Amicus Curiae Brief — Lemon v. Kurtzman
Supreme Court brief1971
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» Court of the United States
OCTOBER TERM, 1970
No. 89
ALTON J. LEMON, ET AL.,
Appellants,
ty purpose orf
e it may cause, v.
've the secular &
shildren alike, DAVID H. KURTZMAN, AS SUPERINTENDENT OF
benefits to the PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, ET AL.,
zards avoided
7e believe Act
1, and that the
ld accordingly
Appellees.
BRIEF FOR AMICUS CURIAE CITIZENS FOR
EDUCATIONAL FREEDOM
‘chool District ’
Lmicus Curiae. Stuart Hubbel, Esquire
400 E. Eighth Street
Traverse City, Michigan 49684.
Attorney for Citizens for
Educational Freedom,
August 13, 1970 Amicus Curiae
(i)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
B WTEREST OF THE AMICUS...............2.-..000.
ARGUMENT ....---- eee ence cere rere cer eeaee 2
|. Pennsylvania Act 109 Is Constitutional in All As-
| 2
Freedom of Choice in Education Which Is the Key-
stone of a Free Academic Community. The Bul-
wark Against a Monolithic State Education System
and the Sole Means by Which Parents Can Truly
Exercise Educational and Religious Convictions
Fundamental to an Open Society, Merits Constitu-
tional Protection, Not Constitutional Destruction ... 4
Ill. The Decision Below Should Be Affirmed .......... 9
A. The Constitutional Test under the Religion
Clauses of the First Amendment............ 9
ge a eee 10
ree ae ale kin in Vere ee nce te #6 10
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases:
Board of Education v. Allen,392 U.S. 236 (1968).......... 3, 10
_ Farrington v. Tokushige, 273 US. 284 (1927)..........-.. 7
Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965) ........... 7
Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923) ................ 6, 7
| Minersville School Dist. v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586 (1940)... 7
Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510 (1925)........- 5, 6, 7
School District of Abington Township v. Schempp, 374
REE eR RAE i ea a 8
Walz v. Tax Commissioner, 397 U.S. 664 (1970) ........... 10
_ Other Authorities:
A. Stokes, Church and State in the United States, vol. Il ... 5
Fascist Party Statement, JJ Messaggero, Rome (July 14 and
I a ere bere ies ee 5
ARON RCH OAT ae Rm NE NOR RAT OU TTY OREM EN tN Tm PMN FEM
(ii)
Frankfurter, New Republic (June 17, 1925)
Message of President Nixon to Congress on Educational Re-
form (March 3, 1970)
National Education Association, Association for Supervision
and Curriculum Development, The Scholars Look at the
Schools (1962)
moet fe Rae ia Prong nb a OL a oF gg
ee eS ee eR EIS NW Wwe oc .
New York Times Pe rg i 5
Protocol to the Convention for the Protection of Human
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Paris, March 20,
tie Ee eae 5
United Nations Declaration on Human Rights, Articles 16(3)
venga tee A Nia n
United Nations Declaration on the Rights of the Child
ee Oe ee ce. §
Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, vol. 6,
ON eae e Nis bins cas. 3
W. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (Simon
yn sapien ROE Ce Oe es .
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
OCTOBER TERM, 1970
No. 89
ALTON J. LEMON, ET AL.,
Appellants,
Vv.
DAVID H. KURTZMAN, AS SUPERINTENDENT OF
PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, ET AL.,
Appellees.
BRIEF FOR AMICUS CURIAE CITIZENS FOR
EDUCATIONAL FREEDOM
INTEREST OF THE AMICUS
The organization of Citizens for Educational Freedom
(CEF) was conceived and has labcred to speak for the prin-
cipal, but for the most part unrepresented, party in the edu-
cational aid debate which has been the focus of national
attention for the past decades. It is the cause of parents and
school children, not schools as such. CEF is dedicated to
excellence, equality, and freedom in education for every
American child, regardless of race, creed, color or school
attendance. CEF is a national, non-sectarian, non-partisan,
and non-profit civic organization.
