Amicus Curiae Brief — Deboer v. Snyder, 135 S. Ct. 1040 (2015) (No. 14-571)

Nos. 14-556, -562, -571, -574

IN THE

Supreme Court of the Gnited States

JAMES OBERGEFELL, ET AL., Petitioners,

Vv.

RICHARD HODGES, ET AL., Respondents.

VALERIA TANCO, ET AL., Petitioners,

Vv.

WILLIAM EDWARD “BILL” HASLAM, ET AL., Respondents.

APRIL DEBOER, ET AL., Petitioners,

Vv.

RICHARD SNYDER, ET AL., Respondents.

GREGORY BOURKE, ET AL., Petitioners,

Vv.

STEVE BESHEAR, ET AL., Respondents.

On Writs of Certiorari to the

U.S. Court Of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit

BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE CATO INSTITUTE,

WILLIAM N. ESKRIDGE JR., AND STEVEN

CALABRESI IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS

WILLIAM N. ESKRIDGE JR. ILYA SHAPIRO

Counsel of Record Cato Institute

Yale Law School 1000 Mass. Ave. NW

P.O. Box 208215 Washington, DC 20001

New Haven, CT 06520 (202) 842-2000

(203) 432-9056 ishapiro@cato.org

william.eskridge@yale.edu

QUESTIONS PRESENTED

1) Does the Fourteenth Amendment require a

2)

state to license a marriage between two people

of the same sex?

Does the Fourteenth Amendment require a

state to recognize a marriage between two

people of the same sex when their marriage

was lawfully licensed and performed out-of-

state?

it

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

EE Re Gr IIE TI cicccicciiiceccssosecesessocevsssonescotons i

pe PL Ft see ee iv

INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE .................c00cccceec00e- l

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .....................cccecceeceeecees 2

IEEE Se Rca ee a eT Re 5

I.

IT.

THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT

PROHIBITS LAWS THAT VIOLATE THE

PRINCIPLE OF “EQUALITY UNDER

LAW” BY CREATING A LEGALLY

INFERIOR CLASS OF CITIZENS ...............

A. AMERICANS FOUGHT FOR EQUAL

PROTECTION LONG BEFORE THEY

FOUGHT A WAR AGAINST SLAVERY ..

B. REFLECTING THE NATION'S

HISTORIC AVERSION TO CLASS

LEGISLATION, THE EQUAL

PROTECTION CLAUSE HAS BROAD

APPLICATION AND IS NOT LIMITED

Se ED wttsacnennnnccscnendbeesisinpnnninenmmansciosiiicons

RESPONDENTS HAVE CREATED A

LEGAL REGIME GRATUITOUSLY

TREATING GAY AND _ LESBIAN

AMERICANS (AND THEIR CHILDREN)

AS AN INFERIOR CLASS, VIOLATING

THE ORIGINAL MEANING OF THE

FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT ...................

