” Washington Post, March 4, 2022.

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artillery and long-range precision strike capabilities (e.g., 155-mm howitzers, HIMARS, and

ATACMS), air defense, and ground maneuver systems (see Appendix for full list).180

Throughout the conflict, U.S. decisions on what to provide—and when to provide it—have been

informed by the Biden Administration’s assessments of the UAF’s capacity to operate and

integrate particular capabilities, as well as other considerations such as Ukrainian requests, the

potential for escalatory Russian responses, battlefield conditions, and industrial or logistical

constraints.181 Although the stated and assessed needs of the UAF have shifted over the course of

war, Ukrainian government officials have consistently requested artillery and artillery

ammunition, armored vehicles, and air defense systems.182 Beyond bolstering Ukrainian

performance in the short term, some U.S. aid also has been oriented toward longer-term security

objectives: according to U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin, his department’s efforts have

proceeded “on two tracks: [1] rushing Ukraine the capabilities to meet its urgent battlefield needs

and [2] helping Ukraine to build the future force to stave off and deter Russian aggression over

the longer term.”183

Some analysts have argued that U.S. security assistance provides the UAF with a qualitative edge

against Russian quantitative advantages. According to SIG-OAR, “the UAF has demonstrated

superior proficiency and innovation in certain areas, such as the employment of small commercial

UAV’s for reconnaissance and attack.”184 The provision of U.S. precision strike munitions

(including long-range missiles as well as precision artillery rounds and various types of air

launched missiles), for example, has allowed the UAF to target Russian command-and-control

and logistics centers, while U.S.-produced air and missile defense systems may have blunted the

military effect of Russian offensive strike capabilities.185 These, and other advanced capabilities,

have been most effective, and have had the greatest impact, immediately after deployment, before

the Russian military has had time to adjust and adapt to the introduction of the new weapons.186

180 Andrew E. Kramer, “With Western Weapons, Ukraine Is Turning the Tables in an Artillery War,” New York Times,

October 29, 2022; Tim Lister, Fred Pleitgen, and Matthias Somm, “As a Russian Offensive Looms, Ukraine Races to

Train Military on New Western Weapons,” CNN, January 23, 2023.

181 Initial assistance, such as anti-tank and anti-air systems, could be operated by an individual after minimal training.

Subsequent assistance focused on providing advanced systems such as artillery, tank, armored vehicle, and advanced

air defense systems which require extensive training and maintenance support. Further complicating the task is the

ability of the recipient to integrate the new weapons into its command structure and doctrine to ensure proper

employment. Additionally, decisions to supply new systems are evaluated against the requirements of maintaining a

consistent supply of ammunition and steady quantities of already provided systems. As one study notes, “Innovation is

therefore an exercise in risk management, a balancing act between the promises of a new capability and the perils of

losing older ones.” Kendrick Kuo, “Dangerous Changes: When Military Innovation Harms Combat Effectiveness,”

International Security 47, no. 2 (2022), p. 53; Thomas Gibbons-Neff and Natalia Yermak, “Potent Weapons Reach

Ukraine Faster Than the Know-How to Use Them,” New York Times, June 6, 2022. CRS In Focus IF12040, U.S.

Security Assistance to Ukraine, by Christina L. Arabia, Andrew S. Bowen, and Cory Welt.

182 Author discussions with Ukrainian government officials.

183 Department of Defense, “Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III and Air Force General Charles Q. Brown Jr.,

Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Hold A News Conference Following Virtual Meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact

Group,” press release, April 26, 2024.

184 Special Inspector General Report to the United States Congress, Operation Atlantic Resolve: Including U.S.

Government Activities Related to Ukraine, April 1, 2024-June 30, 2024, p. 31.

185 Siobhan O’Grady, Kostiantyn Khudov, and Serhiy Morgunov, “Ukrainian Attacks on Supply Lines Slowed

Russians in Kharkiv, Intercepts Show,” Washington Post, July 8, 2024.

186 The Russian military continues to demonstrate an ability to adapt and learn in response to new battlefield

developments. Russia has adapted its logistics and command and control structures in response to effective UAF strikes

and Russia’s electronic warfare capabilities reportedly are increasingly effective at mitigating some advanced U.S.

munitions. For more see, Paul Schwartz et al., Russian Military Logistics in the Ukraine War, CNA, September 2023;

(continued...)

