Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Congressional research reportJan 27, 2010
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
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Specialist in Industry and Trade
January 27, 2010
Congressional Research Service
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R40167
CRS Report for Congress
Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress
Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Summary
In the globalized world of business, production is becoming fragmented into discrete activities
and can be spread geographically within and across national borders while remaining integrated
organizationally within a multinational company or network of companies. Such globalized
production networks are called supply chains or value-added networks. This world of supply
chains raises both challenges and opportunities for U.S. policymakers, firms, and workers.
The globalization of production networks has raised policy issues and has called into question
certain long-held perceptions about the efficacy and effects of policy initiatives. Traditional trade
and investment policy is based on national governments, national economies, and country-tocountry relations, but much of trade today is between related companies spread across the globe.
How does protecting or promoting one domestic industry affect other parts of its or other supply
chains? How does the United States ensure the security and integrity of products assembled
offshore from components that are procured from a variety of markets around the world? How
does policy affect the competitiveness of U.S.-based businesses in the global marketplace?
Congressional interest in this issue stems from the essential American interests of economic wellbeing, security, and the projection of values as well as the constitutional mandate for Congress to
regulate commerce with foreign nations. Congress also deals with a variety of policies related to
investments and capital flows, market access, currency misalignment, intellectual property rights,
product safety, shipping security, labor, and the environment. In a broader sweep, the
globalization of business strikes directly at issues related to maintaining the U.S. industrial base,
the education and training of the American labor force, immigration, health care, and myriad
other factors that determine the well-being of Americans.
In international trade, traditional policies aimed at reducing border barriers still tend to increase
economic efficiency, but global supply chains may affect the incidence or impact of those
policies. Raising import barriers in the United States on products from China, for example, may
increase costs for Chinese exporters, but they also have a parallel effect on U.S. multinational
companies with manufacturing operations in China that ship to the United States. In fiscal policy,
globalized supply chains affect the “multiplier effect” of government policies to stimulate the
economy. In shipping security policies, a distinct trade-off exists between greater security and
shipping costs. A variety of government policies, both at the national and state level, affect the
ability of businesses to compete in the international marketplace and the incentive to locate in the
U.S. market. These include tax, labor, environmental, infrastructure, and education policies.
A possible test for policy is to ask if the predominant effect is one of trade diversion or trade
creation. Does a proposed policy divert production from the U.S. economy to a foreign location,
draw production toward a U.S.-based location, or shift production between two foreign locations?
Does the proposed policy create more production, or does it discourage productive activity? Does
the policy encourage job creation in the United States or does it induce firms to shift jobs
overseas? Does the policy disrupt or enhance supply chain operations and decrease or increase
overall supply chain efficiency and profitability? And perhaps most fundamentally, how can
policy be fashioned to encourage the retention of jobs in the United States while keeping U.S.
firms internationally competitive in a complex and globalized world?
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Contents
A New Paradigm.........................................................................................................................4
Global Supply Chains: Manufacturing in the 21st Century ...........................................................9
Typical Supply Chains ..........................................................................................................9
Business Decisions and the Public Interest .......................................................................... 11
The Public Policy Dimension of Global Supply Chains ............................................................. 14
Major Policies Affecting Global Supply Chains................................................................... 17
Taxation........................................................................................................................ 19
Trade and Investment Policy ......................................................................................... 20
Labor and Health Care Costs......................................................................................... 24
Environmental Regulation............................................................................................. 28
Currencies and Exchange Rates..................................................................................... 29
Infrastructure and Transportation................................................................................... 32
Product and Food Safety ............................................................................................... 35
Education and Training ................................................................................................. 36
Protection of Intellectual Property ................................................................................. 37
Risks............................................................................................................................. 38
Fiscal, Monetary, and Industrial Policies ....................................................................... 39
Policy Review Mechanisms ................................................................................................ 42
Conclusion................................................................................................................................ 43
Figures
Figure 1. International Trade by U.S. Parent Non-Bank Multinational Companies, 2007..............6
Figure 2. Manufacturing Supply Chain and Input Costs for the Apple Computer iPod© in
2005 ........................................................................................................................................7
Figure 3. Typical Manufacturing Supply Chain for Wood Furniture from China in 2007 ............ 10
Figure 4. Major Global Sourcing for the Boeing 787 Dreamliner ............................................... 13
Figure 5. A Typical Global Supply Chain with Pertinent Policy Levers ...................................... 18
Figure 6. Indexes of Currency Values Relative to the U.S. Dollar for the Canadian Dollar,
S. Korean Won, Chinese RMB, Euro, and Japanese Yen ......................................................... 30
Figure 7. Indexes of Currency Exchange Rates Relative to the Dollar over the Global
Financial Crisis ...................................................................................................................... 31
Figure 8. Exports and Imports by U.S. Multinational Companies in Selected Industries,
2005 ...................................................................................................................................... 41
Contacts
Author Contact Information ...................................................................................................... 44
Acknowledgments .................................................................................................................... 44
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
he world financial crisis that erupted in 2008 demonstrated that the forces of globalization1
have affected two major parts of the world economy: the international financial system
and the global production system. These financial and real (goods-and-services producing)
sectors are closely interconnected and synergistically intertwined. The financial crisis
demonstrated that the combination of globalization, new technology, new financial instruments,
and unrecognized risks, can cause major upheavals in markets that can spread from firm to firm
and then from country to country.
T
In this globalized world, production is becoming more fragmented into discrete activities and can
be spread geographically within and across national borders while remaining integrated
organizationally within a multinational company or network of companies. This report begins
with an overview of global supply chains, why they have developed, and how the variables in the
chain (including government policy) relate to each other. It then examines the types of policies
that affect different parts of the global supply network and concludes with a discussion of policy
review mechanisms. In any global supply structure, there are trade-offs between border
transaction costs (including tariffs), factor costs (including labor and capital), logistical costs
(including shipping), costs of quality control, external business costs (ease of doing business,
regulations, etc.), and various risks (including financial and political risk). Government economic
policy often affects each of these tradeoffs in different ways.
Globalized manufacturing chains relate directly to the two essential national interests of the
United States, security and economic well-being, and relate indirectly to the third—the projection
of American values. On the security side, the constant flow of imports streaming into U.S. ports
and through border crossings raises the potential for illicit or dangerous cargo, including possible
terrorist devices, to enter the United States. On the economic well-being side, the globalized
supply chains represent changes in crucial segments of the U.S. economy that ultimately affect
the well being of Americans. They bring into play fundamental economic issues such as jobs,
wage levels, income distribution, entrepreneurship, and the profitability of businesses. At a more
basic level, U.S. manufacturers and providers of services form the foundation of the economy and
generate the resources available to support the well-being of Americans, governmental activities,
and the ability of the nation to pursue its security and other national interests.
As for the projection of American values, globalization and the economic opportunities it
generates can raise standards of living in countries, such as China or Vietnam, and thereby can
potentially create alternative centers of power and channels of communication that may challenge
repressive governments or help in resolving problems with democracy, the rule of law, and human
rights. However, globalized supply chains also may provide resources for certain repressive
governments or, in the case of China, help in providing a rationale for the ruling party to continue
its dominance. The presence of U.S. or other international corporations in countries may provide
a mechanism for U.S. business and labor practices, as well as language, culture, and values to be
spread to parts of the local populations. Foreign investors, however, may be attracted to
authoritarian governments because they tend to create stability even though that stability may be
at the sacrifice of certain freedoms or human rights. The globalization of manufacturing also is
1
Globalization refers to the development of an increasingly integrated and interconnected world economy marked by
liberalized trade flows, high mobility of capital, transnational businesses, and greater interdependence among national
economies.
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creating dependency and interaction among trading partners, such as China and Japan or China
and Taiwan. These seem to be ameliorating historical friction points and promoting stability in
regions. For China, the nation’s increased economic influence, generated partly from its crucial
role in global supply chains, has provided Beijing with greater voice in international fora and
arguably some leverage in negotiations with the United States.
The globalization of production networks and supply chains also has raised policy issues and has
called into question certain long-held perceptions about the efficacy and effects of policy
initiatives. For example, a large proportion of international trade is conducted within production
networks and chains that cross international borders. How does this affect traditional trade and
investment policy that is based on national governments, national economies, and country-tocountry relations? How have global supply chains affected American jobs? How does the United
States ensure the security and integrity of products assembled offshore from components that are
procured from a variety of markets around the world? Other policy issues include how to target
fiscal policy to generate the largest possible beneficial effects, the degree to which the
government should act to retain industries and related job opportunities in the United States, the
extent to which American jobs are being “outsourced” overseas, the role of U.S. policy in
promoting overseas investment, competition by governments (including state governments) to
attract foreign investment, and the arguably declining manufacturing base in the United States.
Congressional interest in this issue stems from the aforementioned national interests as well as its
constitutional mandate to regulate commerce with foreign nations. Congress also deals with the
variety of policies that arise with respect to international trade, import competition, investments
and capital flows, market access, currency misalignment, intellectual property rights, product
safety, shipping security, labor, and the environment. In a broader sweep, the globalization of
business strikes directly at issues related to maintaining the U.S. industrial base, the education
and training of the American labor force, health care, and the myriad other factors that determine
the level of competitiveness of U.S.-based business in international commerce.
U.S. public policies combine with business costs and other factors to affect the shape,
geographical location, and operation of supply chains. Conversely, the existence of supply chains
may affect U.S. policymaking. Trade policy aimed at curbing imports from China, for example,
would likely affect Chinese exporters and ancillary sectors, but it also may hit subsidiaries of U.S.
companies and manufacturers whose supply chains stretch there. It is not surprising, therefore,
that some of the strongest voices both for and against trade protectionism come from Americanbased manufacturers and service providers.
A crucial issue for U.S. policymakers is how to create conditions that make the U.S. economy
more attractive as a location for both U.S. parented supply chains and for segments of supply
chains of foreign companies. This directly affects job creation for Americans. A possible test for
policy is to ask if the predominant effect is trade diversion or trade creation. Does the policy
divert production from the U.S. economy to a foreign location, draw production toward a U.S.based location, or shift production between two foreign locations? Does the proposed policy
create more production? Does it induce foreign businesses to locate segments of their supply
chains here? Does it create jobs in the United States or merely shift them from one foreign
country to another? What effect does the policy have on supply chain operations, efficiency,
profitability and the distribution of benefits between labor and management?
As the 111th Congress and the Obama Administration consider changes to economic policy, the
basic issues raised by global supply chains may come into play, particularly considerations of the
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incidence of policies. For example, is the goal of a policy to support business to promote the
overall efficiency and profitability of U.S. parented supply chains even if significant segments of
those chains are located abroad, or is the goal to induce companies to move production or other
business activity to the United States even if such action reduces supply chain efficiency and the
ability of the U.S.-parented supply chain to compete in the global marketplace? In international
trade and investment policies, does the incidence of the policy fall on overseas segments of
American parented supply chains? If the policy is to reduce imports into the United States, what
effect will that have on global supply chain operations? Is there a balance between trade policies
designed to increase U.S. exports (e.g., by reducing tariffs abroad) and those that may induce U.S.
companies to move production overseas (e.g., easing foreign country limits on direct
investments)? As global supply chains attempt to maximize their efficiency and profitability, they
face trade-offs between border transaction costs (including tariffs), factor costs (including labor
and capital), logistical costs (including shipping), external business costs (ease of doing business,
regulations, etc.), and various risks (including security, 2 financial, and political risk). How does
government economic policy influence these factors and trade-offs in ways that are in accord
with, rather than counter to U.S. national goals? What about the perception that U.S. businesses
are sending jobs overseas?3
One approach that addressed this issue in part is to focus on manufacturing. In September 2009,
the White House named Ron Bloom to be the Administration’s Senior Counselor for
Manufacturing Policy to coordinate policy with the Departments of Commerce, Treasury, Energy,
and Labor. In December 2009, the Executive Office of the President released a report entitled “A
Framework for Revitalizing American Manufacturing.” This report examined the manufacturing
process, the supply chain, and laid out a simplified model of the manufacturing process, identified
each cost driver in this process, and attempted to determine the influence of government on each
cost. The relevant costs identified were labor, technology and business practices, equipment,
location, transportation, regulation, and taxation.4
Some of the legislation related to global supply chains in the 111th Congress include a bill
condemning the People’s Republic of China for its socially unacceptable business practices,
including the manufacturing and exportation of unsafe products, casual disregard for the
environment, and exploitative employment practices (H.Res. 44 [Poe]); Retooling America’s
Workers for a Green Economy Act (S. 269[Murray]); Achievement Through Technology and
Innovation Act of 2009 (H.R. 558 [Roybal-Allard]); Trade Enforcement Act of 2009 (H.R. 496
[Rangel]); 10,000 Trained by 2010 Act (H.R. 461 [Wu]); Food Safety Enhancement Act of 2009
(H.R. 2749 [Dingell]); Strengthening Our Economy Through Small Business Innovation Act of
2009 (S. 177 [Feingold]); SECTORS Act of 2009 (S. 777[Brown, S.]); Business Incubator
Promotion Act (S. 1662 [Brown,S.]); Reciprocal Market Access Act of 2009 (S. 1766. [Brown,
S.]).
2
See CRS Report RL33512, Transportation Security: Issues for the 111th Congress, by (name redacted), (name
redacted), and (name redacted).
3
See CRS Report RL32292, Offshoring (a.k.a. Offshore Outsourcing) and Job Insecurity Among U.S. Workers, by
(name redacted).
4
Executive Office of the President, A Framework for Revitalizing American Manufacturing, December 2009,
http://www.shopfloor.org/wp-content/uploads/20091216-manufacturing-framework-final_embargoed.pdf.
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The 110th Congressed passed the Consumer Product Safety Improvement Act of 2008 that
reformed the Consumer Product Safety Commission and strengthened enforcement of consumer
product safety standards (H.R. 4040 [Rush, P.L. 110-314])5 and the America Competes Act that
promotes investment in science and engineering research and in science, technology, engineering,
and mathematics education (H.Res. 602/H.R. 2272 [Sutton, P.L. 110-69]).
A New Paradigm
The globalized American economy poses challenges for U.S. trade and regulatory policy. The
traditional paradigm for policy was that the American economy consisted of U.S. businesses that
operated primarily in the domestic market, hired U.S. workers, and sold to U.S. consumers, but
some production was either imported or exported. International trade took place between
countries according to each nation’s competitive and comparative advantage. A trade policy
aimed at a particular country had impact on businesses in that country. Only indirectly would
adverse effects rebound to harm U.S. business interests such as when foreign governments
retaliated in kind. U.S. import restrictions assisted competing industries in the U.S. market even
though those restrictions also generally raised prices for American consumers.