iil

Ill. STATE JUSTIFICATIONS FOR THEIR

EXCLUSIONARY MARRIAGES LAWS

CONFLICT WITH EQUAL PROTECTION

AND ITS BAR TO CLASS

Es: crsnursevinccnmstitennsesesniansinecimecsaeeosss 24

A. RESPONDENTS' EXCLUSIONARY

LAWS ADVANCE NO LEGITIMATE

Ey MP UNUEEINEs serctcciestensascnsecccneseseccensen 25

B. THESE LAWS CAUSE GREAT

PERSONAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL

HARMS BY PERPETUATING UNFAIR

NEGATIVE STEREOTYPEG........................ 29

IID cinticccsncisittinsiiciansuisastintsdineussiiennseniediaion 34

iV

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

Cases

Baskin v. Bogan,

766 F.3d 648 (7th Cir. 2014) .................2e eee 28, 32

Bassett v. Snyder,

2014 WL 5847607 (E.D. Mich. Nov. 12, 2014)...... 23

Black v. Black,

1988 WL 22823 (Tenn. App. 1988)......................4. 21

Bowers v. Hardwick,

ee ee ccisiciniinsnismmsiateetetininseistianeicaieleniaaeiet mamta 31

Budd v. State,

Be CE, Geer CEE wendccisnncsovectiesencnecteldsieiusiimmaamennann 8

Campbell v. Sundquist,

926 S.W.2d 260 (Tenn. App. 1996)........................ 22

Commonwealth v. Wasson,

fF AA Lf NORE 22

Crow v. State,

) Sky | ee a 8

Cruzan v. Director, Mo. Dep't of Health,

Ge Ck Be i ccstccscvsusedetetbianiaemistcaeninesean 33

DeBoer v. Snyder,

772 F.3d 388 (6th Cir. 2014) ............ 3, 25-26, 28, 32

DeBoer v. Snyder,

973 F. Supp. 2d 757 (E.D. Mich. 2013)..... 24-25, 28

District of Columbia v. Heller,

SE ee 3-4

Goepp v. Bethlehem Borough,

EEE 8

Hall v. Hall,

95 Mich. App. 614 (1980).....................0..ccceee ees 21, 30

J.E.B. v. Alabama ex rel. T.B.,

ee isesneansonte 14

J.P. v. P.W.,

772 S.W.2d 786 (Mo. Ct. App. 1989) ..................... 21

K Mart Corp. v. Cartier, Inc.,

a ccssdocsasoosoniuies 4

Lawrence v. Texas,

EE 18, 31, 33

Loving v. Virginia,

EA 4

McDonald v. City of Chicago,

eee 13, 15

Michigan Org. for Hum. Rights v. Kelley,

No. 88-815820 CZ (Mich. Cir. Ct. Wayne County

Ee 22

vi

Moore v. City of East Cleveland,

431 U.S. 494 (1977).............. ibensiansnbuniidiiinasinasintiaiaaiaiie 31

National Pride at Work, Inc. v. Governor of Mich.,

748 N.W.2d 524 (Mich. 2008) .........................ceeee00- 22

Plyler v. Doe,

ee ee ER iccicniecnnntstmecsneneiintsidiiitidaisiimmiiatiil 23

Railway Express Agency v. New York,

| ETE rer naa 33

Reed v. Wright,

ll es 8-9

Roberts v. City of Boston,

ese ee ee 10

Roberts v. Roberts,

489 N.E.2d 1067 (Ohio App.1985).................. 21, 30

Romer v. Evans,

og ff Es 2-3, 25, 27

Rowland v. Mad River Local Sch. Dist.,

TBO F.3d 444 (Gth Cir. 1986) .....ccccccccccccccescccccccesees 20

S. v. S.,

608 S.W.2d 64 (Ky. Ct. App. 1980).................. 21, 30

State v. Thompson,

Se es ee CD I hcccccecsccctsesnncenmeniiatinn 22

The Civil Rights Cases,

SE ie Ob i ncsncccesenscccersassussennsnsscnnestenessamesntants 2

Vil

Trimble v. Gordon,

ne ee eT 6

Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward,

og | CEE Se Renee eee 8

Turner v. Safley,

ini siepaictncinsibieniniaemtiedtiniaeeiiiees 4.17

United States v. Virginia,

8 GS EES Ese nee meee me oe eee 3

United Staies v. Windsor.

XS FE oe see oe 2, 4, 24, 27

Van Camp v. Board of Education,

EEE TNO E ES tae eee ae 11-12

Wally’s Heirs v. Kennedy,

10 Tenn. (2 Yer.) 554 (1831)...................... 10, 12, 18

Weber v. Aetna Cas. & Sur. Co.,

EE Ce a ee ee ee ee 23

Yick Wo. v. Hopkins,

| EES ANE a scen Ones R RT 2

Zablocki v. Redhail,

ae Ce it teniticsernccenccsesinnniennsnnssinnniatin 4,17

Constitutional Provisions

es I, GI, BO ectcciceeceitetinticnieiiansennan passim

RT OE noone 9

I iain aman a

I» I I a siciesaliamenennniila 22

BR eee 9

nN, nn a I Te ial ccier iain 9

Preamble to the Pennsylvania Constitution

a i ereccensinccsesnnssntingninninitinniezatannsiesinenstmmntannninseneied 6

es Se ee, CII, Fe erctiescccicinssistennmnscmintanneti 8

as ics, CD GE, Sls UF ccinstctinstiniidcenediicenmiieeiiemeisindld i)

Statutes

RE eee eee mae 19

BSD Githw Lae BOTS (IGG A) qncocccccccesecccccccescssescsesesseess 19

ee es I CA i crccccsesscccccsnsssccemecseseinnsenenies 18

Ps CN Fe crcntccsecescscsesensnsessemnsnsnesosenes 19

1931 Mich. Pub. Acts 328, § 448 ..................ccc cece eeeees 18

1936 Mich. Pub. Acts 7-86............ccccccccesscccccesseccscees 19

ey Ss Ss GRE i incicteemnencicanccetucnnnmmasienenntnees 18

BGG TUE, HUD. ROBB GR, BB cocceccecesccccesesssccssecesceses 19

ee ee ID He cncteicetenntesnensmnncecenticnninnien 22

ix

RE ee ene ar 19

EE eee meer ers 19

1989 Tenn. P.A. ch. 591, § 39-13-5100 .........00.00.000.... 19

Re hs Ses GRD Ci ecertctncncescncsmiistacescnncstencnssans 22

Civil Rights Act of 1866, ch. 31, 14 Stat. 27............. 13

Detroit Code § 39-1-35 (1944) 0.00... eeee eee eee 19

Mich. Penal Code § 750.158............................0000. 19, 21

Mich. Penal Code § 750.338 ..................::.cceeeeeeees 19, 22

Public Employee Domestic Partner Benefit

Restriction Act, 2011 Mich. Pub. Acts 297 ........... 23

Other Authorities

Alan Jones, Thomas M. Cooley and “Laissez-Faire

Constitutionalism,” A Reconsideration, 53 J.

PEELE AES See 12

Allan Bérubé & John D’Emilio, The Military and

Lesbians During the McCarthy Years, 9 Signs

TEETER Aa ON ee nr Ene 29

Allan Bérubé, Coming Out Under Fire: The

History of Gay Men and Women in World War

x

Andrew Jackson, Veto Report (July 10, 1832), in 2

A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of

the Presidents: 1789-1897, (James D.

I, I sisieeniincieseaindenateial 9

Angela Simon, The Relationship Between

Stereotypes and Attitudes Toward Lesbians and

Gays, in Stigma and Sexual Orientation

(Gregory Herek, ed., 1998) .................ccceceecseeseeeeees 29

Antonin Scalia & Bryan A. Garner, Reading Law:

The Interpretation of Legal Texts (2012)................. 5

Benjamin B. Kendrick, The Journal of the Joint

Committee of Fifteen on Reconstruction (1914) ....13

Brett Beemyn, ed., Creating a Place for Ourselves:

Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Communities

Brief for Petitioner, Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620

NA EERER ERSTE Re RT ee Np ns En 27

Brief for Respondent the Bipartisan Legal

Advisory Group, United States v. Windsor, 133

es I es Se ictiniscesddsecssninniuccsenienteiounents 27

Brief of the American Psychological Association et

al. as Amici Curiae, Hollingsworth v. Perry, 133

S.Ct. 2652 (2013) (No. 12-144) ................ccceecceseeees 28

Chaplain’s Presentation (WAVE Recruits), in

Indoctrination of WAVE Recruits on Subject of

Homosexuality (Nov. 1952).............cccceccccsescesceseeees 29

xi

Charles Sumner, Equality before the Law:

