Amicus Curiae Brief — Brown v. Board of Education
Supreme Court brief1954
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IN
THE
Supreme Court of the Anited States
Octoser Term, 1952
No.413-—-8
Spotrswoop Tuomas Bo.iine, et av., Petitioners
Vv.
C. Metvin SHARPE, ET AL.
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO 4 HE UNITED STATES COURT OF
APPEALS FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT
AMERICAN COUNCIL ON HUMAN
RIGHTS
AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION
WASHINGTON CHAPTER
AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE
WASHINGTON CHAPTER
AMERICAN JEWISH CONGRESS COM-
MISSION ON LAW & SOCIAL ACTION
WASHINGTON CHAPTER
CATHOLIC INTERRACIAL COUNCIL
OF WASHINGTON
OMMISSION ON COMMUNITY LIFE OF
THE WASHINGTON FEDERATION OF
CHURCHES
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA INDUSTRIAL
UNION COUNCIL, C.LO.
D. C. FEDERATION OF CIVIC
ASSOCIATIONS, ING.
FRIENDS COMMITTEE ON NATIONAL
LEGISLATION .
JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS
LEAGUE
WasHINGTON CHAPTER
JEWISH ‘COMMUNITY COUNCIL OF
GREATER WASHINGTON
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE
ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE
D. C. Brancn
UNITARIAN FELLOWSHIP FOR
SOCIAL JUSTICE
WASHINGTON CHAPTER
WASHINGTON BAR ASSOCIATION
WASHINGTON ETHICAL SOCIETY
WASHINGTON FELLOWSHIP
WASHINGTON INTERRACIAL
WORKSHOP
WASHINGTON URBAN LEAGUE
Y §. Water Sxrveg,
«° TxEopore C. Sorensen,
_¥ Sanrorp H. Bouz,
\ Samvet B. Groner,
Counsel.
INDEX.
i a rr Ce ve ceendeeeneoseneaes
i ee. i. oe cewndeeeee sash wees
The Questions to Which This Brief Is Addressed ....
Summary of Argument ...........-..2sseccececcecs
RIE oo ac ce ncenvscscevesveovesveseveveverses
I. Separation of School Children by Skin Color or
Ancestry Has No Warrant in Twentieth Century
Community Experience, Proper Legislative Pur-
pose, or Scientific Understanding and Is Therefore
a Meaningless Classification Violative of the Fifth
BS oii bc Seed deniind ered ced¥ setkes ee des
A. Community experience demonstrates the in-
C.
validity of racial segregation in the District of
Columbia or anywhere in the United States ...
1. Deterioration of patterns of segregation ....
2. The prophesied community resistance to
BE ah csvenccewabessirbdaevrsns coves
. Declared legislative prohibitions against segre-
gation in other areas of activity in the District
of Columbia demonstrate the further irration-
ality of school segregation ...................
Present scientific understanding discredits tra-
ditional concepts of ‘‘race”’ ..................
II. The Fact That Congress Made Provision for the
Establishment of Schools for Negro Children in the
District of Columbia Before the Adoption of the
Fourteenth Amendment Does Not Justify the
Conclusion That the Fourteenth Amendment Was
Intended to Permit Racial Segregation .........
te a ke a auen sewaeen
Z aes
Sy ee aaa
Sriee
16
17
: Gay ene .
ERS is hee a ae a
ii Index Continued.
Table I
List of Cities in Southern and Border States in
Which Some Schools, Colleges and Universities
Have Been Recently Integrated ................
Table II
Schools, Colleges and Universities in the District
of Columbia and Environs Which Will Accept
Both White and Negro Students ...............
A. Nursery, Elementary and High Schools ......
B. Colleges and Universities ...................
Table III ‘‘The School Doors Open Wide”’
Examples of Recent Admission of Negroes to Edu-
| cational Institutions in the South and Border
| RO 6 iss -Siracss toed cro lc ae eR aee eee tans
fe SE, onde a nese eka eke hoeeens
B. In Southwestern, Border and Other Areas ...
Sources for information in Table III ............
Table IV ‘‘The Old Order Changeth’’
(Representative Departures From Segregation
PUOUS TO THUD ho. ki chases edecececascs
A. In Public Accommodations .................
. In the Field of Edueation ..................
In Voluntary Associations ..................
IN a cos dea ys waned be ce
on...
ee SE 655 o nti a. kkk ewes Rab awes wes een
|
. In Entertainment and Athletics .............
I I i
ae ek!
Bia: ‘ panera , — 4a
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APPENDIX Page
97
«l
28
28
28
Index Continued. iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES.
CasES: Page
Adams v. Terry, 193 F. (2d) G00 .........---- sees 14
Baskin v. Brown, 174 F. (2d) 391 ...........--+0-- 14
Buchanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60, 81 (1917) ...... ve;
Butts v. Merchants and Miners Trans. Co., 230 U. s.
Se Ca so aece rec lanielaenecussergunrssess 16
Carr v. Corning, 182 F. (2d) 14, 33 ...... 4, 15, 19, 20, 2:
Chance v. Lambeth, 186 F. (2d) 879, 881, 882-883 .... 13
Chapman v. King, 154 F. (2d) 460, cert. denied, 327
Se Oc ska deed dw ndekkacatss cuvdawerés 14
Civil Rights Cases, 109 U. S. 3 (1883) ............. 16
Davis v. Schnell, 81 F. Supp. 872, affirmed, 336 U. S.
Fa Rs gc Re Msg A = Boa ore oes eee 14
Dean v. Thomas, 93 F. Supp. 129 ..........es.000- 14
District of Columbia v. John R. Thompson Co., 81
i Cs et eG ek on ey ies aa eesies <9 16
Draper v. St. Louis, 92 F. Supp. 546, 549 .......... 12
Ex parte Endo, 323 U. S. 283 (1944) .............. 5
Grovy v. Townsend, 295 U. S. 45 (1935) .......... 14
Henderson vy. United States, 339 U. S. 816 (1950)
12, 13, 14
Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U. S. 81, 92, 100
Re sc iGkrt nce cub hed chan aceae sewseket s 5,18
Hurd v. Hodge, 334 U. S. 24 (1948) .............. 24
Korematsu v. United States, 323 U. S. 214, 220
Ss Sr. SCR a cuv Gh sehen hebu wedesen aan 5, 10
McLaurin v. Oklahoma Board of Regents, 339 U. S.
I a Res Oe POL ise daw 6 ui 8, 9,13
Mitchell v. Wright, 154 F. (2d) 924, cert. denied, 329
ee ke ence uikaweka cous 14
Morgan v. Virginia, 328 U. S. 373 (1946) .......... 12
Nixon v. Condon, 286 U. S. 73 (1932) .............. 14
Nixon v. Herndon, 273 U. S. 536 (1927)............ 14
Passenger Cases, 7 How. 283, 470 (1849) ......... 6
Perry v. Cyphers, 186 F’. (2d) 608................. 14
Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537 (1896) .......... 6, 24
Rice v. Elmore, 165 F. (2d) 387, cert. denied, 333
Bee NN 16 oa each din hud Sine aaa a's ka 64% ax-0-0's 14
Schnell v. Davis, 336 U. S. 933 (1949) ............ 14
Smith v. Allwright, 321 U. S. 649 (1944) .......... 14
Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U. S. 629 (1950) .......... 8,9, 11,
13, 14, 20
DER SOR, SR wt ee Fg ai
iv
Index Continued.
Page
Terry v. Adams, 193 F. (2d) 600, cert. granted, No-
OE tk, SO: visio code e wa 4 cakes bagieaensaes 14
Weems v. United States, 217 U. S. 349, 373-374, 378
Cs he la Racucneurewh ans die kal clk one t0s be 6, 19
White v. Clements, 39 Ga. 232, 269 ................ 13
Wolf v. Colorado, 338 U.S. 25, 27 (1949) .......... 6
STaTutes:
Act of April 16, 1862 (12 Stat. 376) ............... 22
Act of May 20, 1862 (12 Stat. 394) ................ 22
Act of May 21, 1862 (12 Stat. 407) ................ 22
Act of June 25, 1864 (13 Stat. 187,191) .......... 20, 22
Act of March 3, 1865 (13 Stat. 536) .............. 16
Act of April 9, 1866 (14 Stat. 27) ................ 24
Act of July 23, 1866 (14 Stat. 216) ................ 23
Act of July 28, 1866 (14 Stat. 343) ................ 23
Act of May 31, 1870 (16 Stat. 140) ................ 24
Act of June 22, 1874 (18 Stat. part 2) ............ 20
Act of March 1, 1875, ‘‘Civil Rights Act of 1875’’
ee rp ite mae pore 16, 21
Art. 1661.1, Sec. 2, Vernon’s Statutes of Texas, An-
OE CEE os ececcavcetrseaedsesseeun 5
MISCELLANEOUS:
Benedict & Weltfish, Races of Mankind ............ 18
Boyd, Genetics and the Races of Man ............. 17
Bryan, History of the National Capital, Vol. II
(1916), pp. 137-138, 389, 524-528 ................ 22
Civil Rights in the United States in 1951, pp. 18, 90
2,15
Comas, Racial Myths (UNESCO, 1951) .......... _18
Comment, 18 Univ. Chi. L. Rev. 769, 771-775, 781
CRD 6 ka os each Rhee eds Laer eaearea oes 11, 138
Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 3d Sess. 1326-1327 (1863).. 22
Cong. Globe, 43rd Cong., Ist Sess., 4153 (1874),
Oh. TNE 9.0034 cGcherckendh neaud sexeadnorws
fe Se gt eee 14
3 Cong. Record 981-982, 997, 1002 (1875) .......... 14
Flack, The Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment
te ee: See pny Samer e Pye Tome aa 20, 23, 24
Frank and Munro, The Original Understanding of
‘Equal. Protection of the Laws,’’ 50 Col. L. Rev.
Oe. Me TRE .3 ook decscee eee 20,24
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Index Continued. Vv
Page
Glass and Li, ‘‘Report on the Dynamics of Racial
Intermixture,’?’ Annual M ting of the American
Institute of Biological Scicices at Cornell Univer-
sity, New York Times (September &, 1952) 33:8..
Jackson, Luther P., ‘‘Race and Suffrage in the
South Since 1940,’? New South, Vol. 3, pp. 1-26
eC ena eee ees Uae nb Wan web ane 15
Klineberg, Characteristics of the American Negro.. 18
Krogman, An Anthropologist Looks at Race, 7 In-
tercultural Edueation News 1 (Nov. 1945)....... 17
LaFarge, The Race Question and the Negro ...... 17
Lewis, The Crisis That Never Came Off, The Re-
Sa i eee 13
Note, 61 Yale L. J. 730, 738-743 (1952) ............ 13
‘“‘Opportunities in Interracial Colleges’’, National
Scholarship Service and Fund for Negro Students
gece NE IE SS ae ea ee 35
Redfield, What We Do Know about Race, 57 Scien-
tifle Monthly 193 (Sept. 1943) .................. 7
Roche, Catholic Colleges and the Negro Student
re RR od oul owas 4 vn ons 35
Sorensen, ‘‘The School Doors Swing Open’’, New
Republic, 127 :13 (Dec. 15, 1952) ..............6. 36
Special Report of the Commissioner of Education on
the Condition and Improvement of Public Schools
in the District of Columbia, p. 253, H. Rep., Ex.
Doe. No. 315, 41st Cong., 2d Sess. (1871) ........ 22
‘‘Staff Monograph on Higher Education for Negroes
in Texas’’, Texas Legislature Council (1951).... 35
‘“‘Stakes Are Costly in Play for Texas,’? New York
ce rere eee 15
Statement by Experts on Race Problems, UNESCO
oR Ma. eee Ter eee 17
‘‘The American Negro in College’’, 1949-1950, Crisis,
ay oe es duce aw eww ey ase o* 36
“The American Negro in College, 1950-1951, Crisis,
RS Ne os ow wek Ween vas simunes 36
‘Toward Equality in Edueation’’, N.A.T.R.O. (1952) 35
Washington Post, Nov. 29, 1952 .................. 15
Wilkins, Roy, ‘‘A Decade in Race Relations,’’ A mer-
ica (June 16, 1951), pp. 287-289 ................ 15
BCE OR EO rR oo
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
Ocroser TERM, 1952
No. 413
Sportrswoop Tuomas Bo.iineG, ET AL., Petitioners
Vv.
C. Metvin SHARPE, ET AL.
ON WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF
APPEALS FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT
BRIEF FOR AMICI CURIAE
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE
This case deals with the question whether children
in the public school system of the Nation’s Capital may,
consistently with the Constitution and laws of the United
States, be separated by groups solely on the basis of skin
color or the origin of their ancestors.
The undersigned submit this brief because our organiza-
tions represent groups of Americans in the Washington
Dat er ee ke ey a a tn ta
me Bs SEES: IRE ELE ER BR
ae Be
2
community and throughout the nation of many creeds and
many races who are deeply committed to the preservation
and extension of the democratic way of life and who reject
as inimical to the welfare and progress of our country |
artificial barriers to the free and natural association of }
peoples, based on racial or creedal differences. We believe
this to be of especial importance in the Nation’s Capital.
We are united in the belief that every step taken to make
such differences irrelevant in law, as they are in fact, will
tend to cure one of our democracy’s conspicuous failures to |
practice the ideals we proclaim to the world, and to bring —
us closer to that peace and harmony with other peoples
throughout the world for which we all strive.
We submit this brief out of a sense of urgency which
compels us to speak out for great segments of the com-
munity on behalf of a good and just cause. We are con-
vineed that the great democratic principles of our Consti-
tution are denied when racism permeates and shapes the
institutions in which the children of the Capital of the
Nation receive their schooling.
We submit this brief, finally, in the knowledge that the
progress and welfare of a democratic community and the
best contributions of all its people toward enriching the
life, the intellect, and the spirit of the community can be
achieved only from the untrammeled association of fellow-
citizens without the interposition, especially by government,
of barriers based on race.