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U.S.-provided equipment may also bolster the ability of the UAF to replace losses, reconstitute

forces, and equip new units, thus allowing for more extensive and successful combat

operations.187 In late 2022, for example, the United States contributed relatively large amounts of

new equipment to create new UAF units in preparation for a planned counteroffensive in summer

2023.188 The UAF continued to create new units but reportedly still faced equipment shortages,

especially of armored or protected mobility, resulting in some units lacking equipment or being

equipped piece-meal.189 This reportedly risked undermining the effectiveness of new units,

complicating logistics, and potentially forcing the UAF to combine portions of units to

compensate for the lack of equipment.

Other factors influencing the battlefield impact of U.S.-origin weapons and munitions have been

the ability of the UAF to fix or repair damaged equipment and the speed of U.S. delivery of

pledged security assistance. Due to high usage, the UAF reportedly has faced hurdles in quickly

repairing equipment.190 The UAF has received assistance to repair equipment close to the

frontlines, but repairs that are substantial or complex may require transportation to facilities in

western Ukraine or in Europe.191 Additionally, uncertainty about when pledged security assistance

may arrive in Ukraine may affect Ukrainian operational planning.192

Biden Administration officials have maintained that U.S. defense production and assistance has

played an important role in averting Ukrainian defeat and allowing the UAF to continue its

operations.193 In March 2024, for example, both Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines

and Central Intelligence Agency Director William Burns highlighted the importance of U.S.

security assistance to Ukraine and the likelihood of Ukrainian losses in the absence of such aid; in

April 2024, U.S. European Command Commander General Christopher G. Cavoli stated that “if

we [United States] do not continue to support Ukraine, Ukraine will run out of artillery shells and

will run out of air defense interceptors in fairly short order.”194

Some observers have criticized the pace of U.S. production and assistance, arguing that delays

have hindered Ukrainian performance. More specifically, they have contended that delays in

approving particular systems, as well as delays in funding, have undermined UAF operations and

Sam Skove, “Another U.S. Precision Guided Weapon Falls Prey to Russian Electronic Warfare, U.S. Says,” Defense

One, April 28, 2024; Carlotta Gall and Vladyslav Golovin, “Some U.S. Weapons Stymied by Russian Jamming in

Ukraine,” New York Times, May 25, 2024; Yaroslav Trofimov, “High-Tech American Weapons Work Against

Russia—Until They Don’t,” Wall Street Journal, July 10, 2024.

187 Jack Watling, “The War in Ukraine is Not a Stalemate,” Foreign Affairs, January 3, 2024.

188 Isabelle Khurshudyan and Kamila Hrabchuk, “NATO-Trained Units Will Serve as Tip of Spear in Ukraine’s

Counteroffensive,” Washington Post, June 4, 2023; Cristian Segura, “Ukraine’s Star Brigade in Dire State Due to Lack

of Weapons and Its Own Mistakes,” El Pais, April 22, 2024

189 Economist, “Ukraine Will Hold if it Gets the Arms It Needs, Says a Top General,” May 10, 2024; Institute for the

Study of War, “Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment, July 3, 2024.”

190 For example, Ukraine’s artillery tubes require frequent repair due to heavy usage. Alistair MacDonald, “Ukraine

Plunders Howitzer Graveyard to Keep Big Guns Firing,” Wall Street Journal, February 28, 2024.

191 Bojan Pancevski and Alistair MacDonald, “Many of Ukraine’s Western Weapons Await Repairs Far From the Front

Line,” Wall Street Journal, December 10, 2022; Lolita Baldor, “How to Fix a Howitzer: U.S. Offers Helpline to

Ukraine Troops,” Associated Press, January 28, 2023.

192 Constant Meheut, “Ukraine Retreats From Villages on Eastern Front as It Awaits U.S. Aid,” New York Times, April

29, 2024.

193 Special Inspector General Report to the United States Congress, Operation Atlantic Resolve: Including U.S.

Government Activities Related to Ukraine, April 1, 2024-June 30, 2024, p. 26.

194 U.S. Congress, Senate Intelligence (Select) Committee, Worldwide Threats, 118th Cong., 2nd sess., March 11,

2024; and Testimony of Gen. Christopher G. Cavoli, in U.S. Congress, House Committee on Armed Services, U.S.

Military Posture and National Security Challenges in Europe, hearings, 118th Cong., 2nd sess., April 10, 2024.