Unconstitutionality of separate Colored Schools

in Massachusetts. Argument of Charles

Sumner, Esq., Before the Supreme Court of

Massachusetts In The Case of Sarah C. Roberts

v. City of Boston 7 (Washington: F. & J. Rives &

Ss i EE, SITE cic. snaaiecheeenneiiasnaietinamnensais ll

Christine Yared, Where Are the Civil Rights

Protections for Gay and Lesbian Teachers?, 24

Hum. Rts. 22-24 (Summer 1997) ....................00000 20

Clarence Thomas, The Higher Law Background of

the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the

Fourteenth Amendment, 12 Harv. J.L. & Pub.

ea bciiesaiiemenienoniiniiaiaisbisiebies 7

Clifford J. Rossky, Fear of the Queer Child, 61

I A eeadeniies 21

Cong. Globe, 39th Cong.,

ELE aE 2, 14-15

David K. Johnson, The Lavender Scare: The Cold

War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the

Federal Government (2004) ..............0ccceeeeeeee0e- 20, 30

Declaration of Independence (1776) .....................0e000- 7

Delaware Declaration of Rights § 3 (1776)................. 7

Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex

Perverts in Government, S. Doc. No. 241, 81st

a I, Gi a iainirreniasiatamemngesnenunniaibi 30

xil

Estelle B. Freedman, “Uncontrolled Desires”: The

Response to the Sexual Psychopath, 1920-1960,

74 J. Am. Hist. 83-106 (1987).......................... 18, 29

Florida Legislative Investigation Comm’n,

Homosexuality and Citizenship in Florida

EASTER ERESPE EEE Sekine se ees ae Nn St Se eae eae 30

Gary J. Gates & Abigail M. Cooke, Williams Inst.,

United States Census Snapshot: 2010 (2011),

available at

http://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-

content/uploads/Census2010Snapshot-US-

George Chauncey Jr., Gay New York: Gender,

Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male

ey CE disitecsniniinscdveciscsensncsecetniens 21

Governor’s Study Comm'n on the Deviated

Criminal Sex Offender,

BS Be is Be Ridncedcnccesencecscesvcccosecssosesessess 20

Ilya Somin, William Eskridge on Originalism and

Same-Sex Marriage, Volokh Conspiracy, Wash.

Post, Jan. 23, 2015,

http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-

conspiracy/wp/2015/01/23/william-eskridge-on-

originalism-and-same-sex-Marriage ................6..... 4

J. Drew Page, Cruel and Unusual Punishment

and Sodomy Statutes: The Breakdown of the

Solem v. Helm Test, 56 U. Chi. L. Rev. 367

ESS TEETER en aay ane eon CE STS eNO mE 19

xii

James Madison, Memorial and Remonstrance

Against Religious Assessments (1785) .................... 7

John C. Hurd, Topics of Jurisprudence Connected

with Conditions of Freedom and Bondage

IInd Goiiedbinidieinanbdunbnuiadunibtededhpiniasabbiinniihisihiaciniasonuasadionis 12

Jonathan H. Earle, Jacksonian Anti-Slavery &

the Politics of Free Soil, 1824-1854 (2004)............ 10

Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution

of the United States 676-77 (Thomas M. Cooley

iad I EE. CITI icctenininntmmcontasemmmaieandientibnnans 16-17, 27

Kurt T. Lash, Origins of the Privileges or

Immunities Clause, Part III: Andrew Johnson

and the Constitutional Referendum of 1866, 101

ne ne Oe eaiieenabaensannains 15

Kurt T. Lash, The Origins of the Privileges or

Immunities Clause, Part II: John Bingham and

the Second Draft of the Fourteenth Amendment,

I I ic eunnnintncnmbanaias 14

Margot Canaday, The Straight State: Sexuality

and Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America

STITT dincadabdasaiiisinienaenbediaieniibeinniiaietpiaamemeinanieiubiiemnamaiaiiii 19

Melissa L. Saunders, Equal Protection, Class

Legislation, and Colorblindness, 96 Mich. L.

I Si cla inaeienriintenechledaiats 8,15

Mich. Liquor Comm'n, Admin. Rule 436-3 (1948) ...21

X1V

Michigan House Fiscal Agency, Legislative

Analysis: Prohibit Same-Sex Marriages and

Similar Unions (Oct. 15, 2004) ...............cccceceeeeeeee 31

Rebecca L. Brown, Liberty, The New Equality, 77

es Sele: nh Se a seseesaninnianneuninls 6

Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction

RS NT TRNAS 13

Resp. Brief in Support of Petition, DeBoer v.

Snyder, 2014 WL 6706856 (U.S. Nov. 24, 2014)

IE RES ae eaten ee sel Se O eee 28

Rhonda Rivera, Our Straight-Laced Judges:

Twenty Years Later, 50 Hastings L.J. 1179

IST icichdeidciacheciaaeciaesidiniaeienceaietaieababaiginaiaiea tedaeninideaiiatidipuictels 21

Robert Bork, The Tempting of America: The

Political Seduction of the Law (1990) ..................04. 3

Robert J. Reinstein, Completing the Constitution:

The Declaration of Independence, Bill of Rights,

and Fourteenth Amendment, 66 Temp. L. Rev.