The world now has changed. Like a child’s neural network, the global economy is constantly
organizing and reorganizing itself with new linkages, supply networks, manufacturing chains, and
marketing channels that rise in response to market forces and government policies.
This integrated world economy raises both challenges and opportunities for U.S. policymakers.
How U.S. policy responds to this new reality directly affects the well-being of Americans. The
existing paradigm based on geographical boundaries, country-to-country trade, vertical
integration of manufacturing, and retailers acting as market takers rather than as market makers
seems to be in need of updating. A new policy paradigm should account for the evolving world of
business in which large U.S. manufacturers and providers of services have become part of
increasingly complex international chains in which parts and components are made in multiple
locations and assembled in others. In the delivery of services, some still require face-to-face
contact (e.g., airline passenger travel or food services) but other business services can be
delivered through high speed Internet connections (e.g., computer programming, data analysis,
customer relations, or ticket sales).
International trade now is less between countries than it is within a global supply network that
may include headquarters, design, branding, and engineering in the United States but
manufacturing in China with parts from Singapore, Japan, and the European Union and call
center services in India. For example, a U.S. company may make a computer in Shanghai, but it
could have been assembled from chips designed in Texas with a motherboard from Taiwan and
manufactured according to specifications by the U.S. brand-name holder in California with
software from Washington state and shipped through Hong Kong directly to a retailer either in the
American market or abroad. The product service department might be located partly in India or
the Philippines. Such supply chain relations tend to be long-term with “upstream” processes
directly connected to “downstream” activities and both pitfalls and opportunities for policy at
5
CRS Report RL34684, Consumer Product Safety Improvement Act of 2008: P.L. 110-314, by (name redacted).
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various junctures in the supply chain. Some supply chain relationships are cemented through
ownership ties, but others are contractual. In either case, the relationships tend to be long-term in
which product development, design, and manufacturing tends to be a collaborative process.
One indicator of the extent to which international trade increasingly is being conducted within
companies can be seen in data on exports and imports by U.S. non-bank multinational companies
(MNCs) with affiliated and non-affiliated companies. Note that many non-affiliated companies
may belong to a company’s supply chain. As shown in Figure 1, in 2007, U.S. MNCs exported
$214 billion to their foreign affiliated companies and $344 billion to non-affiliated companies.
These exports accounted for 44% of all U.S. exports of goods in that year. U.S. MNCs also
imported $272 billion from their foreign affiliated companies and $456 from non-affiliates. This
accounted for 34% of all U.S. imports. In 2007, U.S. parent non-bank MNCs employed 22.0
million people in the United States and 11.7 million abroad in affiliated companies.
Not shown in Figure 1 are exports by multinational companies of foreign parentage located in the
U.S. market. These include companies such as Toyota, Nokia, Seagram, or Bayer. These
American subsidiaries comprise key components of foreign supply chains. In 2007, they
employed 5.5 million people in the U.S. economy (4.6% of total employment), exported $216
billion and imported $533 billion in goods.6 Their U.S. operations often are part of a far flung
global network. For example, in 2007, the operations of Hitachi of Japan included 16,242
employees in 75 companies in North America, 56,305 employees in China, 49,340 in other Asian
nations, 9,468 in Europe, and 251,702 employees in Japan.7
In a survey on the future of manufacturing undertaken by Industry Week magazine in 2008, the
U.S. manufacturers that responded indicated that 18% of their products in 2008 were
manufactured or directly sourced from outside the United States and that by 2011, they expected
25% would be foreign-sourced. The manufacturers also indicated that 16% of their products in
2008 were being sold outside the United States and that by 2011, they expected 22% would be
sold abroad. Of the major regions of the world where companies were sourcing product in 2008,
54% said China, 30% said the European Union, 27% Mexico/Latin America, 22% Southeast Asia,
21% Canada, and 17% said India. Foreign sourcing was expected to increase by 2011 from
China, Mexico/Latin America, Southeast Asia, and India but decrease from the European Union
and Canada.8
6
Thomas Anderson and William J. Zeile, “Operations of U.S. Affiliates of Foreign Companies, Preliminary Results
from the 2007 Benchmark Survey,” Survey of Current Business, November 2009, pp. 43, 55.
7
Masao Hisada, “Hitachi’s Globalization,” a PowerPoint presentation, July 18, 2008.
8
Crowe Horwath LLP and IW Custom Research, “The Future of Manufacturing,” Industry Week, November 2008, pp.
S3, S4.
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Figure 1. International Trade by U.S. Parent Non-Bank Multinational Companies,
2007
Exports to
Foreign
Affiliates
$214 billion
Total U.S.
Exports:
$1,277 billion
Exports to
Non-affilates
$344 billion
U.S.
Non-bank
Multinational
Corporations
Imports from
Foreign
Affiliates
$272 billion
Total U.S. Imports:
$2,117 billion
Imports from
Non-affiliates
$456 billion
Source: Congressional Research Service. Data from: Raymond J. Mataloni, Jr., “U.S. Multinational Companies,
Operations in 2007,” Survey of Current Business, August 2009, p. 68.
One example of a typical supply chain may be that for Apple Computer’s iPod music playing
device. This is made by a manufacturing chain that stretches across several countries in the
Pacific basin. As shown in Figure 2, the value of $144 for an iPod imported from China in 2005
had its major parts and services originate from China, the United States, Japan, South Korea,
Taiwan, and Singapore.9 Each of these major components, moreover, may have involved parts
from various countries of the world. The iPod supply chain included design, supply chain
management, parts production, assembly, shipping, distribution, and retail. Note that less than
9
Greg Linden, Kenneth L. Kraemer, Jason Dedrick, “Who Captures Value in a Global Innovation System? The Case of
Apple’s iPod,” Personal Computing Industry Center, June 2007. 10 p.
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Figure 2. Manufacturing Supply Chain and Input Costs for the Apple Computer iPod© in 2005
Korea
Samsung
SDRAM memory
($2)
Japan
U.S.
Renesas
Display driver ($3)
Distribution
($30)
Retail ($45)
-China
Japan
Manufacture hard
drive for Toshiba
($53)
Toshiba
Design and oversee hard
drive manufacturing ($20)
Display module ($20)
China
Insertion, Test,
Assembly for Inventec
($4)
U.S.
Apple Computer
Overall design
Oversee supply chain
Marketing, Profit
($80)
Import Price: $144
U.S.
Misc. Sources
Taiwan
Other inputs
($38)
Inventec
Oversee Insertion, Test,
assembly ($0.11)
Broadcom
Design and Oversee video
processor manufacturing
($4)
U.S.
Taiwan/Singapore
NVIDIA (Portal Player)
Central Processing Unit
($5)
Video processor made
for Broadcom
($4)
iPod Retail Price: $299
Source: Congressional Research Service. Data from Greg Linden, Kenneth L. Kraemer, Jason Dedrick, “Who Captures Value in a Global Innovation System? The Case of
Apple’s iPod,” Personal Computing Industry Center, June 2007. 10 p. and various other sources.
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
half of the $299 retail cost is accounted for by the $144 import price. The largest share of the
retail price arises from Apple Computer’s profit and other activities and in U.S. distribution and
retail. Some of the parts also originate from U.S. companies. The supply chain also includes
transportation and logistics management, financing, risk management, and quality control. Many
of these services may be provided by an American company. Apple Computer also sells iPods in
the global marketplace. Although, these may be shipped directly from China, they contain U.S.
parts and generate profits for Apple.
In this globalized business world, products may be pushed through the international supply
network by an American holder of the brand name, or they may be pulled through the network by
a major U.S. retailer. In either case, relevant U.S. policies include those affecting international
trade, exchange rates, product safety, shipping security, as well as costs of fuel and raw materials,
labor quality and price, and the existence of production infrastructure. These combine to affect
the shape, geographical location, and operation of the supply chain. Conversely, the existence of
the supply chain may affect U.S. policymaking. Trade policy aimed at curbing imports from
China, for example, would likely affect Chinese exporters and ancillary sectors, but it also may
hit subsidiaries of U.S. companies and manufacturers whose supply chains stretch there. It is not
surprising, therefore, that some of the strongest voices both for and against trade protectionism
come from American-based manufacturers and service providers.
The manufacturing sector, moreover, can operate only if it is supported by a robust and capable
financial sector. Manufacturing managers tend to focus their energies on producing goods and use
financial services companies to handle most financial activities. Many companies rely heavily on
banks, brokerage houses, investment funds, and insurance companies to raise capital, finance
transactions, insure against risks, and issue stock. When the financial sector is in crisis, the
manufacturing sector is usually not far behind. For manufactures, such as General Motors, with
in-house financial services, the current financial crisis may have hit them with a dual punch. It
may have clobbered both their financial subsidiaries and their sales of product.10 Trade
transactions, moreover, rely heavily on trust and credit. In 2008, thinly capitalized suppliers in
other countries were finding it increasingly difficult to obtain new letters of credit. Available
loans, moreover, were at higher rates of interest. This was threatening to disrupt the intricate
supply chains that reached into China and emerging markets in eastern Europe.11
10
For example, in the third quarter of 2008, GMAC, GM’s financing arm, reported a loss of $2.5 billion (of which
$294 million was related to auto financing and most of the rest from mortgage financing). In 2006, a consortium of
banks and Cerberus Capital Management bought 51% of GMAC from General Motors leaving 49% still in-house. Peter
Valdes-Dapena, “GM Dealers Feel Squeeze from GMAC,” CNNMoney.com, November 6, 2008.
11
Peter T. Leach, “Weak link: Trade suffers as suppliers struggle to obtain financing,” The Journal of Commerce
Online, December 24, 2008.
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Global Supply Chains: Manufacturing in the 21st
Century
The commerce clause of the U.S. Constitution ensured that the various state economies would
unite into a vast American market allowing for the free movement of goods, capital, and labor
anywhere within the nation. As the economy developed, the government intervened to subsidize
the building of a transportation infrastructure (roads, railways, ports, and airports) and
communication facilities, to regulate business, and to protect intellectual property. This huge,
unified market gave U.S. businesses a distinct advantage in global markets because they could
spread their operations across multiple state markets and take advantage of concentrations of
consumers, natural resource endowments, and different labor skills and wages but still operate
under a common federal regulatory system.
Over the past half century, three revolutionary changes have redefined business production
methods and spawned the development of globalized supply chains. The first has been the
development of low-cost shipping along with fast and cheap communications. The second has
been the rise of business management strategies that call for a focus on core competencies,12 justin-time production, 13 steady improvement in product quality, risk minimization, flexibility in
meeting consumer demand, and profit maximization over a supply chain rather than for each
entity within that chain. The third has been the reduction in international trade and investment
barriers worldwide through both multilateral and bilateral trade agreements. Underlying these
three revolutionary changes has been a period of relative stability in the world and the absence of
global warfare that would have threatened international shipping. These changes have encouraged
the globalization of business, but this globalization also may either coincide with or conflict with
national goals of full employment, economic growth, balance in international trade accounts, and
national security.
Typical Supply Chains
In the world today, a supply chain exists for almost all products traded in the international
marketplace. Figure 3 illustrates a typical supply chain for furniture companies with headquarters
in either the United States or China but with most of the manufacturing done in China with some
inputs from the United States. This could be a brand-name furniture chain with headquarters in
the United States, or it could be a major retailer that pulls product through its network of
suppliers. In 2007, the United States exported $593 million in wood (for all uses) to China and
imported $20 billion in furniture. The United States also provided furniture design and branding,
distribution, some upholstery fabric, certain machinery and tools, some chemicals, quality control
12
The idea of core competencies is that they represent the true sources of competitive advantage and that such
competencies should be the focus of firm effort. All other activities could be outsourced. See G. Hamel and C.K.
Prahalad. “The Core Competence of the Corporation,” Harvard Business Review, Vol. 68, No. 3, 1990. Pp. 243-244.
13
A just-in-time production system is the coordinated manufacture of components or products so that materials are
received or produced at the precise time and in the exact quantity to meet the demand of the customer or the next
operation in an assembly process. This reduces costs by eliminating the need to hold large inventories of parts and
product and allows for defects in parts to be corrected before being incorporated into a product.
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to a certain extent, and some shipping and other logistics as well as U.S. distribution and retail
operations.
Figure 3.Typical Manufacturing Supply Chain for Wood Furniture from China in
2007
Quality
Control
China
Paint
Adhesives
Upholstery
Seeds
Chemicals
($59
Furniture
Manufacturers
Machinery
)
illion
3m
($20 billion)
Sawmills
Forestry
Upholstery
Distribution
Retail
Design
Logistics
Lumber
Source: Congressional Research Service
Where in this supply chain does the United States have an advantage? American companies
specialize in high-value added activities such as chemicals, seeds, upholstery design, machinery
manufacturing, and the design and advertising of the final product. Abundant natural forests and
land also allow the United States to specialize in production of lumber, some of which goes to
China. China also procures lumber, particularly hardwoods, from Southeast Asia and Russia.
High end furniture that requires customization, skilled woodworking, and is bulky also tends to
be manufactured closer to the customer in the United States, and custom cabinetry and wood
countertops usually require local manufacture. Still, about half of the mass marketed wood
furniture (non-upholstered) market is supplied by imports, and U.S. employment in this sector has
fallen by almost half over the 2000-2005 period. The shift to foreign manufacturing by wood
furniture manufacturers and the focus on retail and distribution is highlighted by the change in the
name of the “American Furniture Manufacturers Association” to the “American Home
Furnishings Alliance.”14 It should be noted, however, that some furniture manufacturing is
returning to or being located in the United States. The Swedish firm Ikea has established a
production plant in Virginia, and certain high-end brands either are expanding operations in the
United States (such as Stickley15) or are relocating some production back from overseas to North
Carolina (such as La-Z-Boy). 16
14
See CRS Report RL34001, U.S. Furniture Manufacturing: Overview and Prospects, by Stephen Cooney.
L. & J.G. Stickley, Inc., Our History, accessed January 7, 2009. http://www.stickley.com/OurStickleyStory.cfm?
SubPgName=OurHistory&BodyTxt=On.
16
Larry Rohter, “Shipping costs start to crimp globalization,” International Herald Tribune, August 2, 2008, Internet
version.