STROSS nea aaa a Set SARS 7
2
CEF deems it fundamental that in education at every level
the rights of freedom in learning, speech and of communic.
tion of thought, conscientious conviction and Philosophie
orientation be recognized as paramount. Basic to such cop.
tention is the belief that unless there exists a viable alterns.
tive to state-operated public schools reasonably available to
every child, educational freedom and diversity cannot be
said to exist, educational equality must remain but a phrase.
and educational excellence be made difficult if not imposs:-
ble of attainment for all but the well-to-do. Citizens for
Educational Freedom supported the passage of The Pennsy|.
vania Nonpublic Elementary and Secondary Education Act
(No. 109 of 1968) as an implementation of its view that un-
less nonpublic schools can continue in being, First Amend.
ment freedoms in education will very soon exist Only as his-
torical memories.
This brief is filed with the written consent of all of the
parties, and in support of the decision below which held
that Act 109 is valid and not in violation of any provisions
of the Constitution of the United States.
ARGUMENT
I
PENNSYLVANIA ACT 109 IS CONSTITUTIONAL
IN ALL ASPECTS
The Pennsylvania law for the purchase of secular educz-
tional services makes possible the continued exercise of the
freedoms protected under the First Amendment and does
not violate the establishment prohibition of that Amend-
ment. The Act encourages the pursuit of education and as
sists parents to comply with the Pennsylvania compulsory
education law while, at the same time, making it a continued
possibility for parents to exercise their right to send their
children to a non-public school of their free choice. It is
clear that the State has a proper interest in furthering the
3
gular education of all its resident children and that so long
as it does not involve itself in any religious exercise and
subjects, it can provide secular educational services for those
children in a variety of ways. The conclusion is supported
not only by the precedents of this Court as reviewed and
elaborated in Board of Education v. Allen, 392 U.S. 236
(1968) but by the many Federal and state legislative judg-
ments expressed in a host of educational aid programs cover-
ing non-public education since 1945. The federal constitu-
tion does not prohibit state support of secular educational
grvices in non-public schools.
The Pennsylvania Act cannot be seen, other than in the
context of the unquestioned economic crisis facing non-
public as well as public education. That economic crisis,
which is nation-wide, foredooms non-public education in
Pennsylvania and elsewhere unless some step such as the
Pennsylvania Act is accomplished and upheld. Further, with
the death of non-public education—now a growing reality in
many areas of the Country (See message of President Nixon
to Congress on Educational Reform, March 3, 1970; Weekly
Compilation of Presidential Documents, V. 6, No. 10, pp.
304, at p. 312)—there will also be all of those freedoms, to-
gther with the products of those freedoms, which are so
precious and essential to an open American society, and also
to the well being of the public schools. The Pennsylvania
Act has a sound secular educational and social objective.
Viewed in that context, no practical alternative to such an
aid proposal exists except to promote a total monopoly of
all education in the state, with the evils which that portends.
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4
FREEDOM OF CHOICE IN EDUCATION WHICH IS THE
KEYSTONE OF A FREE ACADEMIC COMMUNITY, THE
BULWARK AGAINST A MONOLITHIC STATE EDUCA,
TIONAL SYSTEM AND THE SOLE MEANS BY WHICH
PARENTS CAN TRULY EXERCISE EDUCATIONAL
AND RELIGIOUS CONVICTIONS FUNDAMENTAL 10
AN OPEN SOCIETY, MERITS CONSTITUTIONAL PRO.
TECTION, NOT CONSTITUTIONAL DESTRUCTION
It is standard for opponents of any form of education
assistance to children in non-public schools to predict t
possibility of such aid precipitating the dissolution of o
country’s public schools. Apparently this argument is bay
upon a conviction that if the student clientele of publ
schools were truly free to exercise their real education
choice they would leave the public schools in droves. Su
a consequence surely must be characterized as extreme
speculative at best. Based upon this unlikely prospect, ti
conclusion nevertheless is advanced that it is essential to tl
survival of public schools to oppose such assistance to no
public education of whatever nature even if the result is |
extinguish non-public education altogether.