ETE TTI ichssnrnshiitnnsiaadascteeseintaaseintanstiaibaiaaseneeinmmebenuedt 13

Rodney L. Mott, Due Process of Law: A Historical

and Analytical Treatise of the Principles and

Methods Followed by the Courts in the

Application of the Concept of the “Law of the

I PI acs th rect ianie ita ckdaendieaaebaeiniaieanigaiiiaais 8

Steven G. Calabresi & Andrea Matthews,

Originalism and Loving v. Virginia, 2012

I Oe a 13

XV

Steven G. Calabresi & Hannah M. Begley,

Originalism and Same-Sex Marriage (2015),

available at

http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract

SE, Ne pe ea a Or SE TN AO Oe 1,6

Steven G. Calabresi & Julia T. Rickert,

Originalism and Sex Discrimination, 90 Tex. L.

se CEE cbennddstiiniembitihnsibiniidndmabinpbicabibbiteinitieiniinsens 15

Steven G. Calabresi & Sarah E. Agudo,

Individual Rights Under State Constitutions

when the Fourteenth Amendment Was Ratified

in 1868: What Rights Are Deeply Rooted in

American History and Tradition?, 87 Tex. L.

ie AERP AERE SE PeIRER eee ee ORL Or Oe mae TSN 14

Steven G. Calabresi, Monopolies and the

Constitution: A History of Crony Capitalism, 36

NN Ge take BG BI ccciancnnnacicnnedccnsnnnnciansabes g

Suzanne E. Eckes & Martha M. McCarthy. GLBT

Teachers: The Evolving Legal Protections, 45

Am. Educ. Res. J. 530 (2008).......................0..-..000- 30

The Constitutional Amendment. Cincinnati

Commercial, Aug. 20, 1866...............cccccccccccccccscscees 15

EERE aoe eee eee oe 7

The Federalist No. 78 7

Xvi

Thomas M. Cooley, A Treatise on the

Constitutional Limitations Which Rest Upon the

Legislative Power of the States of the American

IIE TTI iiniinceaitiniceentianeneiieninidaiaiiidnbiiiidniadiiae 16-17

Univ. Mich. Lib., Michigan’s LGBT Heritage

(1999). available at http://www.lib.umich.edu/

online-exhibits/exhibits/show/lgbtheritage........... 20

Virginia Declaration of Rights § 1 (1776)................... 7

William E. Nelson, The Fourteenth Amendment:

From Political Principle to Judicial Doctrine

SarUTITIhchdictianeieaeceebiedenietsieliliitecehbaabesinRiainntbdeaalainekiienihis 15

William N. Eskridge Jr., Dishonorable Passions:

Sodomy Law in America, 1861-2003, (2008) ..18, 29

William N. Eskridge Jr., Gaylaw: Challenging the

Apartheid of the Closet (1999) ..................00.c00 20-21

I

INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE'

The Cato Institute is a non-partisan public policy

research foundation dedicated to advancing the

principles of individual liberty, free markets, and

limited government. Cato’s Center for Constitutional

Studies was established in 1989 to help restore the

principles of constitutional government that are the

foundation of liberty. Toward those ends, Cato holds

conferences and publishes books, studies, and the

annual Cato Supreme Court Review.

William N. Eskridge Jr. is the John A. Garver

Professor of Jurisprudence at the Yale Law School.

His academic work focuses on Jegal history as well as

constitutional and statutory interpretation.

Steven G. Calabresi, is the Clayton J. and Henry

R. Professor of Law, Northwestern University, and a

Visiting Professor of Political Science at Brown

University. His views on these issues. are

comprehensively set forth in Steven G. Calabresi &

Hannah M. Begley, Originalism and Same-Sex

Marriage (2015), available at http://papers.ssrn.com/

sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2509443.

Amici's interest here case lies in enforcing the

age-old principle of “equality under the law,” as

enshrined in the Constitution through the Fifth and

Fourteenth Amendments.

1 Rule 37 statement: Letters of consent from all parties to

the filing of this brief have been submitted to the Clerk

(Petitioners’ counsel consented specifically, while Respondents

counsel lodged a blanket consent). Amici further state that this

brief was not authored in whole or in part by any party's

counsel, and that no person or entity other than amici made a

monetary contribution its preparation or submission.

2

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

The Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection

Clause establishes a broad assurance of equality for

all. It guarantees the same rights and same

protection under the law for all men and women of

any race, whether rich or poor, citizen or alien, gay

or straight, Yick Wo. v. Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 369

(1886), and “prohibits any state legislation which has

the effect of denying to any race or class, or to any

individual, the equal protection of the laws.” The

Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3, 31 (1883). The

original meaning of the Clause “establishes equality

before the law,” Cong. Globe, 39th Cong., Ist Sess.

2766 (1866), and “abolishes all class legislation in the

States,” id., thereby “securing an equality of rights to

all citizens of the United States, and of all persons

within their jurisdiction.” Id. at 2502.

Under the Fourteenth Amendment, no person

may be relegated to the status of a pariah, “a

stranger to [the State’s] laws.” Romer v. Evans, 517

U.S. 620, 635 (1996). Nor may states deny to gay

men or lesbians rights basic to “ordinary civic life in

a free society” so as to “make them unequal to

everyone else.” Jd. at 631, 635. The Equal Protection

Clause clearly protects against state-sponsored

discrimination, “withdraw[ing] from Government the

power to degrade or demean.” United States v.

Windsor, 133 S. Ct. 2675, 2695 (2013).

Ignoring the Fourteenth Amendment’s text, its

history, and this Court’s precedents, the Sixth

Circuit held that the Equal Protection Clause does

not apply to state marriage laws because there is no

evidence that “the people who adopted the

Fourteenth Amendment understood it to require the

3

States to change the definition of marriage.” DeBoer

v. Snyder, 772 F.3d 388, 403 (6th Cir. 2014).