15
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Business Decisions and the Public Interest
In this world of global supply chains, corporate and national interests may coincide with or
conflict with each other. For example, a business seeks to minimize costs of production and may
turn to lower cost assembly plants abroad while a nation seeks to provide full employment for its
citizens. A business seeks continual improvement in the technology and quality embodied in its
products and may turn to a foreign manufacturer of a component, while a nation seeks to generate
technological change at home. A business seeks to maximize profits and satisfy consumer demand
by using a combination of domestic and imported products, while a nation seeks to balance its
international trade accounts and to generate economic growth at home.
A fundamental issue is whether the claim still holds that what is good for business is good for the
country, and vice versa (this was originally phrased as what is good for General Motors is good
for the country. 17) In an alternative way of stating the problem, Adam Smith postulated in 1776
that individuals seeking their economic self-interest, as if guided by an “invisible hand,” actually
benefit society more than they would if they tried to benefit society directly.18 In short, the issue is
whether efficiency and profitability for businesses also translate into efficiency and economic
well-being for the country as a whole. Do the benefits of greater business efficiency and
profitability trickle down to society in general in the form of higher pay and more jobs created?
Supply chains have added complexity to this issue. In the case of Adam Smith’s invisible hand or
in the statement in 1953 about General Motors, U.S. business referred to companies located in the
United States and doing most of their business here. With supply chains, business headquarters
may be located in the United States, but production networks may be global. The company
usually will attempt to maximize profits and efficiency across the entire supply chain and not just
for the domestic part of it. Profits may accrue to the U.S. parent company, but many of the
supplier and assembly jobs may be overseas. Whether a policy that is good for business is also
good for the United States, therefore, depends on how the profits of business are distributed, how
much of the value generated by the business supply chain is created in the United States, and
what effect the supply chain has on the U.S. balance of trade and other international accounts.
In establishing a global supply chain, a corporation faces three basic issues. First, what are the
core competencies of the company? What part of the manufacturing chain should the company do
in-house and what should be contracted out? Second, where should the product be assembled and
packaged? Should it be done in the United States, in China, or elsewhere? Third, should the
company invest in manufacturing facilities and own the process or rely on suppliers? The
outcome of these decisions determine the shape, location, and interconnections within the supply
chain.
For example, the new Boeing 787 Dreamliner passenger aircraft (first deliveries scheduled for
2010) is based on a supply chain that incorporates many business and policy decisions involved
in making a complex product. Although final assembly is done near Seattle, Boeing outsources
17
The actual quotation in 1953 by Charles Erwin Wilson (former President of General Motors) in his confirmation
hearing to become Secretary of Defense was, “For years I thought what was good for our country was good for General
Motors, and vice versa.”
18
Adam Smith. An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. (Dublin, Whitestone, 1776).
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
about 70% of the total content of the aircraft (up from about 50% in previous planes) with about
30% of the content outsourced from foreign suppliers.19 As shown in Figure 4, many components
and parts of the airplane come from Europe and Asia as well as from the United States. France
makes passenger doors; the U.K. provides Rolls Royce engines, Italy the center fuselage and
horizontal stabilizers, Sweden cargo doors, Germany the main cabin lighting, Japan wings and the
central wing box as well as carbon fiber jointly developed with Boeing, China the rudder and
other parts; and Australia provides the trailing wing edge. Since passenger airplanes are
purchased by airlines that often are owned by or have close relationships with governments, part
of Boeing’s marketing strategy is to get major customer nations involved in production to provide
them a vested interest in the financial success of the aircraft. Boeing is a leading U.S. exporter,
but it does so partly because it also cooperates with potential customer countries in the
development and production of aircraft. The U.S. Export-Import Bank also plays a role in funding
exports of aircraft.20
19
Boeing, 787 Dreamliner, Program Fact Sheet, accessed January 6, 2009. http://www.boeing.com/commercial/
787family/programfacts.html.
20
CRS Report 98-568, Export-Import Bank: Background and Legislative Issues, by Shayerah Ilias.
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Figure 4. Major Global Sourcing for the Boeing 787 Dreamliner
Japan:
Wings
Central wing box
Carbon fiber
Lavatories
U.K.
Engines
Wind tunnel testing
China:
Rudder
Fairing panels
Leading edge for
vertical fin
Italy:
Center fuselage
Horizontal stabilizers
Australia:
Trailing wing
edge
Germany:
Cabin lighting
U.S.
(70% U.S. Content)
Overall management
planning, & marketing (IL, WA)
Engines (OH, VT)
Leading wing edges (OK)
Forward fuselage (KS)
Aft fuselage (SC)
Wireless emergency lighting (AZ)
Integrated systems (CT)
Tail fins (WA)
Final assembly (WA)
Wind tunnel testing (CA)
France:
Passenger doors
Sweden:
Cargo doors
Source: Congressional Research Service from data from “Boeing 787: A Matter of Materials,” Industry
Week, December 1, 2007, pp. 35-37 plus several news articles. Photograph from The Boeing Company.
Boeing’s supply chain for the 787 Dreamliner illustrates several of the central tenets of 21st
century manufacturing. Boeing focuses on its core competencies (designing, assembling, and
marketing airplanes), attempts to maximize efficiency over the entire production network,
minimizes inventories through a just-in-time manufacturing process, and works with suppliers to
engender technological progress and more exacting quality control. Some of these business goals
favor foreign sourcing of production or parts while others favor domestic sources. Some critics of
producing wings in Japan, for example, fear that Boeing may be fostering a Japanese aircraft
industry that may become a future competitor.21 Boeing also must consider U.S. and foreign
government policies in various aspects of its business decisions.
Many aspects of U.S. public policy support Boeing’s production of aircraft. These arguably
include procurement by the Department of Defense, the financing of exports through the Export21
Peter Pae, “Japanese Helping 787 Take Wing,” Los Angeles Times, May 9, 2005, p. C1.
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Import Bank, subsidies for research and development, subsidies for the education and training of
engineers and other skilled workers, subsidies for airport construction, and official trade
complaints aimed at European government subsidies of Airbus.22 Boeing is a major U.S. exporter
and generates job opportunities for thousands of Americans despite its supply chain that reaches
overseas. These imports of parts and components, however, tend to be offset by exports of final
product.
The iPod supply chain in Figure 2 represents a corporate network that is a net importer. The
production of iPods or similar consumer electronics also may benefit from U.S. government
policies. These may include government procurement, the financing of trade transactions,
subsidies for research and development, subsidies for aerospace activities (including satellite
launches) and the Internet, various government market-opening initiatives, and efforts at
strengthening the protection of intellectual property.
Critics of globalization tend to focus on lower costs (because of lower wages or less stringent
environmental or other regulations) of manufacturing abroad. For supply chains, however,
production decisions cannot rest solely on calculations of cost. Cost calculations are combined
with estimates of risk to produce expected values for future operations. For example, in deciding
whether to assemble a product in China, the risk of currency appreciation, shipping disruptions,
political turmoil, changes in Chinese government policy, differential rates of inflation,
miscommunication, accidents, terrorist incidents, and other such factors also enter into the
calculations. In addition, measures that need to be taken for long-distance quality control and
product safety come into play.
For example, the pharmaceutical company Pfizer is undergoing a massive overhaul of its
manufacturing and supply network worldwide. Pfizer Global Manufacturing currently supplies
more than 500 products with 100 manufacturing plants that it is whittling down to 43. Some
plants have been closed, some sold outright, and others sold with trailing supply agreements.
Now the company manufactures internally when that makes sense, and it buys the rest from
outside sources. The company says that their decisions are not based entirely on cost but on
creating value for its customers. This includes cost, quality, reliability, and the speed of product
development as well as supply chain security. 23
The Public Policy Dimension of Global Supply
Chains
A crucial issue for U.S. policymakers is how to create conditions that make the U.S. economy
more attractive as a location for both headquarters of supply chains and for each segment of both
22
Reuters, “U.S. to continue challenging Airbus subsidies,” International Herald Tribune, March 6, 2008.
Jill Jusko, “Reworking the Pharma Supply Chain,” Industry Week, December 2008, pp. 47-49. Note that in 2008,
Pfizer employed about 85,000 people in more than 150 countries. Of its $48.4 billion in revenues in 2007, $8.1 billion
was spent on research and development mostly in the United States, the U.K., and in Singapore. See Pfizer, “Pfizer
Company Fact Sheet,” Updated February 21, 2008; Pfizer Asia Pacific Pte Ltd., “Who We Are;” and Pfizer UK,
“Pfizer at a Glance,” 2008.
23
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
U.S. and foreign parented supply chains. In general, the more value that is added domestically,
the more domestic job opportunities that may be created and greater the well-being of Americans.
A possible test for policy is to ask if the predominant effect is one of diversion or creation. Does a
proposed policy divert production (including services, research, and marketing) and employment
that goes with production from the U.S. economy to a foreign location, draw production toward a
U.S.-based location, or shift production between two foreign locations? Does the proposed policy
create more production, or does it discourage productive activity? Does it induce foreign-owned
businesses to locate segments of their supply chains here? Does the policy disrupt or enhance
supply chain operations and decrease or increase overall supply chain efficiency and profitability?
How does a policy affect the distribution of benefits among corporate executives, workers,
shareholders, and consumers? Does a proposed policy encourage the delivery of products for
consumers that are high in quality yet low in price? Also, does a proposed policy affect where
intellectual property is created or resides, and what are the spinoff benefits for the rest of society?
Public policy affects businesses in two distinct ways. The first is in the environment for business
or the economic, political, and social crucible in which it operates. This includes a wide range of
factors including basic institutions of private property, commercial law and rights, market access,
rights of establishment, national treatment, border barriers, exchange rate policy, protection of
intellectual property, infrastructure, education and training of workers, energy policy, the climate
for innovation, political governance, and the panoply of policies aimed at the general climate for
business that all companies face.
The second way that public policy affects business is in actions that affect the internal operations
of companies. These are actions that directly affect costs of production and profitability, and may
include tax policy, specific customs duties, wage and employment policies, accounting and
reporting rules, health and safety requirements, specific environmental requirements, and product
safety. Some policies affecting the general business environment, such as energy costs and
subsidies for research and development, also affect internal costs.
The development of global supply chains adds another dimension to the impact of public policy.
This appears in the incidence (who is affected) by policy. Since manufacturing processes now
have become fractured, the incidence of policy likewise has become fractured. A supply chain
consists of a domestic parent, domestic suppliers, foreign suppliers, and a community of
supporting functions that include logistics, supply chain management, and quality assurance.
Public policy may provide incentives or disincentives for supply chain parent companies to
establish and retain their headquarters in the U.S. market. This applies both to historically
American companies and to foreign companies that may locate regional headquarters in the
United States. Public policies favorable to business in the United States also may induce both
American and foreign-owned supply chains to locate more segments of their supply chains in the
United States (and vice versa).
U.S. policies, however, also may lower the costs of manufacturing abroad. Reciprocal tariff
reductions; free trade areas; reducing market access barriers in other countries; improving U.S.
seaports, airports, and other freight handling infrastructure; promoting faster and more efficient
communications networks; and certain tax provisions may increase the incentive to source from
abroad or to invest in business operations there. While such policies may work counter to efforts
to induce businesses to locate activities in the United States, they also may increase the overall
profitability of a U.S. parented global supply chain and may better enable U.S. businesses to
leverage their supply chain operations in order to sell product in the foreign market. Therefore,
while U.S. efforts at decreasing border barriers abroad tend to have an unequivocally positive
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
impact on U.S. economic well-being by increasing U.S. exports, efforts at improving the business
environment in foreign countries (such as protecting intellectual property or easing restrictions on
foreign investment) tend to have a dual impact. While such efforts may encourage the location of
segments of a supply chain in foreign countries, they also may increase the profitability of the
supply chain operations for the U.S. parent company. An analogous argument holds for a policy
such as imposing additional import tariffs in the United States. While such a policy may increase
the incentive to locate production in the U.S. market, it also may reduce the profitability and
competitiveness of supply chain operations for U.S. companies. As a result, the chain as a whole
may be less able to compete with other global supply chains, may lose business, and may end up
with fewer American employees overall.
The proliferation of global supply chains, therefore, has exacerbated certain trade-offs with
respect to the effect or incidence of policies. For a given policy proposal, is the larger effect on
the supply chain parent, on overseas operations that also affect the parent company, or on
company operations, both domestic and foreign, in the United States? The varying effects of the
policy may cause seemingly contradictory reactions to policy initiatives. It should not be a
surprise to find various interest groups, even those within certain business sectors, at odds with
each other. In view of these disparate responses, business associations, such as the National
Association of Manufacturers, tend to take positions only on issues of general interest to their
members. They usually do not speak out on industry sectoral issues, unless such issues are noncontroversial or have wide member support.24
Public policy, therefore, affects different segments of the supply chain in different ways. A policy
aimed at increasing the number of scientists and engineers in the U.S. economy may help to retain
the research and development segment in the United States, but the focus on such high-level skills
may lessen the number of new graduates who are willing to take jobs that require only lowerlevel labor skills and face work processes that tend to be repetitive. A policy aimed at keeping out
certain types of imported materials, such as carbon steel, to assist the domestic steel industry may
lessen the competitiveness of the automobile and other industries that use steel in their assembly
process. The fracturing of the manufacturing process and the outsourcing of components of that
process to foreign suppliers, therefore, implies that public policy also may need to be fractured
(multidimensional and discriminating), designed to have different effects on different segments of
the production chains and the workforce associated with those production activities.
One example of how public policy may enter into business decision making to determine where
to manufacture product is an analytical tool reportedly used by Dow Chemical. Dow has
manufacturing capacity in several countries and can move production from location to location on
short notice. The company has used a linear programming model25 that takes account of
international differences in exchange rates, tax rates, and transportation and labor costs to
determine the best mix of production by location for each planning period.26 The company is able
24
National Association of Manufacturers, “IEAP-01 International Trade Policy
A linear programming is a mathematical method of maximizing or minimizing a linear function (straight line
equation) subject to linear (straight line) constraints.
26
George S. Yip, “Global Strategy in a World of Nations?,” Sloan Management review, vol. 29 (Fall 1989), p. 33.
25
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
to respond quickly to government policies that may affect exchange rates, taxes, or other cost
factors.