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
This case is here on writ of certiorari to the United
States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Cir-
cuit, granted while the case was pending in that court on
appeal from a judgment of the United States District Court +
for the District of Columbia granting a motion to dismiss
the complaint. The petitioners are minors and their par-
ents, citizens of the United States and residents of the Dis-
trict of Columbia, are suing on behalf of themselves and
MELO LIE RGEC LGES BILE LEE DIET LEYS EEC RIEL PRE EEE LIE IPE ELAS AE LE
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3
others similarly situated. The respondents here are mem-
bers of the school board and officials of the public school
system of the District of Columbia.
The complaint alleged that the minor petitioners applied
for enrollment in the Sousa Junior High School of the Dis-
trict of Columbia and were denied enrollment solely be-
cause of their race or color and that they appropriately
exhausted all administrative remedies for correction of that
denial. It alleged inter alia that their exclusion from the
school denied them due process of law, in violation of the
Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution and
Title 8, Sections 41 and 43 of the United States Code; and
constituted a bill of attainder prohibited by Article 1, Sec-
tion 9, clause 3 of the Constitution. The complaint sought
a declaratory judgment that the respondents had no right
to exclude the minor petitioners from the Sousa School
because of their race or color and an injunction restraining
the respondents from such exclusion.
Respondents, without denying any of the allegations of
the complaint, filed a motion to dismiss which was granted
by the District Court without an opinion.
THE QUESTICNS TO WHICH THIS BRIEF IS ADDRESSED
The undersigned amici curiae believe that racial segrega-
tion in the District of Columbia public schools is unconsti-
tutional. We refrain here from presenting such of our
reasons as would parallel those presented in the brief of
the petitioners already filed herein. We confine ourselves
to the following two questions which we feel merit fuller
discussion and on which we possess some special com-
petence:
1. Does separation of school children by skin color
or ancestry have any warrant in twentieth century
community experience, proper legislative purpose, or
scientific understanding?
2. Does the fact that Congress made provision for
the establishment of schools for Negro children in the
eee Mere ee aimee
4
District of Columbia before the adoption of the Four. |
teenth Amendment justify the conclusion that the
Fourteenth Amendment was intended to permit racial]
segregation?
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
1. Racial classifications are not permissible in our de-
mocracy except only under the most dire of emergencies
such as the ‘‘crisis of war’’. The conventional standards
of ‘‘reasonableness”’ to test legislative action do not come
into play when racial criteria are involved. Nor, evenifit —
were relevant, is there any reasonable basis for separating
school children by skin color. Examination of community
experience in the District of Columbia and throughout the
country discloses vast areas of activity in which the mem-
bers of the public both voluntarily and by government ac-
tion have departed from patterns of segregation and asso-
ciate free of color restrictions. No rational basis exists to
single out school children for racial separation.
The predictions of defiance of a decision invalidating }
racial segregation in schools or of difficulties resulting
therefrom are neither novel nor warranted. They are not
justified by community experience, history, morality, or
law. To assert such factors implies that Constitutional
rights must await the consent of those who withhold them.
Present day scientific knowledge discredits traditional
concepts of ‘‘race.’’ Continued enforcement of legislative
action based on assumed distinctions formerly attributed
to such concepts is not rational.
2. In Carr v. Corning, 182 F. 2d 14, it was held that Con-
gress’ establishment of public schools for Negroes before
the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment ‘‘conclu-
sively supports’’ the determination that the Amendment _,
permitted segregation in schools. This misconceives the
chronology of the events of that day and gives a completely
distorted significance to the school statutes,
EERE SIRE ILENE MST SRN IE SIS GRRE PE TERENCE HARI LRG TSH
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4)
ARGUMENT
L
SEPARATION OF SCHOOL CHILDREN BY SKIN COLOR OR
ANCESTRY HAS NO WARRANT IN TWENTIETH CENTURY
COMMUNITY EXPERIENCE, PROPER LEGISLATIVE PUR-
POSE, OR SCIENTIFIC UNDERSTANDING AND IS THERE-
FORE A MEANINGLESS CLASSIFICATION VIOLATIVE OF
THE FIFTH AMENDMENT
This brief documents what twentieth-century America
knows: racial segregation is not—and never was—in-
tended to achieve any legitimate legislative goal but is a
continuing attempt to maintain some vestiges of the slave
system of the nineteenth century.
Classification by ‘‘race’’? has been permitted by this
Court to sustain governmental action only during the major
crisis of the twentieth century and then only after ‘‘the
most rigid scrutiny’’ had disclosed ‘‘cireumstances of dire
emergency and peril’’ stemming from ‘‘the crisis of war
and threatened invasion.’’*
Though we do not suggest the propriety of even this lim-
ited impairment of the constitutional safeguards for the
individual, we point out that these instances were occa-
sioned only by extreme cases of national peril. It is only
at such times that racial designations may become the basis
for governmental action. No conventional problems and
no ordinary standard of ‘‘reasonableness’’ may justify a
transgression of the overriding principle that racial dis-
tinctions are odious.
1 We use the term ‘‘race’’ only for simplicity of expression. We
submit it has no meaning relevant to legal problems. See Section
C, infra, p. 19. For purposes of brevity we have also referred
generally to ‘‘skin color’’ as the basis adopted for segregation.
Analyzed carefully, the real basis for segregation of Negroes stem-
ming from the institution of slavery, lies in the birthland of the in-
dividual’s forebears (i.e., Africa) rather than in skin color alone.
For these reasons many statutes refer generally to ‘‘persons of
African descent.’’ Cf. Art. 1661.1, See. 2, Vernon’s Statutes of
Texas, Annotated (1947).
? Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U. S. 81, 92 (1943), and
_ Korematsu v. United States, 323 U. S. 214, 220 (1944). Cf. Ex
f U. S. 283 (1944).
a, ee ee
6
Moreover, governmental classification at any time must
comport with what is fundamentally just. This is the es-
sence of due process, a term of no fixed content. The ‘‘es-
sentials of fundamental rights’’ are not ‘‘confined within
a permanent catalogue,’’ for it ‘‘is of the very nature of
a free society to advance in its standards of what is deemed
reasonable and right.’’ Wolf v. Colorado, 338 U. S. 25, 27
(1949). And the question whether a classification separat-
ing school children solely by race is constitutionally per-
missible today cannot be answered by looking backward to
yesterday. Constitutional principles ‘‘may acquire mean-
ing as public opinion becomes enlightened by a humane
justice.’’* For this reason, the ‘‘boot-strap’’ arguments
of the School Board in this case, as in all others which rely
upon the authority of Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537,
without reexamining its premises, cannot justify this
Court’s failing to do so. Passenger Cases, 7 How. 283, 470
(1849). We submit that the validity of continuing today
to separate school children solely according to a skin-color
3 Weems v. United States, 217 U. S. 349 (1910):
pp. 373-374: ‘‘Time works changes, brings into existence new
conditions and purposes. Therefore a principle to be vital must
be capable of wider application than the mischief which gave it
birth. This is peculiarly true of constitutions. They are not
ephemeral enactments, designed to meet passing occasions. * * *
The future is their care and provision for events of good and bad |
tendencies of which no prophecy can be made. In the application
of a constitution, therefore, our contemplation cannot be only of |
what has been but of what may be. Under any other rule a con-
stitution would indeed be as easy of application as it would be
deficient in efficacy and power. Its general principles would have
little value and be converted by precedent into impotent and life-
less formulas. Rights declared in words might be lost in reality.
And this has been recognized. The meaning and vitality of the
Constitution have developed against narrow and restrictive con-
struction. * * * The construction of the Fourteenth Amendment is
* * * an example for it is one of the limitations of the Constitu-
tion.”’
p. 378: ‘‘The clause of the Constitution in the opinion of the
learned commentators may be therefore progressive, and is not
fastened to the obsolete but may acquire meaning as publie opinion
becomes enlightened by a humane justice.’’
. @ UT HOLEP
ee ee ——
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\ ae
7
classification must be tested in the light of today’s known
community and social experience, declared legislative pur-
poses and present scientific understanding. Tested ac-
cordingly, separation of children in public schools on the
basis of skin-color alone is completely without rational
basis in the United States in the twentieth century.
A. Community experience demonstrates the invalidity of racial
segregation in the District of Columbia or anywhere in
the United States.
1. DETERIORATION OF PATTERNS OF SEGREGATION.
As this community’s experience is examined, the lack of
consistency and indeed of plain common sense involved in
the erection of racial barriers between groups of school
children is dramatically exposed. <A brief glance at Table
IV (Appendix, infra) shows the vast range of public ac-
tivity in which this city engages free of color restrictions.
Washingtonians mingle today without regard to skin color
in many restaurants, movies, hotels, libraries, swimming
pools, golf courses, tennis courts, and playgrounds, in all
legitimate theatres, streetcars and busses, art galleries, and
music halls, and in every public building, and every audi-
torium in the city. They attend inter-racial nursery
schools, parochial schools, colleges, law schools and medical
schools. (Table II, Appendix, infra.)
On what basis, then, may they rationally be precluded
from doing so in public schools? If people, young and old,
can live next door to each other in apartment houses, can
walk or ride together as far as school doors, and can enter
together in private schools, what proper reason may be
adduced to prevent them from entering those doors to
study together in public schools established in the interests
of all the people, by a government dedicated to democracy ?*
*The President-elect has pledged himself to remove ‘‘every
vestige of segregation’’ in the Nation’s Capital to the extent of the
means at his command. But this is a goal wh ch. as this case
proves, cannot be achieved by executive action alone.
8
Moreover, segregation in schools has been abandoned in
practice in so great a portion of this country, including the
South, as to make its continuation anywhere impossible to
justify in principle. Compiled in the Appendix, infra, is a
list of those communities, in the South and border areas,
where Negro students have been recently admitted to
formerly all-white schools. (Table 1). This list, which is
representative but by no means exhaustive, marks the
unanimously successful integration, in varying degrees, of
colored and white students in educational institutions in
over 85 communities in such areas. (There is of course no
need to detail the vast areas of the North where legal seg-
regation has never been practiced.)
These are developments of only the past several years,
chiefly following this Court’s action in Sweatt v. Painter,
339 U. S. 629 and McLaurin v. Oklahoma, 339 U. S. 637, in
1950. In that short time, one or more educational institu-
tions in practically every Southern, Southwestern and Bor-
der state have opened their doors to Negroes, who had pre-
viously been excluded altogether. For example, tax-sup-
ported colleges and universities have opened their doors
to Negro students in Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Kansas,
Missouri, Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, North
Carolina, West Virginia, Maryland and Delaware. (Table
TIT(A) (1) (b), Appendix, infra).
Despite the continued insistence of those who urge
the continuance of segregation on the ground that the
country is ‘‘not ready,’’ these changes have not been lim-
ited to public colleges which alone would be compelled by
the enforcement of the Fourteenth Amendment to open
their doors. Non-public institutions have been far in the
lead in the process of integration. Schools and colleges,
both private and parochial, have removed racial barriers
to admission in Alabama, Texas, Georgia, Missouri, Louisi-
ana, Kentucky, Maryland, North Carolina, Virginia, West
Virginia, and as mentioned, the District of Columbia.
(Table III (A) (2), Appendix, infra). This merits special
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cae
attention, for if segregation were as embedded in the
‘‘usages, customs and traditions’’ of the South as it is
alleged to be, none of these institutions would have de-
| parted therefrom without compulsion. But freed of gov-
| ernmental compulsion to segregate (or exclude) by the
| aftermath of this Court’s decisions in the Sweatt and Mc-
Laurin cases which substantially destroyed segregation in
public colleges, these non-public schools have dropped the
color bars in numbers and with a speed and fervor’ which
make it plain that it was only the barrier of the South’s
government-required segregation which had earlier stood in
their way—and not the South’s ‘‘usages, customs and
traditions.’’
In addition to the colleges and universities in which seg-
regation has been abandoned, public elementary and high
schools have successfully ended segregation in recent years
in one or more communities in California, Arizona, New
Mexico, Kansas, Illinois, Ohio, Indiana, Maryland, Dela-
ware, Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Public schools sup-
ported entirely by Federal funds have been integrated at
Fort Bragg and Camp Lejeune, North Carolina, Quantico,
Virginia, Fort Knox, Kentucky and other southern military
( reservations.
The District of Columbia has been no laggard in this
pattern of change. Only where law is interpreted to forbid
departure from segregation (as the D. C. Board of Eduea-
tion maintains is true here) has there been no correspond-
j ing progress. Private schools, at all levels of study, have
dropped the color bar. This is true of pre-nursery, nursery,
elementary and high schools, as well as colleges and grad-
uate schools. (Table IT, Appendix, infra).
9
5 The reactions of white students have been extremely favorable.
' They have welcomed the newly arrived Negroes with group demon-
strations of approval, have called for change at colleges refusing
admission to Negroes, have written articles for the press, and have
called on the President of the United States for assistance to end
racial restrictions. Table TV (B) Appendix, infra.
Bison cor nn ae SPAETH
—
10
Moreover, neither in the District nor in other places
which have known segregation are these changes occurring
only in schools. We have compiled in Table IV a wide
variety of instances (which is only a sampling of thousands
of similar cases) in which places of public accommodation,
voluntary associations, religious bodies, employers, and the
athletic and entertainment world have followed where en-
lightened public thinking has beckoned.
These developments have significance for our problem
because everywhere one looks—in colleges and universities,
in factories, in state legislatures and city councils, in
theaters, in stadia, in restaurants, in swimming pools, and
throughout our Armed Forces—there has developed an in-
creasing and cumulative mingling of people of different
racial origins on a scale which makes ludicrous the con-
tinued separation of children in their formative years at
school. Those who ride, play, and work, who fight and die
together without strife may—nay, do—study together with-
out strife.
This wide-ranging experience with integration, it should
be added, is a judicial, not a legislative, consideration for
it provides conclusive practical confirmation of the propo-
sitions that (1) separation based on race has no rational
basis in our society and (2) integration presents nothing
remotely like war-time ‘‘dire emergeney and peril’’ which
alone might justify separation (Korematsu v. United
States, supra, p. 220), but in fact proceeds peacefully.