In opposition to the surely questionable speculations
the undoing of public education by programs making fre
dom of choice in education practical, there exists today |
Pennsylvania and throughout America, the reality that noi
public education is in fact being reduced at a disastrous ra
of attrition because educational freedom cannot econor
ically be exercised. The fact is that unless aid of the so
adopted by Pennsylvania in Act 109 is legislated and uy
held, non-public education in America will soon cease |
exist in any meaningful sense.
Thus, there is posed for this Court a much larger issu
than the extremely important one placed before it on th
face of this case. The fundamental issue at stake is wheth
in fact there is to remain in the United States any altern
tive whatsoever to state operated public schools.
5
In this regard, many persons equate parental choice of a
non-public school for their children with some sort of legal
license OT privilege. They argue that if parents want to par-
ticipate in public benefits, then let them surrender their con-
stitutionally protected choice of a non-public school; other-
wise, they must expect to suffer the penalty of denial of any
meaningful public welfare benefits in education.
The Supreme Court long ago established that freedom to
choose a non-public school was not a mere permissive state
license when it held unconstitutional the Oregon law requir-
ing all children to attend state public schools only:
“The fundamental theory of liberty upon which all
governments in this Union repose excludes any gen-
eral power of the State to standardize its children
by forcing them to accept instruction from public
teachers only. The child is not the mere creature of
the State; those who nuture him and direct his des-
tiny have the right, coupled with the high duty, to
recognize and prepare him for additional obliga-
tions.” (Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510,
535 (1925))'
The connection between the exercise of parental rights
and fundamental freedom is indisputable.? To disable a
\The Pierce decision was universally hailed upon its issuance as an
“end to the effort to regiment the mental life of Americans through
public school instruction.” The Court,“ . . . stifled the recrudescence
of intolerance.” New Republic, Felix Frankfurter, June 17, 1925.
The New York Times compared the Oregon law to those in effect in
Russia and Turkey requiring attendance at state schools. April 2,
1924. One historian felt the case significant as preceding by constitu-
tional denial the developments later to come into being in Nazi Ger-
many. Stokes, Church and State in the United States, Vol. Il, p. 741.
2“To say that education regards the family is to take no notice of
the present realities. Only the state can educate them.” Fascist Party
statement, I] Messaggero, Rome, July 14 and 26, 1929. “When an
opponent declares, ‘I will not come over to your side,’ I (Adolph
Hitler) calmly say, “Your child belongs to us already . . . What are
you? You will pass on. Your descendants, however, now stand in
the new camp. In a short time they will know nothing else but this
BRN ies Jaa hae en i
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6
state, on constitutional grounds, to encourage such freedoms
would be to undermine the very principle in Pierce It would
be to encourage the very result sought by the State of Oregon
in Plerce*
How much of what was to become the tragic history of
the world under totalitarianism, (the Philosophy implicit in
the argument of the Oregon counsel in Plerce), was foreseen
in the important decision of Mever v, Nebraska, 262 US.
390 (1923) which nullified a law barring the use of languages
other than English in private schools:
“In order to submerge the individual and develop ideal
citizens, Sparta assembled the males at seven into
barracks and intrusted their subsequent education and
training to official guardians. Although such meas-
ures have been deliberately approved by men of great
genius, their ideas touching the relation between in-
dividual and state were wholly different from those
upon which our institutions rest; and it hardly will
be affirmed that any legislature could impose such
new community.’ The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, Shirer.
Simon and Shuster, page 249,
“This new Reich will give its youth to no one, but will itself take
youth and give youth its own education and its own upbringing.”
Statement of Adolph Hitler, May 1, 1937, page 249, ibid.