The lower court erred by focusing on a certain

kind of original understanding (the immediate effect

supporters “understood” the Fourteenth Amendment

to have). This Court has rejected that approach to

constitutional interpretation, focusing instead, on

original meaning. See, e.g., District of Columbia v.

Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 576-77 (2008). In the

Fourteenth Amendment context, this Court has

asked how the _ well-established meaning of

terminology added to the Constitution in 1868

applies to modern exclusions of new as well as

established social groups. E.g., United States uv.

Virginia, 518 U.S. 515, 557 (1996); Romer, 517 U.S.

at 631-34.

As to what that original meaning is, this Court

has held that the Equal Protection Clause secures to

all persons and classes “the protection of equal

laws,” Romer, 517 U.S. at 634 (quoting Skinner v.

Oklahoma, 316 U.S. 535, 541 (1942)), and prohibits

caste legislation that discriminates against a social

class, “not to further a proper legislative end but to

make them unequal to everyone else” Jd. at 635.

Many equal-protection precedents are hard to

explain as a matter of “original understanding” but

are amply justified as an application of the equality-

under-law principle. Robert Bork, The Tempting of

America: The Political Seduction of the Law 75-77,

143-46 (1990) (making this point regarding the

Court’s desegregation precedents). The rule against

class legislation applies with special force to the

central institutions of state law, as this Court has

repeatedly held in its marriage-equality precedents.

4

Windsor, 133 S. Ct. at 2693; Turner v. Safley, 482

U.S. 78 (1987); Zablocki v. Redhail, 434 U.S. 374

(1978); Loving v. Virginia,, 388 U.S. 1, 9-10 (1967).

So while it may be true that no one alive at the

time of the Fourteenth Amendment's ratification

expected that its adoption would “require a state to

license a marriage between two people of the same

sex,” evidence of prophetic anticipation on the part of

that generation is not required before this Court can

apply the Fourteenth Amendment to novel facts.

Laws can and must have consequences beyond

those understood or anticipated by the generation of

their promulgation. Heller, 554 U.S. at 582. As one

prominent originalist scholar recently put it,

original-meaning originalism “is entirely consistent

with updating the application of its fixed principles

in light of new factual information. Indeed, such

updating is often not only permitted, but actually

required by the theory. Otherwise, it will often be

impossible to enforce the original meaning under

conditions different from those envisioned by the

generation that framed and ratified the relevant

provision.” [lya Somin, William Eskridge on

Originalism and Same-Sex Marriage, Volokh

Conspiracy, Wash. Post, Jan. 23, 2015,

http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-

conspiracy/wp/2015/01/23/william-eskridge-on-

originalism-and-same-sex-marriage.

In other words, just as a “19th-century statute

criminalizing the theft of goods is not ambiguous in

its application to the theft of microwave ovens,” K

Mart Corp. v. Cartier, Inc., 486 U.S. 281, 323 (1988)

(Scalia, J., concurring in part & dissenting in part), a

19th-century constitutional command that no state

5

may “deny to any person within its jurisdiction the

equal protection of the laws” is not ambiguous in its

application to sweeping exclusions in state family

law. The civil recognition of marriage is a matter of

law and the Petitioners are clearly “person[s] within

[the states’] jurisdiction” who have been denied

myriad legal benefits and protections solely on

account of their sexual orientation. This is the very

kind of class-based discrimination that the Equal

Protection Clause prohibits, and it falls now to this

Court to fulfill the Fourteenth Amendment’s promise

of equal liberty for all Americans.

ARGUMENT

I. THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT

PROHIBITS LAWS THAT VIOLATE THE

PRINCIPLE OF “EQUALITY UNDER LAW”

BY CREATING A LEGALLY INFERIOR

CLASS OF CITIZENS

An analysis of the history and origins of the

Fourteenth Amendment shows that a principal

purpose and consequence of the Equal Protection

Clause’s adoption was to deny states the power to

pass “caste” legislation creating classes of legally

inferior persons based on arbitrary characteristics

such as race, color, creed, or orientation.

Some have argued that, because it was one of the

Reconstruction Amendments, the Fourteenth

Amendment's original meaning ought to be

understood narrowly as a response to slavery, meant

only to prohibit laws “designed to assert the

separateness and superiority of the white race.”

Antonin Scalia & Bryan A. Garner, Reading Law:

The Interpretation of Legal Texts 88 (2012), or,

6

somewhat more generously, to prohibit those forms

of discrimination to which “the Framers obviously

meant it to apply—<lassifications based on race or on

national origin, the first cousin of race.” Trimble uv.

Gordon, 430 U.S. 762, 777 (1977) (Rehnquist, J.,

dissenting.)

This narrow, race-based view of the Fourteenth

Amendment flouts the broad text of the Equal

Protection Clause and ignores a wealth of readily

available historical evidence. In particular, a

constitutional mght to equal protection existed in the

states long before 1868. Moreover, the narrow

reading cannot account for the ratifying Congress’s

explicit rejection of drafts that would have limited

the Fourteenth Amendment to protecting former

slaves, or this Court’s long and proper practice of

relying on the Fourteenth Amendment to end state

discrimination targeting groups. identified by

something other than the color of their skin.

A. AMERICANS FOUGHT FOR EQUAL

PROTECTION LONG BEFORE THEY

FOUGHT A WAR AGAINST SLAVERY

One of the bedrock principles of colonial and

Founding Era constitutional theory was that the rule

of law carries with it a presumption of general and

equal application. Calabresi & Begley, Originalism

and Same-Sex Marriage, supra; Rebecca L. Brown,

Liberty, The New Equality, 77 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 1491,

1512-20 (2002). As the Preamble to the Pennsylvania

Constitution of 1776 put it, government is

legitimately established “for the security and

protection of the community as such, and to enable

the individuals who compose it to enjoy their natural

rights . . . without partiality for, or prejudice against,

7

any particular class, sect, or denomination of men.”