In policies aimed at creating a favorable climate for business in the American market, the United
States seems to do quite well, Measures of general business climate usually place the United
States first in the world in terms of “competitiveness.” Relative competitiveness, however, is
difficult to measure and metrics tend to be quite general. The measures do, however, indicate how
a country compares with other nations as a potential generator of economic growth and as a host
for international business. For example, the World Economic Forum publishes the Global
Competitiveness Index for 134 countries.27 Under this index in 2008, the United States ranked
first, Switzerland second, Denmark third, Sweden fourth, Germany fifth, Finland sixth, Singapore
seventh, Japan, eighth, United Kingdom ninth, and the Netherlands tenth. China was 34th.28
Likewise, the Institute for Management Development in Lasuanne, Switzerland publishes a World
Competitiveness Scoreboard each year that “analyzes the factors and policies that shape the
ability of a nation to create and maintain an environment that sustains more value creation for its
enterprises and more prosperity for its people.” The analysis divides the national environments of
55 countries into four main factors (with 331 criteria): economic performance, government
efficiency, business efficiency, and infrastructure. The 2008 scorecard placed the United States
first, Singapore second, Hong Kong third, Switzerland fourth, and Luxembourg fifth. China was
number 17.29 According to these analyses, the United States leads the world in providing an
economic environment favorable for business.
These comparative indices however, tend to examine underlying performance factors that lead to
high incomes and business development. While the United States ranks first in both of these
international comparisons, they do not explain why companies headquartered in the United States
choose to manufacture in countries that rank lower in “competitiveness.” This is where supply
chains enter the analysis.
Major Policies Affecting Global Supply Chains
The United States pursues a range of economic policies, some industrial in nature, each carrying a
package of economic and political justifications. However, in general, Washington relies mainly
27
The twelve components of this index are: institutions, infrastructure, macroeconomic stability, health and primary
education, higher education and training, goods market efficiency, labor market efficiency, financial market
sophistication, technological readiness, market size, business sophistication, and innovation. See World Economic
Forum, The Global Competitiveness Report 2007-2008. Available at http://www.gcr.weforum.org/.
28
The World Economic Forum defines competitiveness as ... the set of institutions, policies, and factors that determine
the level of productivity of a country. The level of productivity, in turn, sets the sustainable level of prosperity that can
be earned by an economy. In other words, more competitive economies tend to be able to produce higher levels of
income for their citizens. The productivity level also determines the rates of return obtained by investments in an
economy. Because the rates of return are the fundamental determinants of the growth rates of the economy, a more
competitive economy is one that is likely to grow faster over the medium to long run. World Economic Forum, Global
Competitiveness Report, chapter 1.1.
29
International Management Development. World Competitiveness Yearbook, 2008. Scorecard available at
http://www.imd.ch/research/publications/wcy/upload/scoreboard.pdf.
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
on monetary and fiscal policy to generate full employment and economic growth, even though the
federal government does support specific industries, such as agriculture or aerospace, and
occasionally intervenes directly to provide emergency assistance to firms such as AIG, Citigroup,
or General Motors and Chrysler. The policies of most concern in this section are microeconomic
in nature and affect both the environment for business and the international operations of
companies.
Figure 5 illustrates a typical supply chain with manufacturing in China or other country but with
brand headquarters and major retailing in the United States. The figure also shows selected public
policies that affect decisions within the supply chain, particularly those dealing with where and
how each step in the supply chain is accomplished. Other policies also are important to supply
chains, but they are beyond the scope of this report (such as health care, workplace regulation,
accounting standards, lawsuits and other legal issues, financial regulations, and executive
compensation). Much of the analysis of the policies considered, however, also may apply to these
policies.
Figure 5. A Typical Global Supply Chain with Pertinent Policy Levers
Parts
Machinery
Quality Control
Product Safety
Major
Components
Product
Manufacturers
Raw and
Industrial
Materials
Location:
Pertinent
Policies:
Distribution
Retail
Logistics
U.S., China,
Other locations
China,
Other Foreign
•Taxes
•Tariffs
•Labor costs
•Other costs
•Exchange rates
•Investment rules
•Infrastructure
•Environmental
regulation
•Education &
training
•Product safety
•IPR protection
•Risks
•Taxes
•Tariffs
•Labor costs
•Other costs
•Exchange rates
•Investment rules
•Infrastructure
•Environmental
regulation
•Education &
training
•Product safety
•IPR protection
•Risks
Brand Headquarters
Product Design
Branding
Marketing
U.S.
Shipping
•Tariffs
•Transportation
•Fuel costs
•Taxes
•Tariffs
•Labor Costs
•Other costs
•Exchange rates
•Infrastructure
•Cargo security
•Risks
•Infrastructure
•Environmental
regulation
•Education &
Training
•Product safety
•IPR protection
Source: Congressional Research Service
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Taxation
The public policies shown in Figure 5 are not necessarily ranked according to magnitude of
effect, but taxes tend to be at the top of any list of issues for international business. Under the
current system, U.S. taxes are applied on a worldwide basis to U.S. firms while granting foreign
tax credits in order to alleviate double taxation of the same income. In short, multinational
corporations pay taxes on their global income but receive credit for taxes paid to foreign
governments. The system permits U.S. firms to defer taxes on foreign-source income indefinitely
by not repatriating profits. In effect, the current system provides an incentive for companies to
retain profits abroad and to invest in low-tax countries and a disincentive to invest in high-tax
countries.
There have been numerous proposals to “fix the tax code” internationally. One proposal that
would provide for a country-neutral tax system would be for all countries to tax businesses at the
same rate (so that a country’s corporate taxes would provide neither an incentive nor a
disincentive to invest or manufacture there) and for the United States to retain its foreign tax
credit. Governments, however, seem reluctant to cede the ability to change tax policy and appear
to be less willing to equalize taxes than, for example, to equalize import tariff rates under a free
trade or other agreement. A proposal that would favor keeping investment and production in the
United States would be to retain the system of worldwide taxation for U.S. companies but to
impose higher taxes on investments or income derived from abroad. One proposal to accomplish
this would be to permit only a deduction from income, and not a credit to be deducted from the
total tax bill, for taxes paid abroad. Other proposals are to end provisions that allow companies to
defer foreign-source income indefinitely, to restrict deductions for costs associated with deferred
income, or to neutralize the tax benefits for companies moving their “headquarters” to a tax haven
(such as Bermuda or the Cayman Islands). Another proposal, however, that would respond to the
globalization of businesses is to exempt U.S. companies from paying taxes on their overseas
income from investments.30
Numerous other tax provisions affect U.S. businesses and their manufacturing decisions. The
taxation of income by Americans working abroad, the rate of taxation of corporations, various tax
incentives or rebates aimed at promoting specific desired activities (such as technological
change), the taxation of corporate dividends, and other tax-related issues are being debated
widely. These are beyond the purview of this report.
As with other policies and their impact on global supply networks, the issue is twofold. Is the
predominant effect of a change in policy one of diversion or creation? Does a change divert
production from the U.S. economy to a foreign location, or does it draw production toward a
U.S.-based location? Does the change create more production overall, or does it discourage
economic activity?
30
For details, see CRS Report RL34115, Reform of U.S. International Taxation: Alternatives, by (name redacted).
CRS Report RL31444, Firms That Incorporate Abroad for Tax Purposes: Corporate “Inversions” and “Expatriation”,
by (name redacted). U.S. Government Accountability Office, International Taxation, Large U.S. Corporations and
Federal Contractors with Subsidiaries in Jurisdictions Listed as Tax Havens or Financial Privacy Jurisdictions, GAO09-157, December 18, 2008.
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Trade and Investment Policy
Global supply trains could not exist without international trade. Traditionally, trade and
investment policy deals with border barriers. These include customs duties, import quotas, the
freedom to move capital across borders, and the right to establish businesses (including taking
over an existing company) in a given country. The development of globalized supply networks
does not alter the role of traditional trade and investment policies.
Tariffs or customs duties are national taxes imposed on imports (and sometimes exports) and
were originally used primarily to raise revenues for governments, particularly those with weak
systems for collecting taxes. Currently for most industrialized countries, the main purposes of
tariffs and quotas are to provide protection for domestic industries, to offset some of the cost
advantage of foreign suppliers, and also to generate income for governments.
For the major countries of the world, average tariff rates are now quite low (2.9% for the 10
advanced industrialized nations) but higher at 9.8% for the 142 developing nations of the world.31
In the United States, certain import-sensitive products may have relatively high tariff rates (e.g.,
25% for pickup trucks, 50% for cotton jackets/coats). Other nations also protect certain sectors
either through high tariffs or stringent import quotas.
With respect to supply chains, border barriers still raise the cost of imports regardless of whether
the product is traded within a supply chain or is traded in open markets. An established supply
chain, however, is likely to be less sensitive to border barriers, since such networks are based on
long-term relationships and established lines of communication. Over the long-term, however, if
border barriers are raised or lowered enough to offset other non-monetary considerations,
companies may change the location of manufacturing or other segment of the manufacturing
process. Border barriers play a greater role in business decisions on initial plant location, but such
decisions also call into play the whole range of factors affecting the competitiveness of the
location being considered. Traditional trade and investment policy, therefore, still appears viable
in pursuing U.S. goals of economic growth, employment, and a rising standard of living over the
long term.
Currently, three major avenues exist to reduce tariffs. First, tariff reductions and other trade
liberalizing measures are being negotiated on a multilateral basis through the World Trade
Organization (WTO), although the current Doha Round is stalled.32 Second, on a bilateral or
regional basis, countries are negotiating free or preferential trade agreements.33 Countries also
provide trade preferences to certain nations (particularly those with the lowest income levels) or
nations with special historical relationships (e.g., former member of an empire). A third, but
31
Ng, Francis K. T., “Trends in average applied tariff rates in developing and industrial countries, 1981-2007,” World
Bank spreadsheet at http://econ.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/EXTDEC/EXTRESEARCH/
0,,contentMDK:21051044~pagePK:64214825~piPK:64214943~theSitePK:469382,00.html.
32
See CRS Report RL32060, World Trade Organization Negotiations: The Doha Development Agenda, by (name r
edacted).
33
For a discussion of the effects of free-trade agreements, see CRS Report RL31356, Free Trade Agreements: Impact
on U.S. Trade and Implications for U.S. Trade Policy, by (name redacted).
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rarely used method, is to provide normal trade relations status (most favored nation status) to a
country that currently does not enjoy such status (e.g., North Korea, Cuba).
Two major avenues are used to increase tariffs or other barriers to trade. For countries that are
members of the WTO, tariffs are bound (normally cannot be increased), but they can be raised as
a result of various escape clause or market disruption cases. The escape clause or safeguard
procedures include anti-dumping or countervailing duty investigations. Also current U.S. tariffs
as actually applied tend to be lower than the levels that are bound under World Trade
Organization agreements. A second method is through trade sanctions imposed for security or
other political considerations (e.g., banning trade with Burma/Myanmar).34 The use of dispute
settlement mechanisms (at the World Trade Organization or provided for in free trade
agreements), the use of escape clauses, and invoking safeguard procedures provide a way to
target trade policy at a specific product.
A complication in trade policy caused by the globalization of supply networks occurs in the
incidence of policy. An increase in customs duties in the United States, for instance, may end up
raising costs not only for the foreign exporter but for the American headquarters of a company
that has a supply chain with a foreign subsidiary that manufactures the product for export to the
United States. It also usually raises the cost of the import to the American consumer.
For example, some have proposed raising tariffs on all imports from China in response to its
arguably undervalued exchange rate, a rate which is seen as making Chinese exports cheaper and
harming import-competing industries in the United States. Under traditional economic models,
imposing tariffs on imports from China would increase the price of such imports (assuming no
change in exchange rates), reduce the quantity of imports from China purchased in the United
States, and shift some production either to a competing supplier located in the United States or to
an exporter in another country that makes similar products. Such protection of domestic industries
helps import-competing industries in the United States and hurts exporters from China, although
it also may help exporters from Mexico, Southeast Asia, or other countries that make products
that compete with those from China. However, more than half of China’s exports originate from
foreign-owned or foreign-affiliated companies located there. Most of these companies are parts of
globalized supply networks. A Chinese exporter, therefore, actually may be a company wholly or
partly owned by an American multinational corporation. An increase in an import tariff, therefore,
may help U.S. companies competing with imports from China, but it also may end up hurting the
U.S. headquarter company as well as its associated Chinese supplier. It also may hurt a U.S.
retail-oriented supply chain (such as a discount big box store) that stocks its shelves with items
from China.
Debate over the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) also highlighted the effect of
globalized supply networks on trade policy. Among the Big Three U.S. automakers, Ford and
Chrysler were reported as opposing the KORUS FTA, while GM has remained neutral. GM’s
position is thought to stem partly from its ownership of Daewoo Motors in Korea.35 Opponents of
34
See CRS Report RL33944, Trade Primer: Qs and As on Trade Concepts, Performance, and Policy, coordinated by
(name redacted).
35
CRS Report RL34330, The Proposed U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA): Provisions and
Implications, coordinated by (name redacted).
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the FTA point out that the United States exported only 6,500 cars to Korea in 2007 (for a market
share of less than 5%), while Korean automakers sold 775,000 automobiles in the United States
(for a market share of nearly 30%). What these figures do not indicate, however, is that GM
Daewoo sold some 125,000 automobiles in the Korean market in 2007. If these cars are counted
as U.S. sales there, the American market share in Korea would be about 12.8%. That is still
considerably less than the 30% market share for Korean automakers in the U.S. market, but this
Korean share also includes about 250,000 vehicles that were made at the Hyundai plant in
Alabama.36 This illustrates the complexity for policy caused by multinational corporations with
significant operations in foreign countries. In the GM case, its Korean operations are primarily
aimed at the Korean market, and Hyundai’s U.S. operations are mainly aimed at the U.S. market.
Each subsidiary hires local workers, while profits (not reinvested) flow back to the parent
companies.
Countries around the world currently are actively engaged in negotiating bilateral and regional
free-trade agreements (FTA). FTAs normally contain provisions that require a phased reduction or
elimination of tariffs by each side and either elimination or expansion of import quotas. FTAs
also address a range of other trade-related issues, such as investment flows, access for service
providers, and protection of intellectual property rights. The United States already has FTAs with
fourteen countries: Canada and Mexico (NAFTA), Israel, Jordan, Morocco, Singapore, Chile,
Bahrain, and certain Central American nations (CAFTA). FTAs with Columbia, Panama, and
South Korea have been negotiated but await congressional approval, and several more are in the
process of being negotiated.
What effect does an FTA have on a global supply chain? For the sake of brevity, consider a
reduction in tariffs under an FTA between the United States and another country such as Thailand.
The United States and Thailand have had intermittent talks on establishing a U.S.-Thailand FTA.