2. THE PROPHESIED COMMUNITY RESISTANCE TO CHANGE.
Departures from segregation have been successful to a
degree that surpasses even the most optimistic expectations
of the proponents of such change. They continually refute
the forecasts of those who on each and every such occasion
predict violence, resistance, difficulties and, at very least,
common dissatisfaction with the change.
If these predictions were made by those who previously
had urged the removal of barriers toward equality they
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11
might be listened to with good grace. But though the words
are different the voice is the same. These are the last-
ditch arguments of those who would still preserve some-
thing of their ancestors’ 19th Century class superiority,
with its intolerable burdens on other human beings, while
they also enjoy all the benefits of 20th Century society.
Furthermore, the mere assertion of such factors as
worthy of consideration by this Court necessarily implies
a belief that even if the Constitutional rights of an indi-
vidual—or thousands of individuals—are being violated
justice shall be rendered them only if those who withhold
those rights will consent. Such a belief our democracy
rejects.
And this aside, these assertions are unsound judged even
by empirical standards rather than moral principle.
In Sweatt v. Painter, supra (Octeber Term, 1949, No.
44), the appellees warned that ‘‘forced mixed schools’’
would ‘‘cause large withdrawals from the public schools’’
(Appellees’ Brief, p. 175). The brief amicus filed by the
Attorneys General of eleven states was even more direful
(at p. 9), citing reports of impending disturbance at Easi
St. Louis and Alton, Illinois, two southern Illinois cities
where the schools were being desegregated under force by
law, and of apparent trouble at desegregated swimming
pools in Washington, D. C., and St. Louis, Missouri®:
®The swimming pool incidents referred to by the Attorneys
General refute rather than support their argument. In Washing-
ton, the disturbance was an isolated incident which has been fol-
lowed since 1950 by operation of pools under jurisdiction of the
Interior Department without segregation and without the slightest
difficulty. Comment, 18 Univ. Chi. L. Rev. 769, 773-775 (1951).
And the attendance has shown a continuing increase. (Table IV,
item (8) Appendix, infra.) The St. Louis experience was even more
revealing. There the city officials reacted to an outbreak of violence
by reversing their previously adopted decision to end segregation. A
law suit was commenced to prevent segregation. Id. at 771-772.
United States District Judge Hulen firmly rejected the argument
that segregation should be retained to prevent disorder. Calling
this ‘‘a new and novel theory’’, he ruled that ‘‘The law permits of
no such delay in the protection of plaintiffs’ constitutional rights’’.
LEHR
12
The Southern States trust that this Court will not
strike down their power to keep peace, order, and snp-
port of the public schools by maintaining equal sepa-
rate facilities. If the States are shorn of this police
power and physical conflict takes place, as in the St.
Louis and Washington swimming pools, the States are
left with no alternative but to close their schools fcr
that reason.
Of course, no ‘‘physical conflict’? took place because of the
decision which the Attorneys General feared. Instead, in
less than two years the number of Negroes who have been
peacefully integrated into Southern graduate and profes-
sional schools exceeds well over a thousand, and the tabu-
lation is no longer a matter of much interest since the point
is proved beyond debate.
In the Henderson case, infra (October Term, 1949, No.
25), the brief amicus filed by Rep. Sam Hobbs warned flatly
that ‘‘that to adopt the contention of Appellant would be
the kiss of death to render operation of the railroad impos-
sible’’ (p.5). In Morgan v. Virginia, 328 U.S. 373 (1946)
(October Term, 1945, No. 704), the Commonwealth of Vir-
ginia, Appellee, warned that the statute which the Court
subsequently invalidated was necessary to prevent violent
altereations which would cause drivers to lose control of
their busses (Appellee’s brief, p. 14). The effects of a re-
versal of the decision below were painted in lurid terms
(Id. at pp. 18-20).
Again, no such evils resulted. In fact, the Court of Ap-
peals for the Fourth Circuit has had occasion to point out
that no disorders oceurred on the ears of a Virginia rail-
road which recently abandoned segregation to the extent it
Draper v. St. Louis. 92 F. Supp. 546, 549 (E.D. Mo., 1950). The
following year, 1951, the pools were opened on a fully integrated
basis. ‘‘Civil Rights in the United States in 1951’’, page 90. As
indicated in the Appendix, both East St. Louis and Alton are
examples of successful integration, rather than disturbance of any
sort.
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found convenient. Chance v. Lambeth, 186 F. 2d 879, 881,
882-883 (C.A. 4th, 1951).
We are not so naive as to discount the possibility of some
forms of resistance to a decision that racial segregation in
public grade schools is unconstitutional. But the prophecy
of violence has so often been shown to be without sub-
stance’? that it is now made with little conviction. Of
course, this Court conclusively answered what has been
called the ‘‘rhetoric of violence’’** when it squarely held
that the preservation of the public peace cannot be ac-
complished by laws which violate the Constitution. Bu-
chanan v. Warley, 245 U.S. 60, 81 (1917).
It goes without saying that to deny a constitutional right
because the lawless element of a community dislikes its
enforcement is to suggest that the Federal compact is no
match for the lynech-law mob.
Recognition of these facts by those who still seek to up-
hold segregation leads to their more sophisticated sugges-
tion that the abolition of segregation at this time will (a)
destroy public education in the South or (b) destroy the
liberal or progressive movement in the South. The fact is
that public education will no more be threatened by the
Court’s action against segregation in these cases than it
was by its action in the cases of Sweatt v. Painter, supra;
McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents, supra, and Hender-
son v. United States, 339 U.S. 816. At best such argu-
ments in effect only urge delay in the disposition of the
constitutional question. But delay is more likely to aggra-
vate than to solve these alleged problems.® Moreover,
7 Note, 61 Yale L. J. 730, 738-743 (1952); Lewis, The Crisis
That Never Came Off, The Reporter, 1:12 (Dee. 6, 1949).
* Comment, 18 Univ. Chi. L. Rev. 769, 781 (1951).
®In the meantime the denial of constitutional rights is itself
productive of disorder. As a Georgia court noted long ago, ‘‘in
the end, if those laws are unfair, unjust, unequal, they will
breed discontent and disorder, and it is better for the peace and
good order of society that all shall have equal rights.’’ White
v. Clements, 39 Ga. 232, 269 (1869).
14
these arguments were not first urged upon this Court when
the Sweatt and Henderson cases were argued; they were
put forth over 75 years ago (Cf. 2 Cong. Record 4153
(1874) ; 3 Cong. Record 981-982, 997, 1002 (1875)).
Nor are these alleged problems peculiar to the South.
The quality of individual prejudice is not governed solely
by the residence of the individual. Integration proposals
have brought prophecies of violent resistance in northern
waterfront towns like Camden, N.J., no less than in Clar-
endon County, S. C., and of destruction of public education
in Alton, Illinois no less than in Atlanta, Georgia. But
Camden saw no violence and is fully integrated, and Alton,
rather than give up the State’s monetary contribution to
its public schools, gave up segregation. This. was done
grudgingly, but it was done—peacefully and completely.
We submit that if there is to be resistance, it
will take the form not of destruction but of evasion. And
the patterns of evasion are by this time familiar. Although
the practice of excluding Negroes from the Democratic
Party primary in the South was first condemned in 1927
(Nixon v. Herndon, 273 U.S. 536) this Court was called on
several times thereafter to consider the validity of at-
tempted evasions of that decision.’? Even after the last de-
cision there were further attempts—continuing to the pres-
ent day''—which were dealt with by the lower courts."
10 Nizon v. Condon, 286 U. S. 73 (1932); Grovy v. Townsend,
295 U. S. 45 (1935); Smith v. Allwright, 321 U. S. 649 (1944);
Schnell v. Davis, 336 U. S. 933 (1949).
1 Terry v. Adams, 193 F. 2d 600 (C.A. 5th, 1952), cert. granted
Nov. 12, 1952. ,
12 Chapman v. King, 154 F. 2d 460 (C.A. 5th, 1946), cert. de-
nied, 327 U. S. 800; Mitchell v. Wright, 154 F. 2d 924 (C.A. 5th,
1946), cert. denied, 329 U. S. 733; Rice v. Elmore, 165 F. 2d 387
(C.A. 4th, 1947), cert. denied, 333 U. S. 975; Baskin v. Brown,
174 F. 2d 391 (C.A. 4th, 1949) ; Perry v. Cyphers, 186 F. 2d 608
(C.A. 5th, 1951) ; Adams v. Terry, 193 F. 2d 600 (C.A. 5th, 1952) ;
Davis v. Schnell, 81 F. Supp. 872 (D.C. 8.D. Ala., 1949), aff’d
without opinion, 336 U.S. 933 (1949); Dean v. Thomas, 93 F.
Supp. 129 (D.C. E.D., L., 1950).
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Ultimately the fight will be completely abandoned. Negroes
are now voting in constantly increasing numbers in the
Democratic primary and general elections in the Sovth, and
candidates make special efforts to win their support.”®
And so, while we may expect gerrymandering and possi-
bly so-called ‘‘private’’ corporations operating the schools
for one or a few of the States, we freely predict that in this
day and age there will be neither real abandonment nor ed-
| ucational deterioration of the public school system in the
areas involved. Furthermore, in the District of Columbia
community acceptance and respect for legal authority is
obviously such that there can be no fear whatever that this
Court’s order will be resisted here. As Judge Edgerton
said in his dissent in Carr v. Corning, 182 F. 2d 14, 33:
‘‘When United States courts order integration of District
) of Columbia schools they will be integrated’’. (Emphasis
supplied).*
We know, too, that despite the urging of the prophets of
doom this Court will not permit basie Constitutional rights
to be reduced by the lowest pessimistic denominator.
15
13 Race and Suffrage in the South since 1940, Jackson, Luther P.,
New South, Vol. 3, pp. 1-26 (1948); Civil Rights in the United
/ States in 1951, op. cit. supra, p. 18; A Decade in Race Relations,
Wilkins, Roy, America, June 16, 1951, pp. 287-289; Stakes Are
Costly in Play for Texas, N. Y. Times, Sept. 23, 1952.
* Only last week the Superintendent of Schools said the school
system would not be unprepared for a decision ending segreca-
tion, Washington Post, Nov. 29, 1952. By contrast, we regard as
particularly unfortunate the Court’s statement in the Carr ease.
supra, p. 16, that the problems with which it was dealing were
‘‘insoluble by force of any sort.’’ The same amount of ‘‘force’’ is
exercised by segregated as by unsegregated schools. The present
practices in the District of Columbia school system are just as
‘*foreeful’’ to those who desire to associate with their fellows with-
out artificial racial barriers as an unsegregated system would be
to those who wish to keep aloof.
16
B. Declared legislative prohibitions against segregation in
other areas of activity in the District of Columbia demon-
strate the further irrationality of school segregation.
The classification of groups of children in the public
schools by skin color alone must also be tested in the light
of legislative action affecting other group relationships in
the community.
As early as 1865,"* the Congress expressly forbade any
street railway company in the District of Columbia to ex-
clude any person from any ear, and since then there
has been no ‘‘Jim-Crow’’ transportation in the District. In
1872 and 1873, the Legislative Assembly for the District
enacted laws (referred to as the ‘‘Equal Service Laws’’)
forbidding the refusal to serve any well-behaved person in
any eating place, barber shop or hotel.’ Thereafter, in
1875, the Congress enacted the famed Civil Rights Act,"
forbidding racial discrimination or exclusion in places of
public accommodation throughout the country, including
the District of Columbia.
This series of legislative measures, then, carved out vast
areas for the free association of peoples in the District.
As opposed to the direct prohibitions against segregation
in these instances where Congress has clearly expressed its
intention on the subject, no instance has been found where
the Congress requires segregation. (It should be noted
that the statutes relied upon here as establishing a segre-
gated school system are not mandatory in form—unlike
school and other statutes in the South which explicitly re-
14 Section 5 of the Act of March 3, 1865, 13 Stat. 536.
15 The law of 1873 was recently held valid, and in force, in Dis-
trict of Columbia v. John R. Thompson Co., 81 A. (2d) 249 (D.C.
Mun. App.). An appeal is now pending in the United States Court
of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit.
16 Act of March 1, 1875, 18 Stat. 335. This Act was declared
invalid as applied to the States (Civil Rights Cases, 109 U. S. 3
(1883)) and, only because the previsions were considered nonsep-
arable, to steamships in coastwise trade (Butts v. Merchants and
Miners Trans. Co., 230 U. S. 126 (1913).
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quire segregation. See compilation in the Appendix to the
Petitioners’ brief, herein.)
In this context, particularly in view of the other broad
areas of present free co nmunity association mentioned in
) Section A, supra, it beco. nes impossible to accept as having
rational foundation a leg slative classification singling pub-
lie school children alone out of the entire community for
governmental separation based solely on race.
17
C. Present scientific understanding discredits traditional
concepts of “race”.
Governmental classifications must also be tested in the
light of present-day scientific understanding.
It seems hardly necessary at this late date to offer proof
that conduct governed by assumed distinctions attributed
} to race is wholly arbitrary. Moreover, the concept of
| ‘*race’’, which has been thought to have a scientific expla-
| nation based on esoteric classifications used by physical
anthropologists, have been demonstrated by mature stu-
dents of anthropology to be largely lacking even such a
foundation, and they have shown that no significance what-
ever can be attached to skin color alone. Boyd, Genetics
and the Races of Man (Little, Brown & Co., 1950), pp. 10-
27, 184-207."