Because all people are born “equally free and

independent,” Va. Decl. of Rights § 1 (1776), they

“ought forever to enjoy equal rights and privileges.”

Del. Decl. of Rights § 3 (1776). The Declaration of

Independence proclaimed that America’s

constitutional democracy is premised upon the

notion that “all Men are created equal.” Decl. of

Independence 4 2 (1776).

These Revolutionary Era documents had a

significant influence on the U.S. Constitution long

before John Bingham’s appointment to the Joint

Committee on Reconstruction. The Framers assumed

that “equality . . . ought to be the basis of every law”

and that the law should not subject some persons to

“peculiar burdens” or grant others “peculiar

exemptions.”. James Madison, Memorial and

Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments { 4

(1785). The Constitution created a governmental

structure that would protect “particular classes of

citizens” against “unjust and partial laws,” The

Federalist No. 78 (Alexander Hamilton). imposed by

majority “faction{s],” The Federalist No. 10 (James

Madison).

To ensure ratification, the founding generation

added a bill of rights in 1791. Tracking the Virginia

Declaration, the Bill of Rights implemented the

principles of generality and equal treatment through

specific protections for property owners in the

Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment and for

2 Clarence Thomas, The Higher Law Background of the

Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment,

12 Harv. J.L. & Pub. Pol'y 63, 63-65 (1989).

8

religious minorities in the First Amendment's

Religion Clauses. Echoing the states’ common-

benefits clauses, the Due Process Clause of the Fifth

Amendment reflected the generality principle and,

implicitly, the equality baseline as well. E£.gz.,

Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward, 17 U.S.

518 (1819) (argument of Daniel Webster, accepted by

the Court); see Rodney L. Mott, Due Process of Law:

A Historical and Analytical Treatise of the Principles

and Methods Followed by the Courts in the

Application of the Concept of the “Law of the Land”

256-74 (1926); Melissa L. Saunders, Equal

Protection, Class Legislation, and Colorblindness, 96

Mich. L. Rev. 245, 251-68 (1997).

Judges vigorously applied these constitutional

rules against “class legislation.” For example, in

Reed v. Wright, 2 Greene 15 (lowa 1849), the lowa

Supreme Court struck down a statute making it

easier for the state to question land claims owned by

so-called “half breeds”:

Laws affecting life, liberty, and property must

be general in their application, operating on

the entire community alike. It is the boast

and pride of our institutions that we have no

favored classes; no person so high that he does

not require the care and protection of the law,

no person so low as not to be entitled to them.

Id. at 27-28. See also Crow v. State, 14 Mo. 237, 281-

83 (1851); Goepp v. Bethlehem Borough, 28 Pa. 249,

255 (1857); Budd v. State, 22 Tenn. 483, 491-92

3 Fears of unequal treatment, through special privileges or

exclusions, were focused in this period on religious minorities.

E.g., S.C. Const.,1778, art. XXXVIII.

9

(1842); Steven G. Calabresi, Monopolies and the

Constitution: A History of Crony Capitalism, 36

Harv. J. L. Pub. Pol’y 983 (2013).

An important statement of the rule against class

legislation came from President Andrew Jackson. In

a veto message delivered in 1832, President Jackson

announced that “every man is equally entitled to

protection by law.” He continued: “If [law] would

confine itself to equal protection, and, as Heaven

does its rains, shower its favors alike on the high and

the low. the rich and the poor, it would be an

unqualified blessing.” Andrew Jackson, Veto Report

(July 10, 1832), in 2 A Compilation of the Messages

and Papers of the Presidents: 1789-1897, at 590

(James D. Richardson ed., 1896).

As new states entered the Union, they adopted

explicit constitutional protections against class

legislation, characteristically deploying the language

of equality. Typical was the provision of Iowa

Constitution of 1857, reflecting the broad protections

earlier announced in Reed v. Wright: “All laws of a

general nature shall have a uniform operation; the

general assembly shall not grant to any citizen, or

class of citizens, privileges or immunities, which,

upon the same terms shall not equally belong to all

citizens.” Iowa Const., 1857, art. I, § 6; accord, Ind.

Const., 1851, art. I, § 23; Or. Const., 1857, art. I, §

20; Wis. Const., 1848, art. I, § 1. The Ohio

Constitution of 1851 explicitly guaranteed all

citizens the “equal protection” of the law. Ohio

Const., 1851, art. I, § 2.

Litigants and judges invoked these common-

benefit and equal-protection clauses in challenges to

legislation that created special privileges for political

10

insiders or targeted “odious individuals or corporate

bodies” with special legal burdens. Wally’s Heirs v.

Kennedy, 10 Tenn. (2 Yer.) 554, 555-57 (1831). As

Reed v. Wright illustrates, some Jacksonians and

“Conscience” Whigs believed that laws

discriminating against racial minorities could be

questionable “class” legislation. In the 1850s, a new

generation of anti-slavery constitutionalists applied

the “equal protection” idea to challenge slavery and

laws entrenching racial or ethnic “castes.” Jonathan

H. Earle, Jacksonian Anti-Slavery & the Politics of

Free Soil, 1824-1854 (2004). Consider the most

important explication of this new attitude toward

class legislation and equal protection of the law, its

application to segregated schools.

In 1849, abolitionist Charles Sumner explained

this expansive norm against class or caste legislation

in his argument against public school racial

segregation before the Massachusetts Supreme

Judicial Court in Roberts v. City of Boston, 59 Mass.