The United States has an average tariff rate of 2.7% while Thailand’s is 10%. Eliminating import
duties in the United States on products from Thailand implies that the assembled price of the
product imported into the U.S. market avoids an increase in cost that would have been collected
by U.S. Customs at the port of entry. Depending on the number of competing products in the
domestic market, such tariff costs usually are passed on to the consumer or absorbed by the
producer. Eliminating the tariff, therefore, either reduces costs to the U.S. consumer or increases
profitability of the import supply chain. It also decreases U.S. government revenues and increases
the incentive to produce in Thailand. This may divert production from the U.S. market, even
though certain parts of the supply chain still located in the United States may become more
profitable and employ more workers (e.g., research and development, branding, advertising, and
management).
Eliminating import duties in Thailand have a comparable effect on U.S. exports there. The cost of
U.S. products in Thailand would be reduced for the Thai consumer, and U.S. exports would be
expected to increase. The impact of the mutual tariff reductions on the U.S. balance of trade with
Thailand depends on how responsive imports in each country are to tariff reductions (demand
elasticities) and the size of the trade flows before the FTA is implemented.
36
Troy Stangarone, Moving the KORUS FTA Forward in a Time of Economic Uncertainty , Pacific Forum CSIS,
PacNet No. 66, Honolulu, HI, December 11, 2008.
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In addition to the bilateral trade effects, FTAs also may affect trade with other countries through
the diversion of product flows. The increased trade or production within the FTA countries may
either be a net addition to economic activity in the countries involved (because of the larger
bilateral market) or a diversion of economic activity away from other countries and into the
countries in question. In most cases, countries that negotiate FTAs with the United States also
participate in other bilateral and regional FTAs. For example, Thailand also has an FTA-type
agreement with China. The combination of the two FTAs would provide a two-fold incentive for
the U.S. producer. If the U.S. company has assembly operations in Thailand but obtains parts or
components from the United States or from China (with whom it also as an FTA), the U.S.
company may ship more parts and components directly from the United States and China to
Thailand and bring more finished product to the American and other markets. If the U.S.
company provides raw materials for parts or components shipped to Thailand from either the
United States or China, U.S. exports would tend to rise but to do so less than if the final product
were manufactured directly in the United States and then shipped to Thailand. Either way, the
income earned by the U.S. company managing the supply chain would tend to rise. Any increase
in profits to the U.S. company could be repatriated to the United States or could be reinvested
abroad.37
The net effect on a supply chain and the U.S. trade balance because of a cut in tariffs under an
FTA, therefore, depends on the relative magnitude of the tariff reductions on each side, the nature
of and location of the supply chain, and the responsiveness of trade flows to tariff reductions. In
general, however, since U.S. tariffs tend to be lower than those of FTA partner countries, the
greater benefit of trade liberalization arguably will go to U.S.-based companies.
For an American company with a global production network, the more countries that participate
in a free trade area the better. Such a “common market” with no internal tariffs not only
eliminates the need to pay duties as components and final products circulate within the national
borders defining the FTA, but it also reduces the required documentation and calculations to
determine country of origin. U.S. multinational companies generally support efforts to establish
regional free trade areas and to eliminate border barriers.38
The growing maze of bilateral FTAs, however, pose a different problem for businesses,
particularly for their operations in other countries. For example, Thailand has become a
manufacturing location for many companies. Thailand has had held talks with the United States
on establishing a bilateral FTA, has signed a limited FTA with China, has a framework agreement
with India, and has broad FTAs with Australia and New Zealand and with other members of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations. It also is in FTA discussions with Japan, India, and Peru.
If each FTA that has been implemented has different provisions and rules, the cost of complying
with rules of origin requirements or the paperwork involved in documenting that the goods fall
under the FTA may exceed the lower tariffs provided by the FTA. Some international businesses
have indicated that because of the “nuisance” cost of complying with rules of origin or other
requirements in FTAs, they just pay the usual tariff rather than try to qualify for a lower FTA
37
Note that this analysis does not take into account possible offsetting effects to a change in trade flows induced by a
tariff change. For example, increased exports could lead to a stronger dollar which then reduces U.S. exports.
38
Numerous interviews by the author with businesses involved in global markets.
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
rate.39 This is an argument for the U.S. approach of using a “template” for FTAs in order to ensure
consistency across such agreements.
Other aspects of international trade and investment policy include the right of establishment of
foreign-owned businesses in countries and the right to national treatment. In essence, these rights
ensure that foreign-owned and domestic companies are treated equally both in terms of the right
to establish and operate a business and in terms of applicable laws and government action.
National treatment also may allow governments to prohibit foreign companies from doing
anything not allowed for domestic companies. With the exception of foreign investment that
raises security or antitrust complications ,40 the United States provides both national rights of
establishment and national treatment as do the countries that are members of the WTO. The more
established these rights are in countries, the more likely that globalized supply networks will
consider locating in those countries—including in the United States.
How successful is the United States in attracting segments of global supply chains? Data on
investments by U.S. and foreign multinational corporations indicate that the United States has
been an attractive market for foreign direct investments (FDI, investments in a controlling interest
[at least 10% of equity] in productive assets by a foreign corporation). In 2007, FDI in the United
States was $232.8 billion of which $144.9 billion (62%) came from Europe. Of the total, $108.1
billion (46%) was in manufacturing. 41 On balance, however, U.S. corporations invest more
abroad in productive assets than foreigners invest in the United States. In 2007, U.S. direct
investment abroad was $313.8 billion with $55.2 billion (18%) invested in foreign
manufacturing. 42
Labor and Health Care Costs
Labor Costs
Labor costs are one of the most controversial aspects of globalized manufacturing chains.43 The
argument is that U.S. companies are “shipping jobs overseas” or “outsourcing jobs” in search of
cheap labor to reduce costs of production.44 In 2007, for example, hourly compensation costs for
production workers were $24.59 in the United States, $28.91 in Canada, $2.92 in Mexico, $16.02
39
Interviews by the author in 2006 and 2008 in Shanghai, China; Taipei, Taiwan; and Tokyo, Japan.
CRS Report RL34561, Foreign Investment and National Security: Economic Considerations, by (name redacted).
CRS Report RL33103, Foreign Investment in the United States: Major Federal Statutory Restrictions, by (name redac
ted)
41
U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, Foreign direct Investment in the U.S.: Country and Industry Detail for Capital
Inflows, 2007, accessed January 27, 2009.
42
U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, U.S. Direct Investment Abroad: Country and Industry Detail for Capital,
accessed January 27, 2009.
43
See CRS Report RL34091, Globalization, Worker Insecurity, and Policy Approaches, by (name redacted).
44
CRS Report RS21883, Outsourcing and Insourcing Jobs in the U.S. Economy: An Overview of Evidence Based on
Foreign Investment Data, by (name redacted); CRS Report RL32292, Offshoring (a.k.a. Offshore Outsourcing) and
Job Insecurity Among U.S. Workers, by (name redacted).
40
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
in Korea, and $37.66 in Germany. Compensation costs for China for all manufacturing employees
in 2006 were estimated at about $0.81.45
One of the major drivers of globalized manufacturing networks has been to internalize differences
in labor costs within the supply chain. Companies match wages, productivity, and skills with the
variety of tasks required in the production process. Tasks requiring skilled workers, such as
design, engineering, research and development, and marketing, tend to be located in high wage
areas (such as the United States, Europe, Japan, and Singapore), while those requiring low skilled
workers, such as assembly and packaging, tend to be located in low wage areas. Companies that
produce in the United States also must do such skill and wage matching (such as Caterpillar or
Boeing) by locating assembly or supplying plants in lower cost regions and by establishing global
supply chains to import certain parts or materials from lower cost countries in Asia, Latin
America, and elsewhere. In most cases, companies with assembly plants in the United States buy
some manufacturing inputs from abroad.
It also should be noted that firms tend to cluster to take advantage of concentrations of skills,
similar production processes, and specialized suppliers. Within the United States, there is Silicon
Valley in California, the Research Triangle, in North Carolina, the High-Tech Community along
Route 128 in Boston, financial services and transportation in Atlanta, and plastics and aerospace
in Wichita, Kansas. The same is true for clusters of industries abroad, including financial services
in London, medical research and development in Singapore, and fashion design in Paris. These
centers seem to attract industries regardless of their relatively high cost of labor. Studies of such
clusters indicate that the most important sources of prosperity can be created and are not
dependent on “inherited” advantages, such as relative wage costs.46
Still, the difference in labor costs between, for example, the United States and China ($23.82 per
hour vs $0.67 in 2006) are striking. The level of wages, however, is not the only factor in
determining where segments of the supply chain are located. Labor costs, for many products,
account for a relatively small share of total manufacturing costs, and high wages can be offset by
high productivity. However, the fracturing of the production process implies that the laborintensive segment of a supply chain can be concentrated in a low-wage country. For example,
fashion design may be centered in Paris, but garment assembly still may be done in lower wage
locations.
Low wages, though, may not stay low. American businesses in China, for example, have found
that once workers gain certain skills, there is so much competition for those workers that their
wages are bid up by competitor companies. Also inflation rates, exchange rate appreciation, and
rising shipping costs can offset some of the wage differential. When this is combined with
political risk, product safety concerns, and other factors, the supply chain manager may not
always choose the country with the lowest wages. For example, wages in Bangladesh may be
even lower than those in China, but for a variety of reasons (e.g., low labor productivity, lack of
45
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “International Comparisons of Hourly Compensation Costs in Manufacturing,
2006,” Economic News Release USDL: 09-0304, March 26, 2009.
46
Michael E. Porter, “Clusters of Innovation, Regional Foundations of U.S. Competitiveness,” Council on
Competitiveness and the Monitor Group, October 2001, pp. 5-7.
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
supporting infrastructure, and shipping costs), Bangladesh has not become a major manufacturing
platform for U.S. businesses.
A 2007 survey of U.S. companies in China indicated that a major shift in perceptions is occurring
regarding China as a low-cost country. Companies there have been experiencing increases of 7%
to 10% per year in costs for white collar management, support staff, blue-collar workers, and raw
materials. More than half of the companies surveyed agreed or strongly agreed that India,
Thailand, and Vietnam are challenging China’s position as the leading low-cost export platform.
In the survey, the leading reason for establishing manufacturing bases in China was access to the
local market with labor costs savings second and access to the Asian market third. 47
Those who oppose moving segments of supply chains from the United States to foreign countries
where labor costs are lower generally raise issues such as lower labor standards and working
conditions abroad.48 In cases, they have put pressure on the U.S. headquarters of the supply chain
to require higher labor standards from its supplier companies located in countries such as China.
Some large U.S. companies have adopted workplace codes of conduct for their Chinese
suppliers.49
Labor standards have become an issue in various free trade agreements negotiated by the United
States. In a May 2007 “Bipartisan Agreement on Trade Policy” the Bush Administration and
leaders of Congress agreed to include certain provisions related to labor (as well as the
environment and intellectual property rights) in trade agreements. 50
An early implementation of this trade deal appeared in the pending free trade agreement with
Peru. On June 25, 2007, the United States and Peru signed amendments to the pending U.S.-Peru
Trade Promotion Agreement that included labor provisions from the bipartisan trade deal. This
included a statement that the United States and Peru would be required to adopt, maintain and
enforce their own labor laws as well as five basic internationally-recognized labor standards, as
stated in the 1998 International Labor Organization Declaration. These included (1) freedom of
association; (2) the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining; (3) the elimination
of all forms of forced or compulsory labor; (4) the effective abolition of child labor and a
prohibition on the worst forms of child labor; and (5) the elimination of discrimination in respect
of employment and occupation. The Peru amendments also provide that any decision made by a
signatory on the distribution of enforcement resources would not be a reason for not complying
with the labor provisions, and that parties would not be allowed to derogate from labor
obligations in a manner affecting trade or investment. 51
47
Booz Allen Hamilton, China Manufacturing Competitiveness, 2007-2008 (Shanghai: American Chamber of
Commerce in Shanghai, 2008), pp. 4, 13.
48
The AFL-CIO, for example advocates the reform of trade rules to hold companies accountable for respecting
workers’ rights no matter where they produce and calls for the international community to recognize strong workers’
rights and to incorporate obligations to uphold these fundamental rights in international rules and institutions. See AFLCIO, “Policy Solutions to Shipping Jobs Overseas,” accessed via Internet on September 15, 2008.
49
See archived CRS Report RL31862, Workplace Codes of Conduct in China and Related Labor Conditions, by
(name redacted).
50
See U.S. Trade Representative, “Trade Facts, Bipartisan Agreement on Trade Policy,” May 2007.
51
See CRS Report RL34108, U.S.-Peru Economic Relations and the U.S.-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement, by M.
(continued...)
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Labor issues also have been raised in debates over proposed free trade agreements with Columbia
and South Korea as well as in considering renewal of trade promotion authority.52
The declining share of U.S. employment accounted for by manufacturing over the past half
century has long been a concern for policymakers. For the 21 sub-sectors comprising the
manufacturing sector in the United States, between the fourth quarter of 2000 and third quarter of
2008, employment declined by 22% or 3.8 million jobs. This occurred despite an increase of 7
million jobs in all private employment—excluding manufacturing. 53 The current U.S. recession
began in December 2007 and the global financial crisis erupted in the fall of 2008. Since then
employment has fallen considerably across the United States and in many countries of the world
(with the exception of China). These declines, however, arguably are cyclical, and as economies
recover so should employment. Over the long term, however, the decline in U.S. manufacturing
employment can be traced to increases in labor productivity and import competition but also is
related to the focus on core competencies in global supply chains and the outsourcing of noncore
functions (such as accounting, security, shipping, and janitorial services provided by companies
in the service sector). Increases in productivity and technological change are part of the normal
development of an economy. Most workers displaced by technology find employment elsewhere,
although some may be negatively affected (lower wages, fewer benefits) for some period of time.
Those displaced by imports, however, may find it difficult to transfer their skills to other
industries because they tend to be in traditional industries, such as apparel, leather, textile mills,
and primary metals.54 In apparel, for example, the global supply chains include producers (such as
brand name clothing manufacturers) who may contract with overseas suppliers to manufacture
garments according to their specifications with their brand labels. Apparel supply chains also
include big box retailers who may source and sell product both from U.S. brand name suppliers
and from non-U.S. manufacturers located in markets around the world. While the lower prices
enabled by the various supply chains may benefit the consumer, and the wholesale and retail
sectors in the United States claim much of the revenue from sales of the imported product, the
import-competing industries may turn to the government for help through programs such as Trade
Adjustment Assistance in retaining workers55 or for assistance in retooling factories or in pursuing
innovations or through trade remedy laws.