Certainly in the Western World no nation is anything
but a mixture of many kinds of racial groups. The term
17“<The biological fact of race and the myth of ‘race’ should be
distinguished. For all practical social purposes ‘race’ is not so
much a biological phenomenon as a social myth. The myth of
‘race’ has created an enormous amount of human and social dam-
age. * * * It still prevents the normal development of millions of
human beings and deprives civilization of the effective co-opera-
tion of productive minds. The biological differences between ethnic
groups should be disregarded from the standpoint of social ac-
ceptanece and social action.’’ Statement by Experts on Race
Problems, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization, July 18, 1950. See also LaFarge, The Race Question
and the Negro; Redfield, What We Do Know About Race, 57
Scientific Monthly 193 (Sept., 1943) ; Krogman, An Anthropologist
Looks at Race, 7 Intercultural Education News 1 (Nov., 1945).
18
‘‘white’’ is racially meaningless as applied to almost all
American or European whites. There are fair-haired, tall,
long-headed North Europeans and dark-haired, less tall,
round-headed South Europeans. And there are all those
who run the gamut. They are all race mixtures. Benedict
& Weltfish, Races of Mankind (Public Affairs Committee,
1944). Even more certain is it that the American Negro
is not a ‘‘race’’. Not only were the original African slaves
members of different ‘‘racial’’ groups (from different
parts of Africa) but their cross-fertilization with ‘‘white’’
Americans has been extensive. As early as 1920 at least
15.9 per cent of the ‘‘Negro’’ population was visibly mu-
latto. Klineberg, Characteristics of the American Negro
(Harper, 1944), p. 268. Anda recent study by John Hop-
kins and Pittsburgh University professors discloses that
the Negro population in the United States is 30 per cent
white in its ancestry. Glass and Li, Report on the Dynamics
of Racial Intermixture, Annual Meeting of American In-
stitute of Biological Sciences at Cornell University (N. Y.
Times, Sept. 8, 1952, 33:8); Comas, Racial Myths
(UNESCO, 1951) pp. 1-26.
II
THE FACT THAT CONGRESS MADE PROVISION FOR THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF SCHOOLS FOR NEGRO CHILDREN IN
THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA BEFORE THE ADOPTION OF
THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT DOES NOT JUSTIFY THE
CONCLUSION THAT THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT WAS
INTENDED TO PERMIT RACIAL SEGREGATION.
Petitioners urge in this case that racial segregation in
the schools operated by the District of Columbia govern-
ment is discriminatory per se and consequently prohibited
by the Fifth Amendment. The argument rests on the firmly
based principle that ‘‘distinctions between citizens solely
because of their ancestry are by their very nature odious to
a free people whose institutions are founded upon the doc-
trine of equality’’. Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U. S.
81, 100 (1943).
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19
It is urged, however, by those seeking to uphold school
separation based on race alone that neither the Fifth nor
the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, prohibits
segregation.’ In this connection, reliance is placed on cer-
tain statutes enacted by the United States Congress for the
education of Negro children in the District of Columbia
at about the same time the Congress submitted the
Fourteenth Amendment to the states for ratification. The
theory suggested is that these statutes expressly provided
for the establishment of segregated schools for Negro and
white children and that, hence, the Congress of that period
could not have viewed the constitutional principles em-
bodied in the Fourteenth Amendment as prohibiting racial
segregation.
This argument was given much weight by the majority
opinion (Edgerton, J., dissenting) of the Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Cireuit in Carr v. Corning, 182
F. 2d 14 (1950).2* Judge Prettyman’s opinion there re-
viewed the statutes in question and concluded that they
‘‘conclusively support’’ the view that the Fourteenth
Amendment does not prohibit segregation. Ibid, pp. 17-19.
We have already indicated our contention that the rea-
son or unreason of a classification such as separate racial
schools must be judged on the basis of contemporary con-
ditions and current knowledge, and not governed by the
dead hand of the past. Weems v. United States, 217 U 5S.
349, 373-374, 378 (1910). But because we wish to meet
squarely the argument from history, just outlined, we turn
now to an analysis of the past as it is involved therein.
179 Brief for Respondents herein, pp. 36-37; Brief for Appellees
in Briggs v. Elliott, No. 101 this term, p. 15; Brief for Appellees
in Davis v. County School Board, No. 191 this term, pp. 12-13.
18 The complaint in the Carr case, as in this one, challenged the
constitutionality of segregation in the District of Columbia public
schools. The Court of Appeals upheld segregation and no review
of its decision was sought in this Court. In the instant case, the
District Court in granting the motion to dismiss, stated in an oral
opinion that it was bound by the Carr decision.
20
Such analysis shows that the conclusion on the part of the
Court of Appeals in the Carr case was neither required
nor justified in the light of the genesis of the local laws
and of the Fourteenth Amendment. On the contrary, the
conclusion that the Fourteenth Amendment was intended
to prohibit segregation is fully documented in the pene-
trating study by Flack in his The Adoption of the Four-
teenth Amendment (1908), by the petitioner’s brief in
Sweatt v. Painter, supra (pp. 54-62), by the amicus brief
of the Committe of Law Teachers in that case (pp.
5-19), and by the latest and perhaps most exhaustive study
of all, Frank and Munro, The Original Understanding of
“Equal Protection of the Laws,’’ 50 Col. L. Rev. 131, 153-62
(1940). We shall not repeat that presentation here.
This conclusion cannot be cavalierly swept aside simply
by finding in isolated statutes, narrow and localized in scope
and enacted years before the ratification of a constitutional
amendment over which the entire nation seethed, a purpose
completely at variance with the whole thrust of that amend-
ment as it was generally understood.
In the Carr case, Judge Prettyman cited six statutes.
Only five of these are actually relevant.” These five
statutes were enacted between 1862 and 1866—and the
dates are crucial, since the Court of Appeals inferred, from
the fact that they were (1) contemporaneous with the pas-
sage by Congress of the proposed Fourteenth Amendment
and (2) seemingly inconsistent with an anti-segregation in-
19 The reference in the Carr decision (pp. 17-18) to Sections 281,
282, 294 and 304 of the revision of the D. C. Statutes (Act of June
22, 1874, 18 Stat. part 2) appears erroneously to assume that these
provisions were first enacted in that year. In fact, these are sec-
tions taken from the Act of June 25, 1864, 13 Stat. 187, 191, from
which Judge Prettyman had already drawn significance, and no
additional significance can be found in their inclusion in the 1874
Revision, since that was merely part of a Congressional attempt
to provide up-to-date compilations of existing law—one such com-
pilation for the District of Columbia, and another (U. S. Revised
Statutes, 1872 and 1878) of the general laws of the United States.
Certainly there is no suggestion that any consideration was given
by Congress in 1874 to the determination of racial policy which is
inherent in the inference drawn by Judge Prettyman.
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21
terpretation of that Amendment, that the Amendment itself
could not have been intended to abolish segregation.
But the inference is by no means either necessary or cor-
rect. It is based on a misconception of both the pertinency
of the chronology and the purposes of the school statutes.
When the Fourteenth Amendment was proposed in June
1866, its framers obviously had no means of knowing how
many years would elapse before its ratification by the
states; in fact, it was not until July 1868, more than two
years later, that it was declared ratified. The mere fact
that the Amendment was proposed in 1866, at approxi-
mately the same time as the 1866 statutes, does not, as Judge
Prettyman implies, necessarily impute to the Congress a
purpose in that Amendment to perpetuate segregated
schools.” It may equally suggest a desire to deal with the
problem on a national basis rather than a local one, just as
the Congress later did, in the Civil Rights Act of 1875, when
it prohibited discrimination of any kind in places of public
accommodation anywhere in the United States, including
the District of Columbia.*! We recognize that Congress,
prior to the Fourteenth Amendment, was making provi-
sion for schools which, when they were finally established,
were separate. But to conclude from this that Congress in-
tended to perpetuate this situation, come what may, is to
fail to distinguish between mere recognition of the his-
torical fact of segregation and a mandate for segregation.
In fact, what the historical development of public educa-
tion for colored children does amply demonstrate is that
the Congress was concerned in the 1860’s with obtaining
education for those children, and further that Congress was
never faced with the issue of granting or denying a request
2° Moreover, it should be recognized that there is significance in
the fact that the path travelled through the Houses of Congress
by the Bill dealing with District schools was obviously different
from that taken by the Bill proposing the Fourteenth Amendment.
The origin, committee consideration, and debates were totally dif-
ferent from the two matters.
*1 Act of March 1, 1875, 18 Stat. 335.
|
22
that there should be ‘‘integrated’’ education. At that time
public education of any kind was still regarded in many
quarters as invidious, and education for the Negro (who in
many states was still forbidden to learn to read or write)
had only a short while prior thereto been deemed wholly
objectionable by some legislators.”
In 1862, or!y a few weeks after slaves were freed in the
District of Columbia** (and almost a year before the
Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863) the Con-
gressional action was an attempt for the first time to pro-
vide ‘‘free’’* public education for colored children. The
Congress was concerned with that problem alone.
Similarly, in 1864,” when Congress provided that the
amount used to support schools for colored children should
be appropriated from the general revenues of the cities of
Washington and Georgetown in accordance with the ratio
of colored children to the total number of children, Con-
gress was faced only with the problem whether (in view
of the exceedingly small sums allotted by the authorities
to the colored schools)* they should continue to tax colored
persons separately to support schools for colored chil-
dren.”
22 (f. 62 Cong. Globe, 37th Cong., 3d Sess. 1326-1327 (1863).
*3 Act of April 16, 1862, 12 Stat. 376.
*4 Act of May 20, 1862, 12 Stat. 394; Act of May 21, 1862, 12
Stat. 407. In part, the purpose was to remedy the unjust dis-
crimination of the existing D. C. school system which, as a result
of slavery days, denied admittance *o colored children while col-
lecting taxes from their parents, fercing the latter to maintain
their own schools. Bryan, History of the National Capital, Vol.
IT. (1916), pp. 137-38, 389, 524-528.
* Act of June 25, 1864, 13 Stat. 187, 191.
76 In 1862 nothing was paid over by Georgetown and only
48,256.25 by Washington. In 1863, Georgetown paid $69.72 and
Washington $410.89. The need for additional funds was obvious.
Special Report of the Commissioner of Education on the Condi-
tion and Improvement of Public Schools in the District of Colum-
hia, p. 253, H. Rep. Ex. Doc. No. 315, 41st Cong., 2d Sess. (1871).
27 The earlier Act of May 21, 1862, supra, n. 24, required the use
of 10 percent of the taxes levied upon property of colored persons
for the support of such schools.
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So, too, when in 1866 * Congress expressly ordered that
the Act of 1864 be construed so as to require the cities of
Washington and Georgetown to pay over the appropriated
sums to the trustees of colored schools, Congress had not
been requested to ‘‘integrate’’ but was acting only to over-
come the continued reluctance of the municipal authorities
to make any but the most completely inadequate provision
for the education of colored children. And further, when
the following week* the Congress authorized the convey-
ance of certain lands of the United States to the trustees of
colored schools it was again seeking to provide education
for colored children; it was not determining a question of
racial policy. Since at that very time Congress was debating
the question whether segregation would be outlawed by the
proposed Amendment,” it may be supposed that Congress
would have been astonished to be told that it was else-
where determining that very question—and by means of a
localized statute, not a Constitutional Amendment of na-
tion-wide scope and interest.
In sum, the whole poir* is that the major portion of the
period under analysis was prior to and not contemporane-
ous with the Fourteenth Amendment and (as the Cor-
poration Counsel has argued in another context)*’ ‘‘the
laws setting up schools for colored were enacted at a time
when members of that race were afforded no schooling
whatsoever. The purpose of the laws was to give rather
than to take away, was to afford opportunity rather than
deny opportunity * * *.”’
Additional evidence of historical misconstruction in the
Carr opinion is found in the fact that, contemporaneously
with the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment by the
Congress, there was also enacted the bitterly fought over
8 Act of July 23, 1866, 14 Stat. 216.
°° Act of July 28, 1866, 14 Stat. 343.
“mn Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment (1908). pp.
(1-62.
31 Brief for Appellees in Cogdell v. Sharpe, No. 11,019, in U.S.
Court of Appeals for District of Columbia Circuit, October Term,
1951, p. 58.
24
Civil Rights Bill of 1866.** So significant was that Bill that
the Amendment was ‘‘sidetracked to give full sway to that
important measure.’’ ** This bill was generally understood
to have the effect of opening white schools to Negroes.**
But this very fact was believed to raise substantial doubts
as to its validity on the ground that it was an exercise of the
powers of the States. Accordingly, the first section of the
Fourteenth Amendment was designed to meet this alleged
Constitutional infirmity and to make secure the provisions
of the Civil Rights Bill.*
Following the ratification of the Amendment, the Bill
was re-enacted * and has been enforced by this Court as
recently as 1948, in Hurd v. Hodge, 334 U. S. 24.%7
Thus it is plain that the conclusion reached in the Carr
case not only ignores the time sequence of the statutes and
the ratification of the Amendment, but also gives a com-
pletely distorted significance to the school legislation.
CONCLUSION
The advances commenced by the Civil War were
slowed and almost halted by judicial gloss on the Four-
teenth Amendment. We trust that it is worth reminding
the Court that segregation is not a Constitutional com-
mand. It was nothing more than a de facto social phenom-
enon until this Court itself gave it legal and Constitutional
dignity by its majority decision in Plessy v. Ferguson. By
%2 Act of April 9, 1866, 14 Stat. 27 (passed over veto). This is
not the Act invalidated in the Civil Rights Cases.
33 Flack, op. cit., supra, p. 20.
34 Ibid, pp. 40-54; Frank and Munro, op. cit., supra, p. 160.
35 Thid, p. 55.
36 Act of May 31, 1870, 16 Stat. 140.
37 The respondents argue that the failure to include schools
within the coverage of the Civil Rights Act of 1875 indicates Con-
gressional intent to permit segregation. (Br. p. 37) The
answer to this is two-fold: (1) It was not that Congress which pro-
prosed the Fourteenth Amendment; and (2) the omission of schools
was a purely political and practical matter, not negating the un-
derstanding that the Amendment (though obviously not self-exe-
euting) did prohibit separate schools. Brief of the Committee of
Law Teachers, op. cit., supra, pp. 14-16; Frank and Munro, op.
cit., supra, pp. 156-162.