"It is of interest to note in this respect that educators generally are
in accord that the removal of religion from the educational process
cannot be accomplished in any school, public or non-public, See,
for example, The Scholars Look at the Schools, National Education
Association, Washington, D. C.: Association for Supervision and Cur
riculum Development, N.E.A., 1962, p. 18, where the author stated:
“There is no teacher, no school, which can escape the prob-
lem of life orientation, the ultimate commitments by which
every person must live. Every analysis of life and culture
must take account, either implicitly or explicitly, of those
fundamental commitments which underlie every human ac-
tion. This is precisely the domain of religion. Democracy,
communism, and the various economic systems cannot be
analyzed in their most profound dimensions without getting
into the question of ultimate values. This is, finally, a reli-
gious question.”
on yg rep any
a ce a ae ae rere Ra as oe,
[Tea auavertfefet’?e ae slhlUhSlU SS
7
restrictions upon the people of a state without doing
violence to both letter and spirit of the Constitution.”
Id. at 402.
The case of Farrington v. Tokushige, 273 U.S, 284 (1927)
struck down a Hawaiian law placing foreign language schools
under unreasonable siate restrictions. In Farrington, the
Court held that the law effectively destroyed such schools
and thereby “unconstitutionally deprives parents of the right
to direct the education of their children.” (Syllabus 4). Thus
the nexus between parental freedom, and the viability of the
school was clearly established.
More recently, the Supreme Court expressed its reluc-
tance “to permit a single, ironclad system of education to be
imposed upon a nation composed of so many strains, stating,
we have held that, even though public education is one of
our most cherished democratic institutions, the Bill of Rights
bars a state from compelling all children to attend the public
schools.” Minersville School Dist. v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586,
599 (1940).
In Griswold v, Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965), the
Court showed particular sensitivity to avoid unnecessary re-
strictions upon cherished fundamental liberties:
“The association of people is not mentioned in the
Constitution nor in the Bill of Rights. The right to
educate a child in a school of the parents’ choice -
whether public or private or parochial - is also not
mentioned. Nor is the right to study any particular
subject or foreign language. Yet the First Amend-
ment has been construed to include certain of those
rights.
By Pierce vs. Society of Sisters, supra, the right to
educate one’s children as one chooses is made appli-
cable to the States by force of the First and Four-
teenth Amendments. By Meyer vs. Nebraska, supra,
the same dignity is given the right to study the Ger-
man language in a private school. In other words,
the State may not, consistently with the spirit of
the First Amendment, contract the spectrum of
PRU LE LORIE ENCE EI BCE NBN RESIS NINT TRS EAE TIRES DED TIPLE SER REE eR
available knowledge. The right of freedom of speed
b and press includes not only the right to utter or te
print, but the right to distribute, the right to receine
the right to read (Martin vs. Struthers, 319 US. 14)
143) and freedom of inquiry, freedom of though
and freedom to teach (see Wieman ys. Updegrafi
343 U.S. 183, 195) - indeed the freedom of the e»
tire university community. Sweezy vs. New Hamp.
shire, 354 U.S. 234, 249-50, 261-63; Barenblat y;
United States, 360 U.S. 109, 113; Baggett v, By.
litt, 377 U.S. 360, 369; Without those periphen|
rights the specific rights would be less secure. And
so we affirmed the principle of the Pierce and th
Meyer cases.” Id. at 482-83.
There can be few liberties of greater importance in the
hierarchy of freedoms. The right of free choice in educi-
tion is an international standard by which a nation’s respect
for liberty is measured. See United Nations Declaration on
Human Rights, Article 16 (3) and Article 26 (3) to that ef-
fect. And United Nations Declaration on the Rights of the
Child. November 20, 1959. See Protocol to the Convention
for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Free.
doms (Paris, March 20, 1952) which states in part, “In the
exercise of any functions which it assumes in relation to
education and to teaching, the State shall respect the right o!
parents to ensure such education and teaching in conformity
with their own religious and philosophical convictions.
(United Nations Treaty Series, 1955, p. 262.).