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prevented it from capitalizing on successes on the battlefield.195 However, others have cautioned

that the character of U.S. assistance is not the only determinant of material availability: for

example, some U.S. officials have claimed that the UAF’s “reliance on artillery has contributed to

the UAF’s persistent shortage of munitions and overuse of weapon systems.”196

While acknowledging the importance of the aid already provided, some Ukrainian officials,

including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, have also criticized the scale and character of

Western assistance (for example, Zelensky stated in July 2024 that “the decision to transfer F-16s

to Ukraine was strategic, but their number was not strategic”).197 A related but distinct debate—

and one largely beyond the scope of this report—concerns the limitations placed by the U.S.

government on the use of U.S.-origin weapons and munitions, which have been the subject of

considerable disagreement among stakeholders in the United States, Ukraine, and elsewhere.198

Depending on the sense of Congress regarding the battlefield impact of U.S. aid, a number of

options are available. Congress could, for instance, consider whether or not to direct the executive

branch or another organization (e.g., the Government Accountability Office or a federally-funded

research and development center) to review the efficacy of U.S.-origin weapons and munitions,

either in toto or for specific capabilities. If Congress determines that certain capabilities or

recipients are more effective than others in producing desirable battlefield effects, it could

consider whether or not to direct DOD to focus on increasing relevant production and transfer

efforts. More broadly, Congress may consider assessing the extent to which U.S. production is

aligned with congressional priorities for U.S. strategic goals in Ukraine.

195 Eliot Cohen, “It’s Not Enough for Ukraine to Win. Russia Has to Lose,” Atlantic, May 19, 2023; Andrew Radin,

“How to Win in Ukraine: Pour It On, and Don’t Worry About Escalation,” Defense One, May 22, 2024. Some of this

criticism has focused on the debate to provide particular systems or technologies to Ukraine. However, some scholars

argue a single system or technology on its own is unlikely to prove decisive in a conflict. “Although technological

superiority can be very important in war, its effect is not equally great under all circumstances, and even where it is

very great, technology on its own will seldom decide a war.” Martin van Crevald, Technology and War: From 2000

B.C. to the Present (New York, NY: Free Press, 1989), p. 232.

196 U.S. Army Europe and Africa response to DOD IG request for information cited in Special Inspector General

Report to the United States Congress, Operation Atlantic Resolve: Including U.S. Government Activities Related to

Ukraine, Jan 1, 2024-March 31, 2024, p. 30.

197 Isabel van Brugen, “Zelensky Issues Stark Warning Over F-16s,” Newsweek, July 15, 2024,

https://www.newsweek.com/zelensky-warning-ukraine-f16-fighter-jets-1925290. Earlier that month, Zelensky seemed

to suggest in a July 11 tweet that Ukraine would need twice the number of F-16s committed thus far.

https://x.com/ZelenskyyUa/status/1811532850497261967.

198 For more information on this debate, see, for example, Koen Verhelst, “US Pushes Back Against Ukraine Please to

Lift Weapon Restrictions,” Politico, September 7, 2024; and Idrees Ali and Steve Holland, “Complications Loom for

U.S. Arms Policy as Ukraine Moves Deeper Into Russia,” Reuters, August 15, 2024.

Congressional Research Service

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Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Appendix. U.S. Security Assistance to Ukraine

Table A2. Defense Articles and Services Provided to Ukraine, 2022-2024

February 2022-September 2024

Quantity (if

known/applicable)

Article/Service

Air Defense

PATRIOT air defense batteries and munitions

2

National Advanced Surface-to-Air Missile Systems (NASAMS) and munitions

12

HAWK air defense systems and munitions

-

AIM-7, RIM-7, and AIM-9M missiles for air defense

-

Stinger anti-air missiles

At least 2,000

Avenger air defense system

-

VAMPIRE counter-Unmanned Aerial Systems (c-UAS) and munitions

-

C-UAS gun trucks and ammunition/mobile c-UAS laser-guided rocket systems

-

Anti-aircraft guns and ammunition

-

Air surveillance radars

21

Fires

High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS) and ammunition

At least 40

Ground-Launched Small Diameter Bomb launchers and guided rockets

-

155mm Howitzers

At least 200

155mm artillery rounds

At least 3,000,000

Precision-guided 155mm artillery rounds

At least 7,000

Remote Anti-Armor Mine (RAAM) 155 mm rounds

At least 60,000

105mm Howitzers

72

105mm artillery rounds

At least 800,000

203mm artillery rounds

10,000

152mm artillery rounds

At least 400,000

130mm artillery rounds

Approximately 40,000

122mm artillery rounds

40,000

122mm GRAD rockets

60,000

Mortar systems

At least 200

Mortar rounds

At least 600,000

Counter-artillery/counter-mortar radars

At least 100

Multi-mission radars

50

Ground Maneuver

Abrams tanks

31

T-72B tanks

45

Congressional Research Service

32

Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Quantity (if

known/applicable)