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————— aa
if
'
25
now it has become clear that ‘‘separate’’ in practice is
never ‘‘equal’’, and it now needs only this Court’s deter-
mination to strip from segregation its spurious dignity, by
holding with Mr. Justice Harlan that ‘‘Our Constitution
is color-blind.”’
Respectfully submitted,
AMERICAN CouNncIL on HuMAN RiGutTs
By: Aubrey E. Robinson, Jr.
AMERICANS FoR Democratic Action (Washington Chapter)
By: Theodore C. Sorensen
American JEWISH ComMITTEE (Washington Chapter)
By: William C. Koplovitz
AMERICAN JEWISH ConGress, COMMISSION oN Law & SoctaL
Action (Washington Chapter)
By: S. Walter Shine
Catuotic INTERRACIAL CoUNCIL OF WASHINGTON
By: John J. O’Connor
ComMMIsSsION ON CommuNItTy Lire oF THE WASHINGTON F Ep-
ERATION OF CHURCHES
By: L. Maynard Catchings
District oF CoLumMBiIA INpUsTRIAL Unton Counc, C.1.0.
By: Ben Segal
D. C. Fepreration or Civic Associations, Inc.
By: John B. Duncan
FRIENDS COMMITTEE ON NATIONAL LEGISLATION
By: E. Raymond Wilson
JAPANESE AMERICAN CITIZENS LEAGUE
(Washington Chapter)
By: Rikio Kumagai
JeEwiIsH ComMuNItTY CouNcIL or GREATER WASHINGTON
By: Isaac Franck
NatTionaL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED
Prope (D. C. Branch)
By: Constance E. H. Daniel
_DSITARIAN FELLOWSHIP FOR SociaL JUSTICE
(Washington Chapter)
By: Margery T. Ware
Re ee PME tener BS oad an ene
26
WasuHincton Bar AssoctaTIon
By: Joel D. Blackwell
WasHincTon Ernicau Society
By: Milton Chase
WASHINGTON FELLOWSHIP
By: Edwin B. Henderson
WASHINGTON INTERRACIAL WORKSHOP
By: Lillian Palenius
WasHINGTON UrsBan LEAGUE
By: L. K. Shwery
S. Water SHINE
THEODORE C. SorENSON
Sanrorp H. Bouz
SaMvuEL B. GRONER
Counsel
3
:
4
;
e
‘a
Fi
a
¥
j
4
4
December, 1952.
si FiO SH rene SB A Bre? NG
ee eee
ee eee
ae
re 3
. . ee MO pet ERS TORS TO Leh
Re ae. Bes EI, SRS ee ee ee ee en CS OR FN ee sas — —_
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APPENDIX
The information in the following tables is culled from the files
and resources of the organizations sponsoring this brief, It is
intended to be only representative, not exhaustive, and it is believed
to be accurate.
———
27
TABLE I
List of Cities in Southern and Border States in Which Some
Schools, Colleges and Universities Have Been Recently Inte-
grated.
ALABAMA
Talladega
ARIZONA
Douglas
Duncan
Globe
Miami
Prescott
Tolleson
Tucson
ARKANSAS
Fayetteville
Little Rock
Pine Bluff ‘
Cauirornia Ww”
Contra Costa
County
Imperial Valley
Santa Ana County
Mendota
DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA
DELAWARE
Claymont
Hockessin
Newark
GEORGIA
Decatur
ILLINOIS
Alton
Argo
Cairo
East St. Louis
Edwardsville
Harrisburg
Madison
Metropolis
ILurnois (continued) NortH CARoLina
Spartac fi. Lu.
Tamms
Ullin
Waukegan
INDIANA
Elkhart
Gary
Indianapolis
New Albany
South Bend
KANSAS
Topeka
Lawrence
KENTUCKY
Berea
Fort Knox
Lexington
Louisville
Nazareth
Paducah
LOUISIANA
Baton Rouge
New Orleans
MARYLAND
Annapolis
Saltimore
College Park
Westminster
Missouri
Columbia
Kansas City
St. Louis
New Mexico
Alamogordo
Albuquerque
Carlsbad
Santa Fe
Asheville
Camp Lejeune
Chapel Hill
Fort Bragg
OHIO
Allendale
Cincinnati
Glendale
Wilmington
OKLAHOMA
Norman
Stillwater
SoutH CAROLINA
Greenville
TENNESSEE
Knoxville
Mont Eagle
TEXAS
Amarillo
Austin
Big Spring
Corpus Christi
Dallas
Fort Worth
Houston
Plainview
Wichita Falls
VIRGINIA
Alexandria
Charlottesville
Fort Quantico
Richmond
Williamsburg
West VIRGINIA
Buckhannon
Morgantown
TPP SE Tra 6
28
TABLE I '
Schools, Colleges and Universities in the District of Colum-
bia and Environs Which Will Accept Both White and Negro
Students.
A. Nursery, ELEMENTARY AND HicH ScHOOLs:
All Catholic parochial schools
Arlington Unitarian Church Summer School
Baker’s Dozen Youth Center
Beauvoir Elementary School (1953)
Bethesda-Chevy Chase Nursery School
Burgundy Farms Country Day School
Community Nursery School
Georgetown Day School )
Green Acres Day School
Hisacres New Thought Center Nursery School
Kenilworth School (Mother’s Club, Nursery)
Lincoln Congregational Church Nursery School
Raymond School (Mother’s Club, Nursery)
Rosedale School (Mother’s Clu), Nursery)
Silver Spring Nursery School )
B. CoLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES : |
American University
Catholic University
Dunbarton College of Holy Cross
Georgetown University (all but Foreign Service School)
Howard University
National Law School
Trinity College
-
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29
' TABLE III
“The School Doors Open Wide”
Examples of Recent Admission of Negroes to Educational
Institutions in the South and Border Areas
A. In the South
1. PUBLIC EDUCATION
a. ELEMENTARY AND HiaH ScHOOL LEVEL
Delaware
) Claymont—Negroes attend Claymont public school previously
restricted to whites, for first time, under court order.!
Hockessin—Negroes admitted to Hockessin white public school,
as ordered by state court.”
Kentucky
Fort Knox—Base public school, supported entirely by Federal
funds, admits both Negro and white students on equal
, basis.
Maryland
Baltimore—Negro boys admitted to Baltimore’s Polytechnic
Institute (High School) although municipal ordi-
nance bars admission.®
North Carolina
Camp Lejeune—Publiec school at Camp Lejeune, supported en-
tirely by Federal funds, has successfully integrated
its white and Negro students.
Fort Bragg—lIntegrated public school at Fort Bragg, operated
entirely with Federal funds, operated without fan-
fare or incident since September, 1951. Only one pa-
rental complaint, about Negro students and teacher,
soon ended.*
| Virginia
Fort Quantico—Public school at Fort Quantico operates with-
out segregation.
b. CoLLEGE AND GRADUATE LEVEL
Arkansas
Fayetteville—Several hundred Negro students have received a
friendly acceptance for nearly 4 years in graduate
and professional schools of University of Arkansas.®
Little Rock—Negroes accepted without incident in law, educa-
tion, and medical graduate schools of University of
Arkansas, despite one local objection.®
PRES BE OT RRS ae a OTE SS HERMES ERAT 19 manent ereNeT et ge ateesaewatunN,
. we “ . ~ wie
30
Delaware
Newark—University of Delaware at Newark admits qualified |
Negroes to any course which is not provided at Dela-
ware State College for Negroes.’
Kentucky
Louisville—Louisville Municipal University and Negro College
completely and successfully integrated at graduate |
and undergraduate levels, in classes, dormitories,
cafeteria, and all student activities. ‘‘A magnificent
success,’’ says Pres. Davidson.®
Lexington—University of Kentucky has successfully opened
up graduate and professional schools to several hun-
dred Negro students, who face no segregation in such
places as the cafeteria.®
Paducah—Under court order, a Negro applicant has been ac-
cepted at Paducah Junior College.’°
Louisiana
Baton Rouge—Negro student accepted without incident at
Louisiana State University.™ |
New Orleans—Louisiana State University graduate college is
open to Negro students.
Maryland
Annapolis—Negro graduates from U. 8. Naval Academy at |
Annapolis.”
College Park—University of Maryland admits qualified
Negroes to graduate and undergraduate schools.
(Negroes have been admitted to the law school since
1935.) Integration (ineluding admission to dormi-
tory life) has been wholly successful.'%
Missouri
Columbia—Negroes are being admitted to the University of
Missouri after favorable action hy students, adminis-
trators, and others, and without incident."
St. Louis—Harris Teachers College, a municipal institution, |
admitted its first Negro under court order.’® |
North Carolina
Chapel Hill—Several Negroes attend University of North Car-
olina law school, as 2 graduates pass state bar exam-
ination. Other graduate schools also opened without
incident.'®
Oklahoma
Norman—Negro students have attended, and graduated from, f
various divisions of the University of Oklahoma since
1948, with no trouble of any kind.17
Stillwater—Negroes admitted to Oklahoma A. & M., join white
students in athletic and other similar activities, with-
out difficulty.*®
SET SES ARREST Ee PE ASS VSN MERION Re emma MEL
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31
\ Tennessee
Knoxville—Negroes have been admitted to some of the grad-
uate and professional schools of the University of
Kentucky, without difficulty.?®
Texas
Amarillo—Amarillo Junior College now admits Negro
| students.
Austin—Negroes enrolled successfully, despite widespread pro-
| test, in September 1950, at University of Texas.*!
Texas University admits first two Negroes to Dental
School.*!*
Corpus Christi—Del Mar Municipal Junior College has opened
its doors to qualified Negro residents of Corpus
Christi.””
Big Spring—Howard Junior College, previously all white, has
opened its doors to Negro students.**
Wichita Falls—Midwestern University ordered by Federal
Court to admit colored students.**
| Virginia
Charlottesville—Negroes admitted without incident to Univer-
| sity of Virginia for first time in 1950.*5
West Virginia
| Morgantown—Negro students have been accepted into the Uni-
versity of West Virginia graduate, and more recently
undergraduate, colleges successfully .*°
2. PRIVATE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
Alabama
Talladega—Talladega College becomes Alabama’s first mixed
educational institution by enrollment of a white stu-
dent (other than a child of a white faculty member) .**
District of Columbia
Washington—All catholic and most of the other parochial
schools, and most private schools, have begun to op-
erate in past several years on an interracial basis; so
has the pre-nursery school program operated in coop-
eration with the District Recreation Department,
youth centers, day-care centers, and other private in-
stitutions of an educational nature (See: Table IT)
Negroes have been accepted in Georgetown Univer-
( sity, Catholic University, National Law School, Wash-
ington College of Law, Dumbarton College of Holy
Cross, Trinity College, and American University.
32
|
Georgia
Decatur—Columbia Theoiogical School now admits Negroes.**
Kentucky
Berea—Berea College, subject of a 1908 court case upholding
segregation, has successfully integrated Negroes at
all levels since 1950.*°
Louisville—Negroes successfully admitted to undergraduate
schools of Ursiline College, Louisville Theological ?
Seminary, Nazareth College, the Nursing School of
St. Joseph’s Infirmary, and Bellarmine College.*®
Louisiana
New Orleans—Loyola University of this city and Southern
Baptist Theological Seminary now admit Negro stu-
dents.*! )
Maryland
Annapolis—Negro graduates, as another enrolls, at St. John’s
College in Annapolis.** |
Baltimore—Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore has ad-
mitted Negroes each year since World War II.** |
Westminster—Westminster Theological Seminary has opened
its doors to Negroes.**
Missouri
St. Louis—Large numbers of Negro students have attended
St. Louis University, where Negroes also serve on the
faculty, since 1944. Washington University of St.
Louis has admitted Negro students and has had Negro
visiting professor, for some time. The St. Louis Col-
lege of Pharmacy and Allied Sciences began admit-
ting Negroes this year.
St. Louis Catholic parochial schools have been in-
tegrated by order of the Catholic hierarchy, and have
operated wholly without incident despite some paren-
tal protests.**
North Carolina
Asheville—Black Mountain College announces that its doors
are opened to all persons regardless of color.**
Texas
Austin—The Austin Theological Seminary now admits Negro
students.**
Dallas—Southern Methodist University has admitted 3 Negro
students to its graduate school of theology.*®
Forth Worth—Southwestern Baptist Seminary now accepts
Negro students.*®
Plainview—The local theological school, Wayland College,
accepts Negroes."
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——
Jd
Virginia
Alexandria—Burgundy Farm Country Day School is a most
successful example of interracial operation on both
the student and faculty level.**
Richmond—The Union Theological Seminary, and the Rich-
mond Professional Institute, both admit Negroes now,
though formerly open only to white students.*®
Williamsburg—First Negro student is admitted to William
and Mary College.**
West Virginia
Buckhannon—West Virginia Wesleyan has abolished segrega-
tion in its school entirely, after admitting Negroes to
specific courses for some time.*
B. In Southwestern, Porder and Other Areas.
1. PUBLIC EDUCATION
a. ELEMENTARY AND HicgH Scuoou LEVEL
Arizona
Douglas—Public schools have been integrated.
Duncan—Publie School segregation of white and Negro stu-
dents ends as litigation is settled out of court.*®
Globe—Globe public schools are integrated without incident.
Miami—Segrevation in the public schools ends here without
difficulty of any sort.*®
Prescott—Segregated schools end successfully in Prescott.*®
Talleson—Segregation of pupils of latin descent is ended by
Federal Court order.®®
Tuscon—Segregated public schools ended in Tuscon with full
integration of students, teachers and administrators
in 1951. In spite of many advance protests, Superin-
tendent Morrow says system works well.*!
(All the foregoing occurred following 1950 state referendum
authorizing integration by School Boards)**
California
Imperial Valley—Kindergarten and elementary pupils and
teachers have been integrated.