(...continued)
(name redacted). For information on the International Labor Organization, see http://www.ilo.org/global/lang-en/
index.htm.
52
See CRS Report RL34470, The Proposed U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Economic and Political
Implications, by (name redacted); CRS Report RL32540,
The Proposed U.S.-Panama Free Trade Agreement, by
(name redacted); CRS Report RL34330,The Proposed U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA):
Provisions and Implications, coordinated by (name redacted); and CRS Report RL33743, Trade Promotion
Authority (TPA): Issues, Options, and Prospects for Renewal, by (name redacted) and (name redacted).
53
U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
54
Congressional Budget Office, Factors Underlying the Decline in Manufacturing, December 23, 2008, p. 6.
55
U.S. Department of Labor, Employment and Training Administration, Trade Adjustment Assistance, Fact Sheet,
c.2008.
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Health Care Costs
In early 2009, the debate over and legislation on health care is addressed partly toward the costs
for health care by businesses in the United States.56 The result could affect supply chains.
In the United States, much of health care is provided by employers, so health care costs have
become an integral part of labor costs. The costs for health care in the United States are the
highest in the world. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimates that spending on health
care and related activities will account for about 17% of gross domestic product in 2009 ($2.6
trillion or $8,300 per capita) and under current law CBO projected that share to reach nearly 20%
($13,000 per capita) by 2017.57
Business interests have claimed that these costs are hurting the ability of U.S.-based businesses to
compete in world markets and are causing firms to move production to other countries.58 General
Motors, for example cites health care costs as a major burden when compared with manufacturers
in Japan and Europe.59 This issue is complex, and reform to improve the competitiveness of the
U.S. market as a base for supply chain operations is but one consideration in a range of factors
pushing health care reform high onto the agenda of many interest groups. Organizations
representing international business agree that something needs to be done to reduce the cost of
health care paid by businesses, but there is less of a consensus on the specifics of how that could
be achieved. 60
Environmental Regulation
As with labor issues, environmental regulation both as applied to businesses in the United States
and as contained in various international trade and other agreements tends to be quite
controversial. The issue for governments is how to find a balance between three potentially
conflicting objectives: security of supply, industrial competitiveness, and environmental
sustainability. 61
56
See CRS Report R40581, Health Reform and the 111th Congress, by (name redacted).
57
Congressional Budget Office, Key Issues in Analyzing Major Health Insurance Proposals, A CBO Study,
Washington, DC, December 2008, p. 13.
58
Lee Hudson Teslik and Toni Johnson, Healthcare Costs and U.S. Competitiveness, Council on Foreign Relations,
Backgrounder, Publication 13325, December 30, 2008.
59
General Motors. “About Us, Competitive Challenges, Health Care,” GM 2006 Corporate Responsibility Report,
2006.
60
For further information, see, for example: CRS Report RL34389, Health Insurance Reform and the 110th Congress,
by (name redacted). National Association of Manufacturers, The NAM’s Health Care Agenda, Policy Issue
Information/Human Resources Policy/ Health Care, accessed through Internet on January 2009.
61
For a European analysis of this issue, see EurActiv.com PLC. Fifth Report of the High Level Group on
Competitiveness, Energy and The Environment, Contributing to an Integrated Approach to Competitiveness, Energy
and Environment Policies, November 8, 2007. Available at http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/environment/hlg/doc_07/hlgfifth-08-11-07.pdf. For a review of pertinent U.S. environmental law, see CRS Report RL30798, Environmental Laws:
Summaries of Major Statutes Administered by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), by (name redacted) et al..
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For the U.S.-based part of global supply chains, environmental regulation may affect costs of
production62 as well as consumer perceptions and demand. Foes of globalization and international
supply chains, moreover, sometimes accuse U.S. businesses of sourcing products overseas where
environmental requirements may be less stringent and compliance less costly. One solution
proposed is to harmonize environmental regulations across countries.
The May 2007 “Bipartisan Agreement on Trade Policy” between Congressional leaders and the
Bush Administration contained key provisions related to the environment. In the agreement, the
Administration and Congress agreed to incorporate a specific list of multilateral environmental
agreements in free trade agreements. The list included the Convention on International Trade in
Endangered Species, Montreal Protocol on Ozone Depleting Substances, Convention on Marine
Pollution, Inter-American Tropical Tuna Convention, Ramsar Convention on Wetlands,
International Whaling Convention, and Convention on Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living
Resources.
The competitiveness of U.S. industry often is raised in debates over environmental policy. The
policy discussion on greenhouse gasses, for example, turned partly on the effect of environmental
policy on the ability of companies to compete in the global marketplace. If a country has legally
binding carbon control restrictions while others do not, the potential exists that the country with
the restrictions will find itself at a competitive disadvantage vis-à-vis countries without
comparable policies and could lose global market share for certain carbon emitting production. In
addition, this potential shift in production could result in some of the U.S. carbon reductions
being counteracted by increased production in less regulated countries (commonly known as
“carbon leakage”).63 Debates over environmental policy, therefore, often center on what can be
categorized as the three-Cs: Cost, Competitiveness, and Comprehensiveness.64
Supply chains also have entered into policy debates over other environmental issues, such as
illegal logging and sustainable development. Some headquarters firms have been targeted for
protest because of actions of overseas members of their supply chains.
Currencies and Exchange Rates
Exchange rates determine the value of one currency in terms of another. The exchange rates of
most industrialized nations are allowed to float while many developing nations actively intervene
to manage their exchange rates. For floating currencies, their value is determined by international
financial transactions with occasional intervention by governments. Managed exchange rates
62
See, for example, CRS Report 98-738, Global Climate Change: Three Policy Perspectives, by (name redacted) and (name
redacted).
63
CRS Report R40100, “Carbon Leakage” and Trade: Issues and Approaches, by (name redacted) and (name redacted).
64
For further information, see CRS Report RL30024, U.S. Global Climate Change Policy: Evolving Views on Cost,
Competitiveness, and Comprehensiveness, by (name redacted) and (name redacted); CRS Report RL30853,
Clean Air Act: A
Summary of the Act and Its Major Requirements, by (name redacted) et al.; CRS Report RL34762,
The National
Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) for Particulate Matter (PM): EPA’s 2006 Revisions and Associated Issues, by
(name redacted) and (name redacted); CRS Report RL34513,
Climate Change: Current Issues and Policy Tools,
by (name redacted); or CRS Report RL34659, China’s Greenhouse Gas Emissions and Mitigation Policies, by (name re
dacted), (name redacted), and Anna Mackey
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usually are pegged to or managed against either one currency, such as the dollar, or to a basket of
currencies that usually contains the dollar along with currencies such as the Euro or Japanese yen.
China has such an exchange rate regime.
Exchange rates can change dramatically over relatively short periods of time relative to the life of
a typical manufacturing chain. When the value of the dollar declines, it increases the dollar cost
of all products produced in countries whose currency has appreciated relative to the dollar. If a
country’s exchange rate is tied to the value of the dollar, that currency will decline in tandem with
dollar, and the dollar depreciation will have no effect on the price of goods traded between the
two countries. The prices of goods traded with countries without a dollar tie (such as Europe,
Japan, India, or South Korea), however, will change. A country that ties the value of its currency
to the dollar, however, still has to pursue policies to maintain its exchange rate that may cause
domestic interest rates to rise or the rate of inflation to increase.
Figure 6 shows the value of several currencies relative to the dollar between January 2004 and
December 2008 (a time when the global financial crisis worsened). This has been a period of high
volatility in exchange rates with the Canadian dollar up by 34% at one point in 2005 before
dropping to almost parity in December 2008, the Japanese yen down by 12% in 2005 but up 16%
at the end of 2008, and the Chinese Renminbi (RMB) up by 21% since Beijing announced its
managed float in July 2005. The Euro also has risen and fallen over the period. At the end of
2008, the Korean won was 33% below its peak in October 2007.
Figure 6. Indexes of Currency Values Relative to the U.S. Dollar for the Canadian
Dollar, S. Korean Won, Chinese RMB, Euro, and Japanese Yen
140
Index of Currency Exchange Value
Canadian Dollar
130
S. Korean Won
120
110
100
Chinese RMB
Euro
90
Japanese Yen
80
8
7
7
6
6
5
5
4
4
8
4
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0 n-0
c
c
c
c
c
n
n
n
n
n
e
e
e
e
e
Ju
Ju
Ju
Ju
Ju
Ja
D
D
D
D
D
Month-Year
Source: Congressional Research with Data from PACIFIC Exchange Rate Service.
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Figure 7 shows indexes of the values of selected exchange rates over the global financial crisis.
Again it shows the volatility of exchange rates and the surge in the value of the dollar relative to
the Euro and South Korean won. It also shows the strengthening of the yen and the gradual
appreciation of the Chinese currency.
The effect of currency appreciation on a supply chain can be illustrated by the Chinese RMB.65
The appreciation of the RMB has a similar effect on production costs (calculated in U.S. dollars)
as a wage (or other cost) increase in China. However, it has one major difference. Exchange rates
fluctuate more than wage rates. Exchange rates move in both directions, while wage rates tend to
be “sticky downward.” They rise but rarely fall. A supply chain manager, therefore, is less likely
to shift production because of an appreciation in China’s exchange rate than in response to a
comparable rise in wages. In China’s case, however, the exchange and wage rates are both
moving in the same direction. Together they work to magnify the increase in costs to manufacture
there.
Figure 7. Indexes of Currency Exchange Rates Relative to the Dollar over the Global
Financial Crisis
140
Index of Currency Exchange Rates in Dollars (Oct 1, 2007 = 100)
Japanese Yen
120
China
RMB
Euro
100
South Korean Won
80
Icelandic Krona
60
40
Mild Global Contagion
Severe Global
Contagion
Dollar
Decline
20
9 9
9
9
8
9
8
8
8
8
7
8
7
-0 -0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
-0
t
t
r
r
g p
n
g
n
b
c
c
ec Feb
ec
Ap
O
Ap
O
Ju
Ju
Fe
Au Se
D
Au
D
Month/Day/Year
Source: Congressional Research. Underlying Data from PACIFIC Exchange Rate Service.
65
CRS Report RS21625, China’s Currency: A Summary of the Economic Issues, by (name redacted) and (name
redacted)
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Over the long term, however, exchange rate appreciation can dramatically affect the relative cost
of production in a country. At the time of the Plaza Accord in September 1985, for example, the
Japanese yen was worth 230 yen per dollar. At the end of 2008, the rate had been around 90 yen
per dollar for a 155% appreciation in the yen. This greatly affected the price competitiveness of
products exported from Japan and also many of its imports and has been a major factor in the
movement of considerable amounts of production by Japanese multinational companies to
locations overseas.
In a survey of U.S. manufacturers in 2008, 40% of 500 survey participants indicated that the
value of the dollar had an effect on where they choose to source their business. At the time of the
survey, the value of the dollar was falling, and nearly half of the responses said that they were
already sourcing more business in the United States.
Infrastructure and Transportation
Global supply chains could not exist without efficient transportation networks supported by
infrastructure (ports, roads, railroads, airports, etc.) that enable products within the manufacturing
network to move freely from one segment of the chain to the next. Infrastructure also can be
defined to include the electrical grid, pipelines, the Internet, or telecommunications equipment.
The issue of infrastructure in general is beyond the purview of this report.66
One part of infrastructure and transportation that is critical to global supply chains seems to be
oceanic shipping and air freight. The oceans are no longer a barrier that isolates and protects
countries. Instead, modern communications and transportation have brought markets of the world
onto each other’s doorsteps. The oceans and skies have become avenues of interaction rather than
barriers of separation. Shipping, however, raises certain issues for public policy. These revolve
around risks in the supply chain, particularly costs, security risks and delays in shipping.
The spike in petroleum prices in 2007-2008 exposed a vulnerability of oceanic and other
transportation to a critical cost variable. When the price of oil rose to $140 per barrel, the cost of
shipping a standard 40-foot container from Shanghai to the United States rose to $8,000
compared with $3,000 early in the decade. Shipping speeds also were reduced to conserve on
fuel. The increase in shipping costs was equivalent to a 9% import tariff on trade or what
amounted to a reversal of most of the trade liberalization that had been accomplished over the
previous three decades. 67 the net result of the rise in shipping costs was that some companies
switched production to locations closer to home, some in the United States.68
66
For policy discussion, see CRS Report RL33206, Vulnerability of Concentrated Critical Infrastructure: Background
and Policy Options, by (name redacted); CRS Report RL31116, Water Infrastructure Needs and Investment: Review
and Analysis of Key Issues, by (name redacted) and (name redacted); CRS Report RL30153, Critical Infrastructures:
Background, Policy, and Implementation, by (name redacted); CRS Report RL34567,Public-Private Partnerships in
Highway and Transit Infrastructure Provision, by (name redacted); CRS Report RL34127, Highway Bridges:
Conditions and the Federal/State Role, by (name redacted) and (name redacted); and CRS Report RL33875, Electric
Transmission: Approaches for Energizing a Sagging Industry, by (name redacted).
67
Larry Rohter, “Shipping costs start to crimp globalization ,” International Herald Tribune. August 2, 2008.
68
David Blanchard, “The Latest Global Hotspot: The USA,” Industry Week, October 2008, pp. 54-56.
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
For example, in October 2007, the cost of shipping residential heaters from China to Bowling
Green, Kentucky became too high for Desa LLC, and the company shifted manufacturing
operations back to the United States. Not only had the cost of ocean shipping risen but the 2,000
mile inland trucking costs from the West Coast to Kentucky (along with a cut in the export rebate
by the Chinese government, rise in price of Chinese steel, and the rising value of the Chinese
currency) also made sourcing from China unprofitable.69 During the global financial crisis,
however, the bottom “dropped out” of the container shipping market. As economic activity and
trade contracted, so did the need for transoceanic shipping.