198 (1849). Applying the provision recognizing the

presumptive equality of all citizens in the

Massachusetts Constitution, Sumner said this:

Within the sphere of their influence no person

can be created, no person can be born with

civil or political privileges not enjoyed equally

by all his fellow-citizens; nor can any

institution be established recognizing any

distinction of birth. Here is the Great Charter

of every human being drawing the vital breath

upon this soil, whatever may be his condition

and whoever may be his parents. He may be

poor, weak, humble, or black; he may be of

Caucasian, Jewish, Indian, or Ethiopian race;

11

he may be of French, German, English, or

Irish extraction, but before the Constitution of

Massachusetts all these distinctions

disappear. He is not poor, weak, humble, or

black nor is he Caucasian, Jew, Indian, or

Ethiopian nor is he French, German, English,

or Irish; he is a Man, the equal of all his fellow

men. He is one of the children of the State,

which, like an impartial parent, regards all its

offspring with an equal care. To some it may

justly allot higher duties, according to higher

capacities, but it welcomes all to its equal,

hospitable board.

Charles Sumner, Equality before the Law:

Unconstitutionality of Separate Colored Schools in

Massachusetts. Argument of Charles Sumner, Esq.,

Before the Supreme Court of Massachusetts In The

Case of Sarah C. Roberts v. City of Boston 7

(Washington: F. & J. Rives & Geo. A. Bailey, 1870)

(emphasis in the original).* Arguing that the division

of schoolchildren by race is inherently a violation of

equality, Sumner articulated a broad understanding

of the rule against class legislation that included

exclusions based on ethnicity, religion, income, or

physiological traits. Jd. at 7, 9-10, 13.

Sumner was not the only member of the

antebellum legal community to urge a broad

application of the principle against class legislation.

In Van Camp v. Board of Education, 9 Ohio St. 406

(1859), the Ohio Supreme Court applied the state’s

4 For a summary of Sumner’s argument, emphasizing that

the school’s “caste” regime was a “violation of equality,” see

Roberts, 59 Mass. at 201-04.

12

equal protection clause to school segregation. In an

opinion that used the terms “class” and “caste”

legislation interchangeably, the court allowed school

segregation—over the sharp dissent of Justice Milton

Sutliff, whose broad understanding of class

legislation included laws based on _ supposed

“difference in races, religion, language, color, or any

physiological peculiarities.” Jd. at 415-16.

Contemporary authors explained what judges

and advocates meant by class legislation—and theirs

was a broad reading of equality. “Under a system of

caste, personal liberty and the right of property are

controlled by laws restraining the activity of a class

of persons, more or less strictly defined, to a

particular course of life, and allowing only a limited

enjoyment of property and relative rights.” John C.

Hurd, Topics of Jurisprudence Connected with

Conditions of Freedom and Bondage 44 (1856):

accord, Wally’s Heirs, 10 Tenn. (2 Yer.) at 555-57.

B. REFLECTING THE NATION’S HISTORIC

AVERSION TO CLASS LEGISLATION,

THE EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE HAS

BROAD APPLICATION AND IS NOT

LIMITED TO RACE

It cannot be denied that Sumner and Sutliffs

broad view of equal protection clauses was not the

majority position in the 1850s. But the Civil War

vindicated them, confirming “that this government is

of and for the people with no privileged classes.” Alan

Jones. Thomas M. Cooley and “Laissez-Faire

Constitutionalism,” A Reconsideration, 53 J. Am.

Hist. 751, 767 (1967) (quoting an oration by Thomas

Cooley delivered in Detroit, July 1865). Views that

were once attributed to fringe figures were now

13

decidedly mainstream. Clear evidence of this shift

can be found by comparing the Civil Rights Act of

1866, Act of Apr. 9, 1866, ch. 31. 14 Stat. 27, with

Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment, ratified just

two years later. The 1866 Act. aimed at the “Black

Codes” that arose in the South immediately after the

Civil War, sought to afford “citizens of the United

States .. . of every race and color” the same rights

and benefits as enjoyed “by white citizens.” Seeking

to constitutionalize those guarantees and to do so

more broadly, Section 1 abandoned that express

racial language in favor of simply “citizens”

(Privileges or Immunities Clause) and “persons”

(Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses). Robert

J. Reinstein, Completing the Constitution: The

Declaration of Independence, Bill of Rights, and

Fourteenth Amendment, 66 Temp. L. Rev. 361, 383-

92 (1993).

An important purpose of the Fourteenth

Amendment was to provide a firm basis for

congressional and federal judicial policing of state

efforts to entrench social groups as inferior castes.

See Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction

xvii (1866), discussed in McDonald v. City of

Chicago, 561 U.S. 742, 772-80 (2010); Steven G.

Calabresi & Andrea Matthews, Originalism and

Loving v. Virginia, 2012 B.Y.U. L. Rev. 1393, 1437-

63. Although freed slaves were the obvious object of

the rule against class legislation, Congress refused to

limit the Equal Protection Clause to legislation

discriminating against racial classes. Indeed, the

Joint Committee that drafted the Fourteenth

Amendment specifically rejected proposals to limit

the equality guarantee to race-based classifications.

Benjamin B. Kendrick, The Journal of the Joint

14

Committee of Fifteen on Reconstruction 46, 50, 83.

90-91, 97-100 (1914); see J.E.B. v. Alabama ex rel.

T.B., 511 U.S. 127, 151 (1994) (Kennedy, J.,

concurring); Kurt T. Lash, The Origins of the

Privileges or Immunities Clause, Part II: John

Bingham and the Second Draft of the Fourteenth

Amendment, 99 Geo. L.J. 329, 399-400 (2011).