Contra Costa County—Segregation is ended in county schools
by Federal Court order.**
Mendota—Integration of separate schools for Mexican and
white children is highly successful.™
Santa Ana—Segregation of Mexican school children in the
Westminster School District is ended by court order.™
i oa
BP aisetisisttsccicasan Seeley a
34
Illinois
Alton—Long-standing segregation in public schools of Alton
successfully ended, despite rumors of trouble and
initial protests.
Argo—Segregation in public schools successfully ended.
Cairo—Despite violent objections, schools successfully main-
tain new policy of opening schools to all, and strife
ceases,°®
Edwardsville—Segregation in public schools successfully
ended.
East St. Louis—-85 year policy of segregation ended without
difficulty in 1950, despite rumors of trouble and stu-
dent strikes which did not oceur.*?
Harrisburg—Segregation in public schools ended without
incident.
Tamms—Public schools successfully end segregation in 1951.°* ,
Ullin—Schools here were integrated in 1951 without any dif-
ficulty.*®
Waukegan—Publie schools successfully integrated in 1951.°°
Indiana
Gary—Protests and disorder successfully overcome as large
Negro and white student bodies became completely
integrated.
Indianapolis—Despite agitation by the K.K.K., separate Negro
and white schools at Indianapolis are integrated
without seriou: disruption.®”
New Albany—Segregated school systems completely and suc-
cessfully integrated with respect to both teachers and
students.
New Jersey
General—Nearly four dozen communities in New Jersey have ,
seen their Negro and white schools integrated suc-
cessfully in the past several years. The few protests
and withdrawals which arose were quietly ended by
the finality of the decision. Segregation in a peace-
ful and successful manner was particularly sig-
nificant in towns which evidenced strong prejudice, |
including populations of lower than average educa-
tional background, as well as those of intellectual and
cultural pride, where both teachers and students were
successfully integrated.
Communities in New Jersey where public schools
have been integrated include: Freehold, Camden,
Haddonfield, Burlington, Bordentown, Cape May, |
Egg Harbor, Fair Haven, Florence, Greenwich, Long }
Branch, Lower Penns Neck, Palmgra, Penns Grove,
Pleasantville, Princeton, Princeton Township, Quin-
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39
ton, Riverside, Salem, Shrewsbury, Woodstown, Tren-
ton, Asbury Park, Mount Holly and Atlantic City.®*
Princeton—lIn intellectually elite Princeton, installation of a
Negro teacher in the newly-integrated school attended
by children of both races caused a withdrawal of
seven children to the exclusive private schools nearby ;
yet all but one returned before semester’s end."*
Salem—lIn Southern-like Salem, N. J., where over one-third
of the students were colored, the white and Negro
schools were completely integrated with a Negro
principal remaining in charge of white teachers.
There was no difficulty.
New Mexico
Alamogordo—Segregation in public schools is abolished and
Negro faculty member appointed.”*
Albuquerque—Segregation of public school systems is ended
in this large city of Southern traditions.
Carlsbad—Schools integrated for first time in 1951, after wel-
coming vote by studenis and faculty.
Santa Fe—Racial segregation in public school system is
ended.
Ohio
Glendale—Segregation in Glendale public schools ends on ad-
vice of County Attorney.
Wilmington—Further desegregation of grade levels in ele-
mentary schools undertaken, high schools already
being non-segregated.™
Pennsylvania
Carlisle—Segregation of Negro children eliminated from
school system.*®
b. COLLEGE AND GRADUATE LEVEL
Note: Suecessful integration in these institutions outside of
the South has been too widespread and universally
accepted for recent developments to be regarded as
significant.
For some examples and surveys see: National
Scholarship Service and Fund for Negro Students,
‘‘Opportunities in Interracial Colleges,’’ 1951 (over
200 interracial colleges listed); Roche, ‘* Catholic
Colleges and the Negro Student,’’ 1948 (overwhelm-
ing majority of Catholie colleges admit Negroes) ;
| Texas Legislature Council, ‘‘Staff Monograph on
Higher Education for Negroes in Texas,’’ 1951 (Ne-
groes at University of Texas and other Southern in-
stitutions, following Sweatt and other cases); Na-
36
tional Assn. of Intergroup Relations Officials, )
‘‘Toward Equality in Education,’’ 1952 (white stu-
dents enrolled at Southern Negro colleges, and more |
4 white colleges than listed here would welcome Negro
students if enabled to do so) ; ‘*The American Negro
p in College, 1949-1950,"’ Crisis, Vol. 57, No. 8, p. 488;
; ‘‘The American Negro in College, 1950-1951,’’ Crisis,
Vol. 58, No. 7, p. 445. Sorensen, ‘‘The School Doors }
Swing Open,’’ New Republic, 127:13, Dee. 15, 1952. |
2. PRIVATE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
ss
Oy TPT he Slee
3 Note: Suecessful integration in these institutions outside of
2 the South has been too widespread and universally
accepted for recent developments to be regarded as ’
significant.
RGAE AE oe ew
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ee
Sources for information in Table III are listed below.
oT
The
abbreviations refer to the following publications:
BS.— ‘Civil Rights in the United States—A Balance Sheet
of Group Relations,’’ published jointly each year by
the American Jewish Congress and the National As-
seciation for the Advancement of Colored People.
N.E.—Journal of Negro Education.
d.
N.Y.T.—New York Times.
W.A.A.—Washington Afro-American.
W.D.N.—Washington Daily News.
W.E.S.—Washington Evening Star.
W.P.—Washington Post.
1W.A.A., 4-5-52.
2W.A.A., 4-5-52; N.Y.T., 8-29-52.
3 W.D.N., 9-4-52.
4W.P., 10-14-51.
5 N.Y.T., 10-23-50.
6 N.Y.T., 10-23-50; W.A.A.,
11-27-51.
71948 B.S., p. 24.
8 New Republic, 7-21-52.
9N.Y.T., 10-23-50.
101950 B.S., p. 44.
111950 B.S., p. 44; W.ES.,
3-28-52.
12 W.ESS., 6-7-52.
13 1948 B.S., p. 24.
141950 BS., p. 44.
15 1949 BS., p. 32.
16The Voice (A.N.P.),
W.A.A., 5-1-51.
171950 B.S., p. 44.
18 1950 BS., p. 45.
19 W.E.S., 1-12-52; N.Y.T., 10-23-52.
20 Amsterdam News, 8-9-52.
21 N.Y.T., 10-23-50.
21a N.Y.T., 9-11-52, 38:8.
22 Amsterdam News, 8-9-52.
23 Amsterdam News, 8-9-52.
24 W.A.A., 1-52.
25 N.Y.T., 10-23-50.
26 N.Y.T., 10-23-52.
27 W.A.A., 1-52; N.Y.T., 2-4-52.
281951 B.S., p. 66.
29 NLY.T., 10-23-50.
30 N.Y.T., 10-23-50; W.A.A., 1952:
Colored Harvest, 11-52; Crisis,
No. 5, 1952, p. 594.
31 W.A.A., —, 1952.
32 W.E.S., 7-10-52; N.Y.T., 1-2-49.
321951 B.S., p. 66.
34 W.ALA., —, 1952.
9-18-52;
on 59.
6-20-52 ;
1951, B.S.,
85S8t. Louis Argus,
N.Y.T., 10-23-50;
p. 66.
36 Rose (ed.), Race Prejudice and
Discrimination (1951), p. 548.
37 W.A.A., 1952.
381951 B.S., p. 66.
391951 B.S., p. 66.
1951 BS., p. 66.
411951 B.S., p. 66.
42 W.P., 7-19-52.
43.1951 B.S., pp. 66-67.
44. W.A.A., 5-18-51.
451949 B.S., p. 32.
461949 B.S., p. 33.
47 Nation, 4-28-51.
48 Nation, 4-28-51.
49 Nation, 4-28-51.
501951 B.S., p. 65.
“1 Time, 10-8-51.
521951 B.S., p. 58.
53 W.A.A., 11-20-51.
*4 Survey, 1951.
*> Westminster.
“6 Time, 2-18-52; Nation,
W.Y.T., 9-7-52, 14:1.
57 N.Y.T., 12-22-49, 1-30-50.
oS W.A.A., 9-31-52.
59 W.A.A., 9-30-52.
60 W.A.A., 9-30-52,
61 N.Y.T., 6-7-47, 9-13-47.
62 The Reporter, 12-6-49.
63 N.Y.T., 6-5-48; J.N.E., Summer,
1952.
64 J.N.E., Summer 1952.
65 J.N.E.. Summer 1952.
66 The Voiee (A.N.P.), 9-4-52.
67 Nation, 9-22-51.
68 W.A.A., 10-21-52.
69 1950 B.S., p. 49.
70 1948 B.S., p. 24.
2-9-52;
a,
TABLE IV
“The Old Order Changeth”
(Representative Departures From Segregation Throughout
the Nation)
A. In Public Accommodations
38
Alabama
1. United Nations Week observed by inter-racial, inter-faith
celebration in Birmingham (1951).
Arkansas
2. Little Rock Publie Library ends entry ban against Ne-
groes (1951).
3. McRae Memorial Sanatorium opens near Little Rock with
inter-racial surgical staff (1951).
Delaware
4. Six movie houses in Wilmington admit Negroes for the
first time (1952).
District of Columbia
5. Refusal to earry Negroes on Potomac River’s Wilson Line
excursion boat is ended by Interstate Commerce Commis-
sion order (1951).
6. Eating places in District of Columbia serving without dis-
crimination following efforts of ** Coordinating Commit-
tee for the Enforcement of D. C. Anti-Discrimination
Laws of 1872-1873" are listed as follows:
1950
April—Greyhound Post House.
July—Kann’'s Department Store.
July—Trailways Depot.
Sept—G. C. Murphy & Co. (Park Road),
Woolworth & Co. (all stores),
F & W Grand (all stores),
MeCrory (all stores),
toldenberg Department Store.
1951
Jan.—S. S. Kresge Co. (all stores).
April—McBride’s.
July—Neisner’s.
1952
Jan.—Heeht Co.
Mareh—Lansburgh & Bro. Dept. Store.
Sept.—G. C. Murphy & Co. (F St. store).
Also listed by the Committee are 27 other eating places
as well as many hotel dining rooms (1952).
Tye s
a ls ing cee <
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oy
Recreation Board's annual report reveals increase in at-
tendance at playgrounds, including integrated areas.
Recreation Dept. head reports integrated units operated
much more fully than those on segregated basis (1951).
Attendance at inter-racial pools increased in 1951 by
24% over 1950; no disturbances of any kind since 1949
(1951). D.C. Recreation Board continues policy of grad-
uai abandonment of segregation. Four more playgrounds
declared ‘‘open’’ after widespread community discussion
and much opposition. No ‘‘incidents’’ reported following
change of designation of the playgrounds (1952).
9. Summer theatre for mixed audience opens at Meridian
Hill Park; hailed as complete success (1949).
10. U. S. O. canteen in District's Lafayette Square opens as
integrated center (1951).
11. Negro Wave is crowned carnival queen of U.S. O.’'s inte-
grated Lafayette Square canteen, winning over eight
white contestants (1952).
12. Eleven Howard University and two Meharry interns
(Negro) join staff of District's Gallinger Hospital, con-
tinuing a process commenced in May 1949 with ‘*no in-
cidents’’ (1951).
4 13. Inaugural Committee chairman announces policy of non-
segregation at Inaugural ceremonies, including ball, dur-
ing January, 1953; asks for relaxation of segregation by
restaurants and hotels (1952).
Florida
14. Unsegregated audienve ef 7,000 sees **Jazz at the Phil-
harmonic’’ concert in Miami (1951).
15. Miami opens new library te all persons, regardless of
i eolor (1952).
16. Negro Doctor is appointed to staff of white hospital in
Miami Beach; first such appointment in the South (1952).
Kentucky
17. Louisville’s five public golf courses opened to Negroes by
Mayor following Federal Court action (1952).
} 18. Negroes admitted for first time to all departments of
main branch of Louisville Public Library (1948).
19. State Legislature passes hospital bill containing anti-dis-
crimination clause (1952).
Louisiana
20. New Orleans ends some segregation at Union Station
4 SER
(1951).
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40
Maryland
21.
22.
Baltimore Marine Hospital now completely without seg-
regation in any of its facilities (1951).
State Legislature repeals law segregating Negroes on
intrastate steamboats and railways (1951).
Baltimore Park Board ends segregation at 4 city golf
courses, 20 tennis courts, baseball fields, playgrounds, and
other facilities (1951).
Campers and counsellors are integrated at Senior High
Conference and Junior High Camps at Colona, Md., op-
erated by the Board of Christian Education of the Pres-
byteries of Baltimore, Washington and New York (1952).
Baltimore’s Friendship International Airport agrees to
serve all persons regardless of color in dining room and
cocktail lounge (1952).
Gov. McKeldin calls racial bias in theatres ‘‘ offensive and
illogieal’’ (1952).
Ford Theatre in Baltimore drops segregation policy in ef-
fect since 1871 (1952).
Christ Child iHome for Convalescent Children opens in
Rockville for children of all races (1952).
Missouri
29.
30.
31.
St. Louis municipal pools continue to operate on non-
segregated basis in 1951; attendance closer to average of
past years than in 1950, first year of non-segregation.
Kansas City Council ends segregation at public events in
Municipal Auditorium, Municipal Air Terminal, and Mu-
nicipal Starlight Theatre (1951).
St. Louis County recreation park concessionaires comply
with order to serve Negroes (1951).
Publishers attending St. Louis convention astonished
when, for first time all downtown hotels accept colored
guests, thus expanding breaches in segregation pattern
previously made in parks, swimming pools, municipal
opera, airport facilities, and colleges (1952).
U. S. District Court bans segregation in publicly-owned
swimming pools in Kansas City (1951).
New Jersey
34. Atlantie City Hospital accepts Negro doctors and nurses
on staff for the first time (1950).
New Mexico _
35. Albuquerque City Commission enacts strong anti-diserim-
36.
ination ordinance for all places of publie accommodation
(1952).
La Fonda Hotel in Santa Fe accepts Negro guest for first
time in its history (1952).