Article/Service

Bradley Infantry Fighting Vehicles

At least 300

Bradley Fire Support Team Vehicles

4

Stryker Armored Personnel Carriers

189

M113 Armored Personnel Carriers

At least 800

M1117 Armored Security Vehicles

250

Mine Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) Vehicles

At least 1,000

High Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled Vehicles (HMMWVs)

At least 3,000

Light tactical vehicles

At least 200

Armored medical treatment vehicles

300

Trucks and trailers to transport heavy equipment

80 and at least 200, respectively

Tactical vehicles to tow and haul equipment

At least 1,000

Tactical vehicles to recover equipment

153

Command post vehicles

10

Ammunition support vehicles

30

Armored bridging systems

18

Logistics support vehicles and equipment

20

Fuel tankers and fuel trailers

239 and 105, respectively

Water trailers

58

Armored utility trucks

6

125mm, 120mm, and 105mm tank ammunition

-

25mm ammunition

At least 1,800,000

Mine-clearing equipment

Aircraft and Unmanned Aerial Systems

Switchblade, Phoenix Ghost, CyberLux K8, Altius-600, Jump-20, Hornet, Puma,

Scan Eagle, and Penguin unmanned aerial systems (UAS)

-

UAS radars

2

High-speed anti-radiation missiles

-

Zuni aircraft rockets

At least 6,000

Hydra-70 aircraft rockets

At least 20,000

UAS munitions

-

Precision aerial munitions

Anti-armor and small arms

Javelin anti-armor systems

At least 10,000

Non-Javelin anti-armor systems and munitions

At least 120,000

Tube-Launched, Optically Tracked, Wire-Guided (TOW) missiles

At least 9,000

Grenade launchers and small arms

At least 40,000

Small arms ammunition and grenades

At least 400,000,000

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33

Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Quantity (if

known/applicable)

Article/Service

Laser-guided rocket systems and munitions

-

Rocket launchers and ammunition

-

Anti-armor mines

Maritime

Harpoon coastal defense systems and anti-ship missiles

2

Coastal and riverine patrol boats

90a

Unmanned Coastal Defense Vessels

-

Port and harbor security equipment

Other capabilities

M18A1 Claymore anti-personnel munitions

-

C-4 explosives, demolition munitions, and demolition equipment for obstacle

clearing

-

Obstacle emplacement equipment

-

Counter air defense capability

-

Body armor and helmets

At least 100,000

Tactical secure communications systems and support equipment

-

Satellite communications (SATCOM) antennas

4

SATCOM terminals and services

-

Electronic warfare (EW) and counter-EW equipment

-

Commercial satellite imagery services

-

Night vision devices, surveillance and thermal imagery systems, optics, and

rangefinders

-

Explosive ordnance disposal equipment and protective gear

-

Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear protective equipment

-

Medical supplies, including first aid kits, bandages, monitors, and other

equipment

-

Field equipment, cold weather gear, generators, and spare parts

-

Support for training, maintenance, and sustainment activities

-

Source: Department of State, “U.S. Security Cooperation with Ukraine,” fact sheet, September 6, 2024,

https://www.state.gov/u-s-security-cooperation-with-ukraine/.

Notes:

a. Four of these boats were provided using the Excess Defense Articles (EDA) program, which allows the

President to transfer excess equipment to foreign governments. See Defense Security Cooperation Agency,

“EDA,” https://www.dsca.mil/programs/excess-defense-articles-eda.

Congressional Research Service

34

Defense Production for Ukraine: Background and Issues for Congress

Author Information

Luke A. Nicastro, Coordinator

Analyst in U.S. Defense Infrastructure Policy

Daniel M. Gettinger

Analyst in U.S. Defense Policy

Andrew S. Bowen

Analyst in Russian and European Affairs

Jennifer DiMascio

Analyst in U.S. Defense Policy

Brendan W. McGarry

Specialist in U.S. Defense Budget

Christina L. Arabia

Analyst in Security Assistance, Security

Cooperation and the Global Arms Trade

Disclaimer

This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan

shared staff to congressional committees and Members of Congress. It operates solely at the behest of and

under the direction of Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other

than public understanding of information that has been provided by CRS to Members of Congress in

connection with CRS’s institutional role. CRS Reports, as a work of the United States Government, are not

subject to copyright protection in the United States. Any CRS Report may be reproduced and distributed in

its entirety without permission from CRS. However, as a CRS Report may include copyrighted images or

material from a third party, you may need to obtain the permission of the copyright holder if you wish to

copy or otherwise use copyrighted material.

Congressional Research Service

R48182 · VERSION 1 · NEW

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This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

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