About 12 million standardized shipping containers arrive at U.S. seaports annually. With the
exception of automobiles or bulk commodities, this the preferred method for transporting
manufactured goods from overseas factories to wholesale distributors in the United States. Air
freight is more expensive but is critical for lighter products such as electronic components used in
“just-in-time” assembly operations. The possibility that a shipping container sent from a foreign
port might contain terrorism-related devices, weapons, counterfeit products, and other prohibited
items has raised concerns over container security to a new level. A distinct trade-off exists,
however, between ensuring security and facilitating the free flow of commerce. For example, the
Maritime Commerce Security Plan of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security states that the
plan is to improve the security of the maritime supply chain to lower the risk that it will be used
to support terrorism while at the same time to protect and facilitate lawful maritime commerce. 70
Simply stated, the question for policy makers relative to global supply chains and shipping rests
on what measures are required to reduce the probability of a terrorist or other incident without
unduly interfering with commerce. In the 110th Congress, for example, H.R. 1 (P.L. 110-53),
“Implementing Recommendations of the 9/11 Commission Act of 2007” required by the year
2012 container scanning by imaging and radiation detection equipment at a foreign port before a
container is loaded. The SAFE Port Act enacted in 2006 required, among other things, that U.S.
Customs and Border Protection (CBP) conduct a pilot program to determine the feasibility of
scanning 100% of U.S.-bound containers. In order to fulfill this and other requirements, in
December 2006, the CBP and the U.S. Department of Energy jointly announced the formation of
the Secure Freight Initiative. 71
Scanning
While the security benefits associated with the requirement for 100% scanning of all cargo
containers bound for the United States seem to be obvious and apparent, actual implementation
has raised numerous issues. This is one example of the tradeoff between national security and
supply chain efficiency.
69
Jonathan Katz, “Welcome Back U.S. Manufacturing,” Industry Week, August 2008, pp. 34-37.
U.S. Department of Transportation. MARAD. Maritime Commerce Security Plan for the National Strategy for
Maritime Security, October 2005.
71
See CRS Report RL33512, Transportation Security: Issues for the 111th Congress, by (name redacted), (name
redacted), and (name redacted). Also, see Department of Homeland Security, “DHS and DOE Launch Secure Freight
Initiative,” Press Release, December 7, 2006.
70
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In testimony before Congress in 2008, the U.S. Government Accountability Office laid out the
major challenges related to this requirement. Among them were concerns over the lack of
information on the efficacy of host government examination systems, additional time and cost
requirements (particularly for equipment placed miles from where the cargo containers are stored
and the comparatively short period of time containers are available for scanning when
transshipped), the inconsistency with widely accepted risk management principles, and the
possibility that foreign governments would call for reciprocity of 100% scanning by the United
States of outbound containers.72
Many foreign shippers, port authorities, and U.S. businesses overseas are viewing this goal of
100% scanning with some alarm. 73 Shanghai, for example, is the world’s second most busy port
with total container throughput of 26.1 million units in 2007.74 In Shanghai most containers are
shipped from manufacturers on smaller boats that gather at an island port offshore where they are
loaded onto ocean going vessels. Scanning a container as it is being transferred from one boat to
another is extremely difficult.75 The American Chamber of Commerce in China has stated that,
the scanning of every container bound for the United States “will no doubt lead to major logistics
bottlenecks as the massive volume of shipped goods funnels through a limited number of
scanning stations. This is a potential deal-breaker for perishable goods and just-in-time supply.”76
Singapore has the world’s largest container shipping center. Singapore is the 13th largest source of
U.S. imports and accounted for 13% of all U.S. imports of goods in 2007. Singapore’s Ports
Command of the Immigration and Checkpoints Authority reported that in 2007 it was scanning
about 15% of the 24 million cargo containers that pass through its ports each year. It is able to
scan an incoming container truck in a few minutes, although the scan takes extra time to set up
and interpret the results. Singapore signed on early to the Cargo Security Initiative of the United
States and has been operating for several years as a pilot port. The Authority indicated its concern
that the American side keeps announcing new initiatives (e.g., the Megaports Initiative and the
Secure Freight Initiative) that seem to overlap and have different sponsoring agencies. With so
many containers being handled, the port authority also is concerned that even adding a few
seconds to the handling of each container would have cumulative effects on the efficiency of its
operations. It views with dread the requirement for 100% container screening. 77
In April 2008, the Association of German Seaport Operators (Zentralverband der Deutschen
Seehafenbetriebe, ZDS) sharply critiqued the 100% scanning requirement. ZDS argued that
scanning 100% of United States bound container cargo would require tremendous financial
72
Caldwell, Stephen L., “Supply Chain Security, Challenges to Scanning 100 Percent of U.S.-Bound Cargo
Containers.” Testimony Before the Subcommittee on Surface Transportation and Merchant Marine Infrastructure,
Safety, and Security, Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, U.S. Senate, GAO Report GAO-08-533T,
June 12, 2008.
73
Miller, John W.. “New Shipping Law Makes Big Waves In Foreign Ports,” Wall Street Journal, October 25, 2007.
pg. B.1.
74
“Shanghai Port Grows as Trade Shrinks,” CargoNews Asia, January 9, 2009.
75
Interviews by the author with U.S. Consulate officials and business executives in Shanghai, China, February 2008.
76
The American chamber of Commerce, People’s Republic of China, 2008 White Paper, American Business in China,
2008, pp. 105-106.
77
Briefing of author in Singapore by the Ports Authority, August 2007.
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
outlays and time. The port of Hamburg, for example, ships 120,000 containers to the United
States per year. At a cost of €300 ($375) per container, additional outlays would reach € 36
million ($45 million) per year not counting the 15 minutes per container for an assessment (and
longer for the containers tagged for physical inspection).78 On the airfreight side, however, in
October 2008, the United States and the European Union did reach an agreement for screening air
cargo on U.S.-bound passenger aircraft.79
Logistics Security in China
In 2007, the Global Supply Chain Council in Shanghai conducted a survey of international
companies there dealing with secure logistics. The respondents indicated that security in logistics
had become an important element in their strategy and operations. Many of the companies
surveyed had reorganized their international supply chains to comply with new international
regulations, such as the Container Security Initiative. In addition, many technological initiatives
had been launched that were aimed at improving the security of the supply chain. These included
the use of radio frequency identification, E-seals (physical locking mechanisms with technology
to detect and report tampering), satellite supported tracking of containers, electronic locks, image
recognition devices, and biometric identification.
In this survey, 62% indicated that security was a critical factor for their company. The
respondents considered the probability of a terrorist attack low. They were more concerned with
damage due to neglect by their own employees or theft. They were the least concerned with
smuggling of cargo or people. Two thirds of the respondents in the survey had been engaged in
working with and certifying known suppliers and service providers, introducing security and
audit procedures, using information technology for more visibility, and using dual sourcing. The
number of companies that had audited their own procedures was twice as high as the number of
companies that had audited their partners in their supply chain.
Product and Food Safety
The safety of imported manufactured products and food gained significant attention in 2007 when
items such as lead in paint, adulterated pet food, and melamine in milk products, drew wide
public attention. 80 Fears of mad cow disease also have hurt U.S. beef exports.81 Until the recent
rise in such cases, companies manufacturing abroad often were less likely to take measures to
ensure quality in purchased inputs than they did in their own production processes. Now,
however, companies are realizing that their reputation as a company and their whole supply chain
can break down if even a single sub-contractor provides a defective product.
78
Zentralverband der Deutschen Seehafenbetriebe (German Seaport Operators), “Position Paper on House Resolution
No. 1 (H.R. 1): Implementing Recommendations of the 9/11 Commission Act of 2007 – 100% Container Scanning.
April 6, 2008.
79
“US, EU reach cargo-screening agreement,” The Journal of Commerce Online, October 31, 2008.
80
For information on food safety, see CRS Report RL34198, U.S. Food and Agricultural Imports: Safeguards and
Selected Issues, by (name redacted); CRS Report RL33472,
Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) Concerns in
Agricultural Trade, by (name redacted).
81
CRS Report RS21709, Mad Cow Disease and U.S. Beef Trade, by (name redacted) and (name redacted).
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
In response to cases of tainted imports from China, the United States and China have reached a
number of agreements to address health and safety concerns. These agreements were negotiated
by U.S. agencies such as the Consumer Product Safety Commission, the National Highway
Traffic Safety Administration, and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and their
counterparts in China.82
The U.S. Department of Agriculture through its Food Safety and Inspection Service also has
developed guidelines for processors, retailers, wholesalers, and logistics providers involved in
meat, poultry, and egg product supply chains.83 In 2004, the U.S. Department of Homeland
Security established the National Center for Food Protection and Defense (NCFPD) at the
University of Minnesota. The NCFPD is a multidisciplinary and action-oriented research
consortium charged with addressing the vulnerability of the nation’s food system to attack
through intentional contamination with biological or chemical agents. The program takes a
comprehensive, farm-to-table view of the food system and examines all aspects of the system
from primary production through transportation and food processing to retail and food service. 84
Education and Training
The ability of American firms to compete in the global marketplace, depends partly on the
availability of skilled workers and managers. Also, rapid advances in science and technology are
a continual challenge to the scientific and technical proficiency of the U.S. workforce. 85 For
policymakers, the issue centers on (1) whether U.S. public education adequately prepares young
people for the realities of the marketplace; (2) whether the system prepares enough students to
pursue rigorous programs of study in science and technology; (3) whether U.S. education and
other institutions promote innovation sufficiently for the United States to remain at the forefront
of scientific and technological advances; (4) whether sufficient opportunity is provided for adults
to be retrained and retooled; and (5) the extent to which companies may rely on foreign workers
for certain jobs.
The analysis of these issues is beyond the purview of this report. Congress has recently addressed
some of these issues in the context of the nation’s science and technology (S&T) workforce. 86 A
premise in promoting a better-trained and equipped S&T workforce is that such workers are
essential in generating new ideas and technology that can lead to new business opportunities and
jobs for the domestic economy. Another premise is that for high-technology firms to locate
operations in the United States, there must be S&T savvy employees to work in the companies.
The 110th Congress passed the America Competes Act (P.L. 110-69) to address concerns
regarding the science and technology workforce and education. Other issues considered included
demographic trends and the future S&T talent pool, the current S&T workforce and changing
82
CRS Report RS22713, Health and Safety Concerns Over U.S. Imports of Chinese Products: An Overview, by (name
redacted).
83
See http://www.fsis.usda.gov/About_FSIS/index.asp.
84
See http://www.ncfpd.umn.edu/index.cfm.
85
See CRS Report RL34539, The U.S. Science and Technology Workforce, by (name redacted) and (name redacte
d).
86
H.R. 2272 (110th Congress), America Competes Act (P.L. 110-69).
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
workforce needs, and the influence of foreign S&T students and workers on the U.S. S&T
workforce.
Protection of Intellectual Property
An important part of the legal, financial, and economic environment in which a company operates
is the protection of intellectual property rights (IPR). Intellectual property includes patents,
copyrights, trade secrets, trade marks, and geographical indications (use of a geographical name
in branding or promoting a distinctive product, an action designed to take advantage of the quality
and reputation of a product originating in a certain region). IPR violations are claimed to cost
U.S. manufacturers billions of dollars each year in lost sales. There is also concern about the
potential health and safety consequences of counterfeit pharmaceutical drugs and other products,
as well as the link between terrorist groups and organized crime and traffic in counterfeit and
pirated goods. 87
In the 110th Congress, legislation (P.L. 110-403) was enacted to establish a new structure to
coordinate federal IPR enforcement activities. The role of Congress in addressing IPR and traderelated issues stems from the power to regulate international trade in the U.S. Constitution.
Section 337 of the Tariff Act of 1930 (19 U.S.C. 1337) is the primary option available to U.S.
companies to protect themselves from imports into the United States of goods made by foreign
companies that infringe U.S. intellectual property rights. The U.S. International Trade
Commission (ITC) administers Section 337 investigations. Since 2001, over 90% of unfair
competition acts asserted under Section 337 have involved patent infringement. 88
Global supply chains enable product makers to exert considerably more control over their
property rights in companies abroad who are part of their production process when compared
with those producers who procure parts or products from completely unrelated suppliers. Still
companies face cases of technology leakage, reverse engineering, and counterfeiting of products
by parties whether located in domestic or in foreign markets. They also create sensitive strategic
issues about technology transfer or how much intellectual property or defense-related technology
embedded in equipment can be made available to supply chain partners overseas.89
Global supply chains can, however, provide a presence in the foreign market for the company
with claim to intellectual property at risk. This may provide a segue into the foreign government
policymaking structure through the U.S. company with standing there. When a U.S. company is
incorporated abroad, it can become a “naturalized” actor in the political process there. Appeals for
stricter enforcement of intellectual property by a locally incorporated company often can
complement country-to-country negotiations on IPR issues.
87
For details, see CRS Report RL34292, Intellectual Property Rights and International Trade, by Shayerah Ilias and
(name redacted). CRS Report RL34593, Infringement of Intellectual Property Rights and State Sovereign Immunity, by
(name redacted).
88
CRS Report RS22880, Intellectual Property Rights Protection and Enforcement: Section 337 of the Tariff Act of
1930, by Shayerah Ilias.
89
See CRS Report RL31832, The Export Administration Act: Evolution, Provisions, and Debate, by (name redacted).
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Globalized Supply Chains and U.S. Policy
Problems with IPR protection can be found in many countries of the world, including the United
States, but are quite common in China. As China has developed, it has become a focus of U.S.
efforts to reduce violations of IPR held by American companies. The Chinese government has
undertaken anti-piracy campaigns and there is an increasing number of IPR cases in Chinese
courts, but overall piracy and counterfeiting levels there still remained high in 2007. U.S.
copyright industries estimate that 80% to 95% of all of their members’ copyrighted works sold in
China were pirated.90
Chinese counterfeits include many products, such as pharmaceuticals, electronics, batteries, auto
parts, industrial equipment, toys, and many other products, that may be exported and could pose a
direct threat to the health and safety of consumers in the United States. Inadequate IPR
enforcement is a key factor contributing to these shortcomings. China has high criminal
thresholds for prosecution of IPR violations as well as difficulties in initiating cases. This
arguably results in limited deterrence. Civil damages are also low.91
Free trade agreements negotiated by the United States generally have included chapters that
contain provisions that strengthen protection for copyrights, patents, and trademarks, as well as
rules for enforcement. Recent free trade agreements, including those with Central American
countries, Bahrain, Oman, and Peru have resulted in commitments to strengthen IPR protection
and enforcement in those countries. The signed (but not yet approved by Congress) agreements
with South Korea, Columbia, and Panama also contain IPR provisions. A number of trade and
investment framework agreements with countries also have provisions to enhance intellectual
property protection and enforcement.
Risks
In addition to the security, safety, integrity, and currency risks faced by companies with
globalized supply chains, a policy risk also exists. A policy risk is the chance that either the home
government or a foreign country will enact a change in policy that harms the business operation.