Sea Tene? oe ee ee eS
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» ae
41
North Carolina
37. First unsegregated radio audience in history of Charlotte
meets for Town Meeting of Air program (1948).
Ohio
38. East Liverpool ends segregation in public swimming pools
without difficulty (1951).
39. Eleven of fifteen public swimming pools in Cincinnati are
operated on non-segregated basis (1951).
40. Airport restaurant agrees to ban discrimination against
| Negroes at Cincinnati airport (1951).
Oklahoma
41. Segregation in all forms for both interstate and intrastate
riders is eliminated from Rock Island Railway by com-
pany order (1951).
Pennsylvania
42. Pennsylvania Railroad ends discrimination in reserving
coach seats on travel destined for the South (1949).
Texas
43. Austin’s city council opens main branch of its public li-
‘ brary to all citizens (1952).
44. Unsegregated audiences attend concert of ‘‘Jazz at the
Philharmonie’’ troupe at El Paso and San Antonio
(1952).
45. Winnie Street YWCA opens all-white dining room to col-
ored persons (1951).
46. Dallas’ Baker Hotel serves Negro luncheon guest for first
time as one of winners of contest sponsored by Serra
Club (1952).
} Virginia
47. First non-segregated audience in history of Norfolk Mu-
seum of Arts and Sciences attends exhibition and lec-
ture (1949).
48. White and Negro seamen mingle unrestrictedly in Nor-
folk’s new National Maritime Union Building (1949).
| 49. Manager of Charles Department Store in Richmond af-
firms non-segregation policy in lunch room and continued
| lack of friction (1951).
50. Restaurant ordered by court to end racial segregation at
Washington National Airport (1948).
51. Gov. Battle and Gov. Scott of North Carolina speak to
unsegregated audience at the Mosque in Richmond (1951).
| 52. Historie Williamsburg Inn entertains first Negro guests
' (1952).
West Virginia
53.
Airport restaurant in Charleston halts discrimination
against Negroes after court order (1951).
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42
B. In the Field of Education
South
54. Roper survey shows that 42 percent of persons in the
South think that ‘eventually children of all races and
colors will go to the same public schools together every-
where, including the South’” (1950).
55. 200 teachers from 116 Southern and border state colleges
and universities, meeting at Atlanta University, on a
non-segregated basis, call for removal of all laws requiring
segregation in education (1950).
56. About 100 college presidents, deans, and other educators
unanimously adopt recommendation to all institutions of
higher learning to eliminate all forms of racial segregation
and discrimination in admission (1949).
Southern Conference Educational Fund announces poll
57
of 15,000 Southern college teachers shows 70% of those
replying (3,375) favor admission of Negroes to profes-
sional and graduate schools (1949).
Alabama
58. Auburn Institute student newspaper calls for admission
of Negroes to white colleges (1950). See items 67, 79
below.
Talladega College (Birmingham) names first Negro presi-
dent (1952).
Arkansas
60. Negro law student at University of Arkansas is elected
president of dormitory, most of whose residents are white
(1952).
California
61. Woman teacher is first Negro appointed to Los Angeles
Board of Education (1952).
District of Columbia
62. Student newspaper at George Washington University
urges university officials to permit admission of Negro
students (1949).
63. Howard and Fisk Universities are first two Negro insti-
tutions admitted to Phi Beta Kappa (1952).
64. Superintendent of Schools announces abandonment of
rule that Negroes and whites cannot appear together dur-
ing school hours at any school building (1952).
Florida
65. The state-wide Florida Student Government Association
adopts resolution opposing segregation (1951).
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ete
Georgia
66. Georgia University Regents reject $10,000 gift from J. W.
Pew to distribute book favoring segregation and white
supremacy (1951).
67. Three Negroes win high awards at Atlanta University's
annual art exhibition (1951).
68. Negro elected to Augusta's Board of Education. first time
since Reconstruction days any Negro has held public of-
fice in Richmond County (1952).
67. Emory University student publication calls for admission
of Negroes to white graduate schools and colleges (1950).
70. Students at Candler School of Theology in Atlanta vote,
234 to 13, in favor of admitting Negroes (1950).
71. Students and faculty at Piedmont College attack the in-
stitution’s acceptance of gift from anti-Negro propa-
gandist (1951).
Indiana
72. All opposition to Negroes has broken down in clubs. dor-
mitory life and classes at Notre Dame and St. Mary's
College for Women (1949).
Kentucky
73. Catholie Committee of the South recommends all institn-
tions of higher learning admit Negroes without diserimi-
nation (1949).
Louisiana
74. Non-segregated andience of elementary and high school
teachers meets in New Orleans school building for first
time to discuss joint educational problems (1952).
Maryland
75. Baltimore witnesses first inter-racial summer vacation
school for children, sponsored by Baltimore’s Catholic
Inter-racial Couneil (1952).
76. Governor MeKeldin appoints Negroes to state and county
boards of education (1951).
77. Co-ordinating Council of School P. T. A.’s of Raltimore,
having small number of Negroes, chooses Negro man for
vice-president over white woman opponent (1952).
Mississippi
78. Jefferson Military College (Natchez) refuses 50 million
dollar endowment from Armstrong Texas Edueation As-
sociation conditioned on school limiting enrollment. te
“‘white Christians’’ and proselytizing for ‘‘white su-
premacy’’ (1949).
79. Student publication of Wniversity of Mississippi ealls for
“admission of Negroes to white graduate schools.”” eon-
eluding that ‘‘the pigment of a man’s skin should not
make any difference.’’ Student senate refuses to order
editor’s discharge. Millsaps College publication echoes
same view (1950).
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44
Missouri
380.
Students at Missouri University vote, 4,156 to 1,847, in
favor of admitting Negroes. Curators of the university
recommended legislation to admit Negroes to facilities not
found at Lincoln University (1949).
New Jersey
81. First Negro is appointed to Jersey City Board of Edu-
eation (1950).
North Carolina
82. Negro doctor is first of his race to become member of
83.
84.
85.
North Carolina Board of Education (1949).
University of North Carolina's ‘‘tacit understanding’’ to
enforce segregation at all public meetings is denounced
by the president of the student body and other campus
leaders and in lead editorial of student newspaper (1950).
Order of University of North Carolina officials banning
newly-admitted Negro students from cheering section at
football games reversed after sharp criticism of, and pro-
test against, order by 14 student organizations (1951).
First Negro is appointed to Durham’s Board of Eduea-
tion (1951).
Oklahoma
86. One thousand white students at Oklahoma State Univer-
sity burn copy of Fourteenth Amendment and mail ashes
to President Truman to protest school’s segregation policy
(1948).
South Carolina
87. Student at College of Charleston polls 152 fellow-students,
126 of whom stated it would make no difference to them
if Negroes were admitted to their classes and 91 said Ne-
groes had a ‘‘moral and ethical’’ right to attend (1951).
Tennessee
88. Eight of nine faculty members resign in protest over de-
89.
91.
cision of trustees of University of the South (Sewanee)
not to admit Negroes to the theological school (1952).
Members of the faculty of the third annual Cumberland
Forest Musie Festival cancel teaching and concert as
protest against refusal of Sewanee to admit Negroes
(1952).
First Negro educator named as supervisor of instruction
for Nashville elementary and secondary schools (1952).
Dr. H. D. West is first Negro to head Meharry Medical
College (1952).
be. ee ee ee - 7
a aa eal tai a ci a SE TI APE Ln gh
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45
Texas ;
92. University of Texas school newspaper commends Supreme
‘ Court’s Sweatt decision and declares: ** All over the South
the new change is being accepted with good grace. No-
where has there been a suggestion that race relations have
been injured, rather to the contrary’’ (1950).
Virginia
93. Ralph Bunche addresses mixed audience, largest in his-
tory of University of Virginia, despite segregation law
’ (1951).
C. In Voluntary Associations
1. DOCTORS
Alabama
94. 500 Negro and white doctors attend annual meeting at
John A. Andrew Clinical Society (1951).
District of Columbia
95. D. C. Optometric Association, by unanimous vote, admits
first Negro (1952).
96. D. C. Medical Society admits five Negro physicians for
first time after overwhelming approval by membership
(1952).
, Florida
97. Florida Medical Association admits Negroes for the first
4 time (1950).
Georgia
98. Georgia Medical Association admits Negroes to scientific
sessions (1952).
99. Fulton County Medical Association in Atlanta, by vote
of 176 to 33, removes bar to membership of qualified
’ Negro physicians (1952).
Kentucky
100. Kentueky Medical Association abandons race as a quali-
fication to membership (1951).
Missouri
? 101. Missouri Medical Association votes, 60 to 16. to change
’ constitution and admit Negro doctors (1949).
102. St. Louis Dental Society votes almost 2 to 1 to unite Ne-
groes to membership (1951).
Oklahoma
103. Oklahoma Medical Association votes to invite Negro phy-
> sicians to attend scientific sessions (1950).
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Tennessee
104. Newly-elected president of Tennessee State Medical As-
sociation calls for removal of race bar.
Virginia
105. Delegates from Northern Virginia branch of Medical So-
ciety of Virginia to vote to change society’s color bar
(1951).
2. NURSES
106. National Association of Colored Graduate Nurses dis-
bands, having achieved its purpose of integrating Negro
nurses into nursing profession.
107. American Nurses Association approves full Negro role
in all activities (1950).
Alabama
108. Alabama Nurses Association votes to admit Negroes to
membership (1949).
Arkansas
109. Arkansas State Nurses Association votes unanimously to
admit Negroes to full membership (1949).
District of Columbia
110. D. C. Graduate Nurses Association removes bar to Negro
membership; 25 admitted by end of first year.
North Carolina
111. North Carolina Association of Registered Nurses votes
unanimously to dissolve. following by nine months the
vote of North Carolina State Nurses Association to give
full membership to Negro nurses.
Ohio
112. Admit first Negro nurse to Ohio State Nurses Associa-
tion (1952).
3. LAWYERS
113. Twenty-five State Bar Associations are fully integrated
(1950).
Alabama
114. Alabama Bar Association, which admitted first Negro
years ago, now has 7 Negro members (1950).
District of Columbia
115. Inter-racial Lawyers Committee starts Community Chest
drive among lawyers.
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Ohio
116. Cincinnati admits two Negro lawyers to Bar Association
' for the first time (1951).
47
Texas
117. Galveston County Bar Association amends constitution
to remove barrier to Negro sembership (1951).
1. EDUCATORS AND SCIENTISTS
Arkansas
1 118. Arkansas Education Association admits Negroes (1950).
District of Columbia
119. Prof. E. Franklin Frazier, elected President of American
Sociological Society, is first Negro to be President of an
American professional society not composed only of Ne-
j groes (1948).
120. Washington Metropolitan Chapter of American Institute
of Architects votes unanimously to admit members with-
out regard io color (1946).
Georgia
121. Georgia Teachers and Education Association becomes first
Negro state group to affiliate with National Education As-
sociation after N. E. A. announces eligibility of Negro
delegations (1951).
Louisiana
122. Segregation abandoned at New Orleans convention of Na-
tional Education Association.
Maryland
123. Maryland State Teachers Association votes 5 to 1 to elim-
inate ‘‘white only’’ membership requirement and invites
all teachers to participate in activities (1951).
North Carolina
124. North Carolina Science Academy votes with only one dis-
senter to admit Negroes to full membership (1951).
Ohio
125. Negro admitted to National Engineering Society (Tau
Beta Pi) 22 years after election when admission barriers
? are removed.
Texas
126. Texas Social Welfare Association, in which Negroes are
fully integrated, adopts resolv’..1: to meet only where Ne-
groes will not be ‘‘Jim-Crowed’’ (Circa, 1947).
—
Washington
127. Convention of American Association of University Women
at Seattle votes, 2,168 to 68, to admit Negroes to mem- '
bership (1949).
South
128. State Library Associations in Oklahoma, Virginia, Ar-
kansas, Texas, and Kentucky are open to full Negro par-
ticipation, and have been for many years (1950).
5. SERVICE ORGANIZATIONS
129. Report on inter-racial advance shows all branches of
YMCA are open to colored and white members alike in
Detroit, New York, Cleveland, Chicago, Philadelphia, San
Franciseo, Emporia, Kansas; Fort Wayne, Indiana; Kan-
sas City, Missouri (cafeteria only); Providence, Rhode
Island; Paterson, New Jersey, Joliet, [llinois; Altoona, ’
Pennsylvania; Canton, Ohio, and Colorado Springs, Colo- '
rado (1951).
District of Columbia
130. National Symphony Orchestra Association removes racial
barriers to membership (1952).
Illinois
131. Illinois State American Legion convention unanimously
approves resolution to admit Negro, Filipino, and Jap-
anese veterans to all divisions (1952). ,
Kentucky
132. First Negro appointed director of Louisville Community
Chest.
North Carolina
133. Colored Girl Scout represents entire State at National
encampment (1949). ’
Tennessee
134. American Red Cross removes racial designations in blood
collecting program. Memphis Chapter balks. Citizens of
Memphis in turn rebel at refusal to accept the National
ruling (1952). >
Virginia : ’
135. Thirty young white persons holding N.C.C.J. seminar in
Norfolk decide to invite colored representatives to meet-
ing next year (1952).
New York
136. International Geneva Association, a society of chefs, head- ;
waiters, and hotel and restaurant managers, revokes 75-
year-old ban on Negro membership (1952).
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ne seca eeeenenaceaenememe
49
D. In Religious Bodies
South
137. Southern branch of Presbyterian Church in the United
States after 91 years votes to dissolve its one Negro synod
and to absorb it into the general organization (1951).
General
138. National Council of Churches of Christ in the U.S. A. re-
nounces all patterns of segregation based on color (1952).
California
139. Methodists at quadrennial general conference vote to per-
mit changes in segregation practices by member churches
(1952).
140. Two San Francisco Presbyterian congregations, one en-
tirely Negro, the other entirely white, merge as a single
ehurch under a Negro pastor (1951).