These considerations were given eloquent voice by Justice
Brennan concurring in School District of Abington Town
ship v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963) Id. at 242:
“The choice between these very different forms o!
education is one—very much like the choice oi
whether or not to worship—which our Constitution
leaves to the individual parent. Jt is no proper func
tion of the state or local government to influence 0”
restrict that election. The lesson of history—drawr
more from the experiences of other countries than
from our own—is that a system of free public educs-
tion forfeits its unique contribution to the growth
ee SABRE EE GEN TNT RN PREMIO DENTE ARR IE PROMPT
9
of democratic citizenship when that choice ceases to
be freely available to each parent. ’’ (emphasis added)
From the foregoing discussion and based upon the prece-
dents referred to, we believe certain conclusions are inescap-
able:
The Constitutional right of the parent to select the school
for the education of his children should also enjoy a high
priority in social policy and law. Parental freedom in educa-
tion insures a free academic community and is a guarantee
against the imposition of a monolithic state operated system
of education which, without diversity of other systems, can
become both pedagogically and politically deadening.
The state may, therefore, consistent with the best tradi-
tions of permitting freedom and voluntarism, assist parents
to educate their children in the school of their choice by
assisting the secular educational functions of those schools.
This would promote, not undermine, government neutrality
in education or religion, because, in the mass welfare state,
where the inability of parents to support private education is
substantially brought about by massive government taxation
and spending of private tax contributions, the denial of such
aid, in law as well as in policy, would cast the government in
a dispensing role, not of fair neutrality, but of hostility to-
ward individual choice of non-public education.
ll
THE DECISION BELOW SHOULD BE AFFIRMED
A. The Constitutional Test under the Religion Clauses
of the First Amendment: CEF contends that the opinion
of the Court below, both in its reasoning, and in its analysis
of principles laid down by the Supreme Court of the United
States is sound, on both the issues of standing to sue, and
the issues on the meaning and application of the Religion
Clauses of the First Amendment. By its very terms, Act
109 is manifestly designed to carry forward a secular legis-
wos x eM ett neta ant
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Coe SS ERR re CS Sel ti et acne ES
10
lative purpose and to assure a primary secular education
effect that neither advances or inhibits religion. In no way fF
does it coerce any citizen in the practice of his religion. Ay }
109 thus falls squarely within the rationale of Board of Edy.
cation v. Allen, 392 U.S. 236 (1968) as recently cited ap
provingly in Walz v. Tax Commission, 397 U.S. 664, at 67)
(1970).
B. Issues of Standing to Sue: The interest of CEF op
these issues indirectly bears upon the merits of persistent a.
tacks upon educational aid legislation by groups which are
ideologically opposed to any practical enablement of fre
choice in education. Such groups or persons assert essen.
tially policy or legislative objections to Act 109, and the
legislature is the proper forum for seeking to prevent or re.
peal statutes which they Oppose on ideological grounds, |f
they lack any personal stake in the statutory operation, they
should not be permitted to press their attacks in a judicial
forum, and seek to have the court act as a court of revision
of legislative policy.
For the reasons stated in the precedents of the Supreme
Court of the United States, as cogently outlined in the opin-
ion of the court below, CEF contends that, of all the plain-
tiffs in this case, only the plaintiff, Lemon, alleged any basis
for standing to sue, and then only to raise the issue whether
Act 109 violated the Establishment Clause.
CONCLUSION
It is respectfully submitted that, in the interest of a true
and practical neutrality toward freedom of choice and of
academic freedom of parents and school children and in line
with the governing constitutional principles and precedents
of this court, Pennsylvania Act 109 is valid on its face: the
emai? Ri ens
SAE SORE TNE EP I OEM OSES
ee PP ae ee Et Eee eee S me Ek ree ‘ e. as
11
4 judgment of the Three Judge District Court below, therefore,
should be affirmed.
4 Respectfully Submitted,
ly. Stuart Hubbel, Esquire
ip 400 E. Eighth Street
Traverse City, Michigan 49684
| Attorney for Citizens for Educa-
on | August 13, 1970 tional Freedom, Amicus Curiae
-
Ie
ee
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