U.S. embassies and organizations of U.S. businesses overseas devote considerable effort toward
monitoring policy developments of local governments in order to head off adverse policy
decisions. These include local content and labor requirements, import and export regulations, and
safety provisions. Such policies, frequently pursued for protectionist purposes, often dictate the
location of specific global supply chain activities and increase the difficulty of standardizing
global supply chain efforts across multiple markets.92
In a sense, however, global supply chains may have contributed to political stability among
countries. They have created interdependencies among nations that provide incentives for
governments to maintain stability in international relationships. This has lessened the prospect of
political risk arising from international disputes. The growing economic interdependence between
90
U.S. Trade Representative, 2008 Special 301 Report, Washington, DC, 2008, pp. 19-22. CRS Report RL33536,
China-U.S. Trade Issues, by (name redacted)
91
U.S. Trade Representative, 2008 Special 301 Report.
92
John T. Mentzer, Matthew B. Myers, and Theodore P. Stank, Handbook of Global Supply Chain Management
(Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2007), p. 23.
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Japan and China, for example, is considered to have had a calming effect on relations when
disputes have arisen over history and politics. Taiwanese businesses on the mainland also have
pressed their government to relax restrictions on Chinese investment in Taiwan and for more
direct airline flights between China and Taiwan.93 China’s trade and investment relations with
Southeast Asian nations has had a similar effect in reducing political tensions and in seeking
peaceful solutions to thorny issues such as territorial claims. U.S.-China economic interaction
likewise seems to have contributed to calmer political and security relations.
For some risks, such as political upheavals, insurance is available to U.S. businesses.94 Still,
political unrest in countries can severely disrupt supply chain operations. Recent political turmoil
and street demonstrations in Thailand, for example, have caused multinational companies to
exercise more caution in investing there.
As the global financial crisis has demonstrated, multinational firms, particularly in the financial
sector may generate risks that domestic regulators either do not recognize or do not address. AIG,
the insurance company rescued by the United States in 2008 was brought down primarily by its
financial-products unit that marketed credit default swaps. This unit was headquartered in
London, not in the United States, and government regulation of such products essentially did not
exist.95 The need for the U.S. government rescue of AIG proved to be a key factor in the spread of
what eventually became a global financial crisis and recession.
Fiscal, Monetary, and Industrial Policies
In the current financial crisis, countries around the world are either contemplating or
implementing various stimulus packages to help their economies recover from the global
slowdown. One way that supply chains enter the debate is in estimating the impact of fiscal
policies—particularly government spending or subsidies—on the domestic economy. If, for
example, government policy is to inject funds into the economy, where should they be injected in
order to maximize the economic (not political) impact of the policy?
Each dollar injected into an economy has what economists call a multiplier effect. This is a rule
of thumb that estimates what the final impact of that dollar would be on the total economy after it
goes through various rounds of spending. Estimates of the fiscal multiplier vary, but they usually
range from about 2 to 4. At the 4-level, each dollar injected into the economy ends up being spent
and respent an average of 4 times. The reason the multiplier is not larger is that at each round of
spending there is “leakage” from the system. If for example, $1 is given in the form of a tax
93
CRS Report R40493, Taiwan-U.S. Relations: Developments and Policy Implications, by (name redacted)
CRS Report 98-567, The Overseas Private Investment Corporation: Background and Legislative Issues, by Shayerah
Ilias.
95
Robert O'Harrow, Jr. and Brady Dennis , “The Beautiful Machine; Greed on Wall Street and blindness in
Washington certainly helped cause the financial system’s crash. But a deeper explanation begins 20 years ago with a
bold experiment to master the variable that has defeated so many visionaries: Risk. explanation begins 20 years ago
with a bold experiment to master the variable that has defeated so many visionaries: Risk.,” Washington Post,
December 29, 2008; Brady Dennis and Robert O'Harrow, Jr. ,"A Crack in The System; 1998, AIG Financial Products
had made hundreds of millions of dollars and had captured Wall Street’s attention with its precise, finely balanced
system for managing risk. Then it subtly turned in a dangerous direction ,” The Washington Post , December 30, 2008.
94
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rebate, the recipient may spend three-fourths of that amount (75¢ in the first round of spending)
and may save or is taxed one-fourth of the amount (25¢), by the time all rounds of spending are
complete, the eventual effect will be approximately a $4 increase in total spending. As a general
rule, therefore, the multiplier effect will be larger the lower the saving and tax rates. These tend to
occur in lower income households who tend to save less and are in lower tax brackets. However,
lower income households also may purchase more imported goods (lower priced items), so the
greater spending by households in the first round may be offset by more leakage because of
purchases of imports.
If the funds are provided to a business in the form of a loan or subsidy, the business may spend all
of it, but the business may purchase some of its products from abroad or invest the funds in
overseas operations. Such spending abroad also constitutes a “leakage” from the domestic
economy (in the first round). A question for policy, therefore, is which industries in the United
States tend to have the least leakage from imports? In industries with Buy American provisions
(such as certain rapid transportation, domestic ship transport, and national defense), leakage is
kept small by law. Much government procurement falls under Buy American constraints,96
although signatory countries to the WTO Government Procurement Agreement must implement
requirements to buy local according provisions of the agreement. 97
Figure 8 shows exports and imports by U.S. multinational companies in selected sectors in 2005.
The sectors are ranked according to those with the largest net exports at the top and those with the
largest net imports at the bottom. 98 There were many other sectors with data collected by the U.S.
Bureau of Economic Analysis in which multinational companies operated, but those sectors had
fewer than three companies reporting, and their data was suppressed to avoid disclosure of
amounts for individual companies. The rank order in the figure roughly parallels the rank order
for size of the fiscal multipliers for the sectors indicated. Food, computers and electronics,
machinery, chemicals, metals, and mining tend to have the higher first round effects (less import
leakage and more exports), while motor vehicles, retail and wholesale trade, and petroleum
products tend to have lower first-round effects (more leakage abroad).
96
CRS Report 97-765, The Buy American Act: Requiring Government Procurements to Come from Domestic Sources,
by (name redacted).
97
World Trade Organization, The Plurilateral Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA), Trade Topics, accessed
January 15, 2009 http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/gproc_e/gp_gpa_e.htm.
98
U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, U.S. Direct Investment Abroad , U.S. Parent Companies , accessed December
30, 2008.
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Figure 8. Exports and Imports by U.S. Multinational Companies in Selected
Industries, 2005
Industry
Food
Computers/electronics
Machinery
Chemicals
Metals
Mining
Electrical equipment
Nonmetallic minerals
Textiles/apparel
Exports to Foreign Affiliates
Exports to Non-affilates
Imports from Foreign Affiliates
Imports from Non-affiliates
Plastics/rubber products
Utilities
Motor vehicles and parts
Retail trade
Wholesale trade
Petroleum/coal products
-100
-50
0
50
$billion
Source: Congressional Research Service with data from U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.
Supply chains have an additional effect that is related to the macroeconomy. If an economy drops
into recession or a business contacts, some of the layoffs in a supply chain can occur overseas.
Adjusting production by slowing imports has less impact on the U.S. labor force than laying off
workers in the United States. The supply chain linkages, however, also imply that a recession in a
country as large as the United States may also cause a slowdown in economic activity elsewhere.
This coupling of economies in the global marketplace may contribute to the synchronization of
recessionary economic conditions and make global recovery even more difficult.
At the microeconomic level, as indicated in the policy discussion above, the impact of policy
depends partly on the nature of the policy, itself, but it also depends on how and where along a
supply chain the policy is applied. In a typical supply chain, policy points arise all along the
process from initial research, branding and design to parts procurement, assembly, packaging,
shipping and to final sale. The question is whether specific governmental actions intended to
accomplish one goal, actually are able to accomplish that goal given the globalized nature of the
industry and profit maximizing behavior of businesses.
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Policy Review Mechanisms
In the United States, there are mechanisms in place to review the effect of proposed regulations
on U.S. businesses and their ability to compete in the global marketplace. The overall
responsibility in the Administration for such review lies with the Office of Management and
Budget, 99 but most of the formal analysis of the policies that affect trade and competitiveness are
done in the Department of Commerce in the Office of Competition and Economic Analysis. This
office provides information on the impact of economic and regulatory policies on the
competitiveness of U.S. manufacturing and services industries. It does this by analyzing the
effects of both domestic and foreign policy developments on U.S. industries.100
The U.S. International Trade Commission (USITC) conducts economic analysis at the request of
the Congress and President as well as the Commission itself. The Commission’s analysis is used
to contribute to the development of sound and informed U.S. international trade policy and to the
public debate on issues relating to U.S. international trade and competitiveness. USITC analysis
attempts to integrate industry, trade and tariff data with industrial and economic expertise to
prepare a wide range of official Commission reports and staff developed articles. The USITC
conducts analysis of major international trade proposals including all proposed Free Trade
Agreements.101
P.L. 110-69 (Sec. 1006) directed the President to establish a President’s Council on Innovation
and Competitiveness. This Council is to undertake various activities for promoting innovation
and competitiveness in the United States, measure progress in such promotion, and report
annually to the President and Congress on such progress.
Currently, the U.S. Congress does not have established procedures to evaluate the impact on
business supply chains and industrial competitiveness of proposed legislation, although businessrelated interest groups certainly make their positions known. Within the Congress, the Economic
Competitive Caucus (Representative Todd Tiahrt Chairman) focuses on eight areas where it feels
the federal government could remove barriers to economic competitiveness for U.S. businesses.
The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) conducts budgetary impact analysis for proposed
legislation and analyzes specific policy and program issues related to the budget. The agency
undertakes such studies at the request of the Congress. CBO analysis does not usually address,
however, the effect of proposed legislation on the competitiveness of U.S. based businesses.102
In the U.S. private sector, the Council on Competitiveness is a group of corporate CEOs,
university presidents, and labor leaders. It states that its members are committed to
enhanced U.S. competitiveness in the global economy through the creation of high-value
99
Robert W. Hahn and Robert E. Litan, “Counting regulatory benefits and costs: lessons for the US and Europe,”
Journal of International Economic Law 473–508, vol. 8, no. 2 (June 2005), p. 473–508.
100
See Office of Competition and Economic Analysis website at http://www.ita.doc.gov/td/industry/OTEA/OCEA/
OCEA-index.html.
101
See USITC website at http://www.usitc.gov/ind_econ_ana/index.htm.
102
For information on the Congressional Budget Office, see http://www.cbo.gov/aboutcbo//.
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economic activity in the United States. As a nonpartisan, nongovernmental organization in
Washington, D.C., the Council attempts to shape the debate on competitiveness by bringing
together business, labor, academic and government leaders to evaluate economic challenges and
opportunities.103
Much of business input into the impact of U.S. policy on business interests seems to be done
through trade associations, labor unions, special interest groups, and various lobbying efforts. The
administration also has formal private sector advisory committees, particularly for international
trade policy. The United States Trade Representative, for example, has advisory committees
dealing with trade policy and negotiations and trade and the environment plus committees
representing labor, agriculture, and industry.
In Europe, the European Union requires that all major European Commission initiatives contain
an Impact Assessment. Such assessments contain an evaluation of the social, economic, and
environmental impacts of various policy options associated with a proposal. The EC encourages
estimates to be expressed in qualitative, quantitative, and, where appropriate, monetary terms,
although in practice, most assessments are based on surveys of business.104
In Sweden, the Board of Swedish Industry and Commerce for Better Regulation (NNR) is an
independent, non-partisan organization funded entirely by its members. The membership consists
of the 14 largest Swedish business organizations and trade associations with a combined
membership of some 300,000 companies. The principal focus of the NNR is regulatory
simplification and a more business-friendly environment, not only in Sweden but also in the
European Union. One of its principal tasks is to coordinate the business sector’s scrutiny of
Impact Assessments by the EU and to negotiate with regulatory agencies during the evaluation of
the costs and benefits of a new regulation.105
Conclusion
International business supply chains provide the structure for the new world of globalized
business. Much of U.S. international trade is conducted by globalized supply chains. For public
policy, supply chains affect the magnitude of impact for fiscal stimulus packages and also the
incidence of trade policy. Supply chains also are affected by the range of policies that have an
impact on the competitiveness of U.S. business. Whether taxes, environmental regulations, labor
policy, or shipping security, business supply chains are directly affected by changes in the
business environment, whether in the domestic or foreign markets. In the world of globalized
supply chains, a policy aimed at imports, may actually hit U.S. parented supply chains as well as
foreign companies and countries.
103
For information on the Council on Competitiveness, see http://www.compete.org/.
Elsie Echeverri-Carroll and Sofia G. Ayala, “Regulation and Competitiveness of U.S. Businesses: Is it time for a
Competitiveness Impact Statement?,” The University Of Texas At Austin, 2008.
105
Ibid.
104
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The fracturing of business into core and non-core competencies and into domestic and foreign
segments of supply chains implies that what had been purely domestic economic and regulatory
policy now may affect the operations of U.S. parented supply chains abroad, and what had been
primarily international economic, trade, and investment policy now also has a clear domestic
effect. The globalization of supply has added complexity to both the managers of the supply
chains and to policymaking.
As the 111th Congress and the Obama Administration consider changes to economic policy, the
basic issues raised by global supply chains may come into play, particularly considerations of the
incidence of policies. For example, is the goal of a policy to support business to promote the
overall efficiency and profitability of U.S. parented supply chains even if significant segments of
those chains are located abroad, or is the goal to induce companies to move production or other
business activity to the United States even if such action reduces supply chain efficiency and the
ability of the U.S.-parented supply chain to compete in the global marketplace? In international
trade and investment policies, does the incidence of the policy fall on overseas segments of
American parented supply chains? If the policy is to reduce imports into the United States, what
effect will that have on global supply chain operations? Is there a balance between trade policies
designed to increase U.S. exports (e.g., by reducing tariffs abroad) and those that may induce U.S.
companies to move production overseas (e.g., easing foreign country limits on direct
investments). As global supply chains attempt to maximize their efficiency and profitability, they
face trade-offs between border transaction costs (including tariffs), factor costs (including labor
and capital), logistical costs (including shipping), external business costs (ease of doing business,
regulations, etc.), and various risks (including security, financial, and political risk). How does
government economic policy influence these factors and trade-offs in ways that are in accord
with, rather than counter to, U.S. national goals?
Author Contact Information
(name redacted)
Specialist in Industry and Trade
[redacted]@crs.loc.gov, 7-....
Acknowledgments
The Kearney Alliance assisted in travel to Tokyo, Japan, and Shanghai, China for interviews by the author
of various businesses and organizations engaged in supply chain operations.
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