: District of Columbia
141. Secretary for Social Action of Board of Social Missions
of United Lutheran Church urges end of color bar to mem-
bership.
142. First Washington Negro pastor appointed to head mixed
parish in Northwest section.
Louisiana
‘ 143. Archbishop Rummel issues pastoral letter in New Orleans
calling on all Catholics to break down segregation in
‘‘education, industry, and opportunity’’ as well as in
‘*social and civie relationships’’ and ‘‘in the seating ac-
commodations, at the confessional, at the communion rail,
and in the general reception of sacraments and sacra-
mentals of the Church’’ (1951).
’ Missourt
’ 144. Lutheran Church, Western District of Missouri Synod, to
admit Negro congregations for first time (1949).
145. Report discloses 30 Catholic parishes in St. Louis have
integrated congregations (1951).
New York
146. St. Paul Evangelical Lutheran Church in Brooklyn be-
comes first integrated Lutheran church in America
(1951).
147. First Negro is elected chairman of Executive Committee
of Congregational Christian Churches (1950).
North Carolina
148. Presbyterians end segregation at church resort at Mon-
, treat, North Carolina (1951).
a
POOR NAS LIE pea ROP ER RE OE ARON. segs cna
50
Ohio
149. World Baptist Congress in resolution adopted at conven-
tion calls on all associated organizations to abandon seg-
regation and discrimination (1950).
South Carolina
150. Negro Baptist churches in Columbia agree te drop color
bar and admit whites (1951).
Virginia
151. Norfolk Ministers’ Association abolishes segregation at
United Preaching Mission.
152. White Norfolk pastor challenges his congregation to
admit Negroes to membership.
153. Augusta County Ministerial Associatien in Staunton, Va.,
and Ministerial Association of Clifton Forge, Va., both
inter-racial, are now headed by Negro presidents. The
pattern had long ago been developed by the Ministers’
Inter-racial Group of Lynchburg, Va. (1952).
E. In Employment
South
154. Southern Regional Council reports 16 major Southern
cities employ about 6,500 Negro municipal workers in
more than 110 different kinds of jobs, including profes-
sional and managerial. Report asserts Negro city work-
ers accepted by the entire community ‘‘as a matter-of-
course,’’ and that only reason hiring of Negroes is not
stepped up seems to be ‘‘fear of criticism for going too
fast.’’ Sixteen cities surveyed were: Atlanta, Birming-
ham, Dallas, Fort Worth, Houston, Jacksonville, Knox-
ville, Little Rock, Louisville, Miami, Nashville, New Or-
leans, Norfolk, Oklahoma City, Richmond, and San An-
tonio (1951).
District of Columbia
155. Peoples Drug Stores, largest chain pharmacy in District,
hires three Negro pharmacists.
Florida
156. H. H. Arrington is first Negro member of the Florida
bar.
Illinois
157. Chicago Association of Commerce reports development of
wide utilization of Negroes among its members, some of
whom had formerly resisted even legal action to compel
employment (1952).
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Maryland
158. Baltimore taxi company hires 14 Negro drivers as experi-
ment at beginning of 1951; ends up year with 161 drivers,
and no ‘‘incidents.”’
159. Baltimore Transit Company employs 5 Negro bus drivers,
first in company’s history.
Missourt
160. St. Louis Post-Dispatch announces hiring of Negro re-
porter, first in 40 years (1949).
New York
161. National Urban League reports 550 ‘‘first’’ jobs were
found for colored workers in 1951 and that significant
improvements in racial situations were found in eleven
cities, including Memphis, Tennessee, Phoenix, Arizona,
and Baltimore, Maryland.
North Carolina
162. The Rocky Mount Sanitarium admits two Negro doctors
to its staff with full privileges. They are the first to be
thus accepted in a Southern hospital (1949).
Pennsylvania
163. Negroes promoted for first time to skilled jobs at Philco
Philadelphia plant, thus ending a long-established depart-
mental segregation (1951).
Tennessee
164. Gov. Browning breaks precedent and appoints two Negro
women to work in state employment service office (1952).
Virginia
165. First Negro fireman in history is employed by city of
Richmond.
s F. In Entertainment and Athletics
Arizona
166. Long Island University assured by University of Arizona
of non-discrimination against Negro basketball players
(1951).
> 167. University of Arizona will no longer play with teams
. which bar Negroes on opponents’ teams. Its teams are
open to all, along with the following Border Conference
teams: Texas Western (El Paso), West Texas (Canyon,
Texas), Hardin-Simmons (Abilene), Arizona State (Tem-
ple), Arizona State (Flagstaff), New Mexico A. & M. (Las
Cruces) (1951).
: *
—
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to
California
168. Preeedent set when Professional Golfers’ Association
changes rules and permits Negroes to compete in tourna-
ment at San Diego (1952).
District of Columbia
169. Washington Caps introduce mixed team in National Bas-
ketball Association without incident.
Washington Lions purchase first Negro hockey player
from Canadian team.
D. C. Golden Gloves tournament drops bar to Negro en-
trants.
170. Negro teams participate for first time in softball league
sponsored by District Recreation Board (1952).
171. Dorothy Maynor is first Negro to perform commercially
in D. A. R.’s Constitution Hall (1952).
172. Hamilton Bank sponsors high school musical talent con-
test open to all Washington pupils. Finals held at Con-
stitution Hall (1951).
173. Colored students accepted as matter of course on Ameri-
can and Catholic University teams (1951).
Florida
174. Miami holds mized boxing matches with no difficulties,
though the sports editor of Miami Daily News had warned
‘It’s a backward step, loaded with dynamite’’ (1952).
175. Tampa Smokers baseball team breaks precedent in Florida
league with first Negro player (1952).
176. (1951 colored jockey in Florida rides at Hialeah Park
1952).
177. University of Miami breaks tradition; plays football
against University of Pittsburgh and University of Iowa,
both having Negroes on team (1952).
178. Marian Anderson sings before unsegregated audience in
Miami (1952).
Georgia
179. Despite warning by Pr. Green, K. K. K. head, that 10,000
will boycott Atlanta baseball games if Negroes play, ex-
hibition game is held between Brooklyn Dodgers and At-
lanta baseball club (1949).
180. Southern Association Baseball League officials state their
view that colored players are acceptable to them and to
the public; only remaining obstacle is Birmingham, Ala-
bama, ordinance barring mixed play (1952).
Louisiana
181. State Legislature defeats bill designed to prevent white
and Negro athletes from playing opposite each other
(1952).
Cpa —
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53
New Jersey
182. Precedent set when swank Maplewood Country Club ac-
cepts two colored entrants to play in Eastern Veterans
Championship tennis matches (1952).
New York
183. First Negro woman is accepted as entrant in National
Amateur Tennis Championship (1950).
184. Negro team breaks precedent when allowed to compete in
American Bridge Association national tournament (1951).
185. Amateur Fencers League of America votes to accept all
members, regardless of color (1949).
186. Metropolitan Opera breaks precedent by having Negro
ballet — Janet Collins and Negro singers in chorus
(1951).
North Carolina
187. First Negro plays football in North Carolina against a
Southern Conference team (1950).
Oklahoma
188. Negroes play for first time on Oklahoma College foot-
ball field in game against University of Tulsa (1948).
Tennessee
189. Negro singer Mary Robbs is first Negro ever to appear as
soloist with Chattanooga Orchestra; mixed audience
mingles freely (1951).
Texas
190. Dallas baseball team to use Negro players, first in Texas
League. Ty Cobb, native Georgian, voices strong ap-
proval (1952).
Virginia
191. Ralph Thomas, Negro baritone, sings with all-white group
in play at Salem, Va. (1952).
hs At tre e 4e et eee.
rps ene
ot
Sources for Table IV
» P-
1950),
1950),
1. W.A.A., arty 56. 1949 B.S., p. 34.
2. N.Y.T., 1-14-51, 73:4. 57. 1949 B.S., p. 34
3. W.A.A., 11 27 1, 58. 1950 B.S., p. 51
4. N.Y.T., 3-10-52. 59. W.A.A., 8-12-52.
5. W.E.S., 11-13-51. 60, W.E.S., 10-10-52.
6. Report of Committee Secretary, 61, W.A.A., 8-12-52.
11-52. 62. 1949 B.S., a 34.
7. W.A.A., 9-22-51; W.A.A., 63. N.Y.T., 9-6 , 19:8.
7-3-51, 64. W.P., 11-2 26-53.
8. W.ES., 9-6-51 65. 1951 BS, p- 67
9. N.Y.T., 6-18-49, II, 1:4; 66, N.Y.T., 9-13-51
N.Y.T., 9-11-49, II, 3:8 67. N.Y.T., 4-1-51, 34:1
10. W.A.A., 12-1-51. 68. W.E.S., 1-5-52.
11. W.A.A., 7-1-52. 69. 1950 B.S., p. 51.
12. W.A.A., 7-5-51 70. 1951 B.S., p. 68.
13. W.P., 11-52. 71. 1951 BS., p. 68.
14. 1951 B.S., p. 96. 72. N.Y.T., 2-7-49, 17:1
15. N.Y.T., 5-25-52, VII, 9, 30. 73. 1949 B.S., p. 34
16. N.Y.T., 3-30-52, 60: * 74. W.A.A., 2-19-52.
3. Bees 1-19-52, 19:1 75. Colored Harvest. 52
18. 1948 B.S., p. 17. 76. 1951 B.S., p. 21.
19. W.A.A., 2-26-52. 77. W.A.A., 3-4-52.
20. W.A.A., 10-30-51. 78. 1949 BS., p. 36.
21. 1951 BS., p. 91. 79. 1950 B.S., p. 51.
22. 1951 BS., p. 85. 80. 1949 B.S., p. 31.
23. 1951 B.S., p. 89. 81. N.Y.T., 8-25-50.
24. W.A.A., 7-5-52. 82. N.Y.T., 4-23-49, 9:8
25. W.A.A., 4-5-52. 83. 1950 B.S., p. 51.
26. W.ES., 1-4-52. 84. 1951 B.S., p. 68.
27. N.Y.T., 2-5-52, 23:8. 85. 1951 BS., p. 21.
28, W.P., 5-11-52 86. 1948 B.S., p. 23.
29. 1951 B.S., p. 90. 87. 1951 B.S., p. 68.
30. 1951 B.S., p. 88. 88. W.E.S., 11-6-52.
31. 1951 B.S., p. 89. 89. N.Y.T., 6-18-52, 31:4
32. W.A.A., 6- a4. 52. 90. W.A.A., 9-52.
33. N.Y.T., 7-18-51. 91. N.Y.T., 6-7-52, 15:3
34. N.Y.T., 5-25-50. 92, 1950 B.S., p. 51.
35. W.A.A,, 2-26-52. 93. W.P., 3-2- ‘51.
36. Crisis. 94. 1951 B.S., p. 108.
37. N.Y.T., 4-24-48, 7:3. 95. W.P., 10-16-52.
38. 1951 B.S., p. 89. 96. W.P., 9-24-52.
39. 1951 B.S., p. 89. 97. 5 New South (July, 1950)
40. 1951 B.S., p. 92. p. 2.
41. W.A.A., 4-10-51. 98. N.Y.T., 5-15-52, 31:1.
42. N.Y.T., 10-20-49, 31:5. 99. W.A.A., 8-12-52.
43. W.A.A., 1-52. 100. W.A.A., 11-20-51
44. 1951 B.S., p. 96. 101. N.Y.T., 3-29-49, 17:2
45. W.A.A., 10-30-51. 102. 1951 B.S., p. 108.
46. Colored Harvest, 9-52, p. 15. 103. 5 New South (July
47. N.Y.T., 5-49, 56:5. p. §
48. N.Y.T., 5-15-49, 56:5. 104,
49. Crisis, 8-9-51, p. 473. 105. = E.S., 12-26-51.
59. 1948 B.S., p. 17. 196. N.Y.T., 1-27-51.
51. W.A.A., 12-8-51. 107. N.Y.T., 5-9-50.
52. W.A.A., 9-52. 108 5 New South (July,
53. 1951 B.S., p. 92 4.
54. Life, 10-16-50. 109 NY. T., 12-6-49, 33:7.
55. 1950 B.S., p. 51. 110. 1951 BS. +» p. 105.
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150. W.P., 11-27-51
151. W.A.A., 2-19-52.
153. W.A.A., 6-10-52.
154. 1951 BS., p. 52.
155. W.A.A., §-30-51.
156. N.Y.T., 4-29-49, 14:6.
157. W.A.A., 2-19-52.
158. N.Y.T., 5-25-52, VI, 9, 26.
159. W.A.A., 5-24-52.
160, 1949 BS., p. 27.
161.
162. 1949 B.S., p. 27.
163. W.A.A., 6-3-51.
164. W.A.A., 7-29-52.
165. 1950 B.S., p. 39.
166. N.Y.T., 1-20-5%:, 11:2
167. W.A.A.
168. W.A.A., 1-19-52.
169.
170. W.A.A., 8-9-52.
171. N.Y.T., 2-18-52, 15:4
172. W.P., 5-18-51.
173. W.A.A., 11-10-51.
174. People Today, 2-4-52; E.v..
2-§-52, 32:1.
175. W.A.A., 4-8-52.
176. N.Y.T., 11-28-51; W.A.A.,
2-26-52.
177. N.Y.T., 5-25-52, VII, 9, 30.
178. WES. 1-25-52.
179. N.Y.T., 4-9-49, 13:5
180, W.ALA., 2-12-52
181. W.A.A., 6-25-52
182, W.A.A., 8-9-52.
183. N.Y.T., 8-16-50.
184. W.A.A., 3-1-51.
185. N.Y.T., 12-9-49, 40:3; 12-1-49,
47:4.
186. 1951 B.S., p. 54; Pittsburgh
Courier, 12-1-51.
187. N.¥.T., 10-1-50.
188. N.Y.T., 10-24-48, V, 6:7.
189, N.Y.T., 3-29-51, 23:7.
. W.ES., 1-29-52.
. W.A.A., 8-5-52.
+ OR
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.