Thus, the text of the Equal Protection Clause

encoded the precepts Sumner and other abolitionists

had advanced as a broad rule against legislation that

arbitrarily discriminated against whole classes of

people. Indeed. a majority of state constitutions

explicitly encoded a broad equal treatment norm as

well. See Steven G. Calabresi & Sarah E. Agudo,

Individual Rights Under State Constitutions when

the Fourteenth Amendment Was Ratified in 1868:

What Rights Are Deeply Rooted in American History

and Tradition?, 87 Tex. L. Rev. 7, 94-96 (2008).

Contemporaries explained the meaning of the

Equal Protection Clause in precisely this way.

Introducing the Fourteenth Amendment, Senator

Jacob Howard said that the Equal Protection Clause

“establishes equality before the law, and .. . gives to

the humblest, the poorest, and most despised .. . the

same rights and the same protection before the law

as it gives to the most powerful, the most wealthy, or

the most haughty.” The clause plainly “abolishes all

class legislation in the States and does away with the

injustice of subjecting one caste of persons to a code

not applicable to another.” Cong. Globe, 39th Cong..,

Ist Sess. 2766 (1866) (Sen. Howard); see id. at 2961

(Sen. Poland) (similar). House Speaker Thaddeus

Stevens explained that the public meaning of the

clause was that “the law which operates upon one

15

man shall operate equally upon all.” Jd. at 2459

(emphasis in the original).

Senator Howard’s speech was widely reported in

newspapers all over the country and was discussed

among the citizenry. Kurt T. Lash, Origins of the

Privileges or Immunities Clause, Part III: Andrew

Johnson and the Constitutional Referendum of 1866,

101 Geo. L.J. 1275, 1299-1300 (2013); accord,

McDonald, 561 U.S. at 832-33 (Thomas, J.,

concurring). Typical was the coverage in the

Cincinnati Commercial, which said this amendment

would place “[everybody] throughout the land upon

the same footing of equality before the law, in order

to prevent unequal legislation.” It predicted that

once the amendment took effect “it [would] be

impossible for any Legislature to enact special codes

for one class of citizens.” The Constitutional

Amendment, Cincinnati Commercial, Aug. 20, 1866,

at 2, 4.5 In the press coverage .nd in the state

ratifying conventions, there was overwhelming

support for the understanding that the meaning of

“equal protection” was the broad rule against

class/caste legislation similar to that articulated by

Charles Sumner in 1849. William E. Nelson, The

Fourteenth Amendment: From Political Principle to

Judicial Doctrine 67, 73, 79 (1988): Steven G.

Calabresi & Julia T. Rickert, Originalism and Sex

Discrimination, 90 Tex. L. Rev. 1, 35-42 (2011).

This view of the original meaning is confirmed by

contemporary commentators, notably including

Michigan Supreme Court Justice Thomas Cooley,

6 For discussion of this newspaper article, see Saunders.

Equal Protection, Class Legislation, 96 Mich. L. Rev. at 288.

16

who authored and edited the leading constitutional

law treatises of his era. Cooley explained the

Fourteenth Amendment as nationalizing the anti-

class legislation principle and expanding it to include

racial and other forms of caste legislation. 2 Joseph

Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the

United States 676-77, 684-85 (Thomas M. Cooley ed.,

4th ed. 1873). Summarizing his view of the rule

against class legislation, Cooley wrote in 1868:

[A] statute would not be constitutional which

should proscribe a class or party for opinion’s

sake, or which should [identify] particular

individuals from a class or locality, and subject

them to peculiar rules, or impose upon them

special obligations or burdens, from which

others in the same locality or class are exempt.

. Special privileges are obnoxious, and

discriminations against persons or classes are

still more so....

Thomas M. Cooley, A Treatise on the

Constitutional Limitations Which Rest Upon the

Legislative Power of the States of the American

Union 390-91, 393 (1868).

The Fourteenth Amendment generally codified

and expanded on the rule against class legislation

and reaffirmed that ours is a “government whose

fundamental] idea is the equality of all citizens.” 2

Story, Commentaries, 677. Cooley also explained the

limit of the rule against class legislation. Thus,

“there may be discriminations between classes of

persons where reasons exist which make them

necessary or advisable,” such as laws establishing an

age of majority and barring minors from entering

into contracts—“but no one would undertake to

17

defend upon constitutional grounds an enactment

that, of the persons reaching that age, those

possessing certain physical! characteristics, in no way

affecting their capacity or fitness for general

business or impairing their usefulness as citizens,

should remain in aé condition of permanent

disability.” Jd. at 676-77; accord, Cooley, Treatise,

393 (pre-Civil War class legislation doctrine).

Il. RESPONDENTS HAVE CREATED A LEGAL

REGIME GRATUITOUSLY TREATING GAY

AND LESBIAN AMERICANS (AND THEIR

CHILDREN) AS AN INFERIOR CLASS,

VIOLATING THE ORIGINAL MEANING OF

THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT

The Fourteenth Amendment’s hostility to class

legislation extends beyond laws creating racial

castes, especially when important or fundamental

rights such as marriage are at stake. Zablocki, 434

U.S. at 390-91 (striking down a law preventing

remarriage for persons in arrears for alimony). Cf.

Turner, 482 U.S. at 96-99 (striking down a broad

state rule barring prisoners from marrying as an

“exaggerated response” to “legitimate security

concerns’).

The equal-protection case against’ the

exclusionary family law regimes here is stronger

than the claims in Zablocki and Turner, because the

exclusions at issue here are new expressions of anti-

gay attitudes that dominated American public law in

the 20th century. While the restrictions in Zablocki

and Turner could be read at least as attempts to

serve noble purposes—encouraging the payment of

child support and protecting visitors to prisons,

18

respectively—denials of marriage licenses to same-

sex couples only marginalize and denigrate.

In 1868, there was no class of “gay people” who

could be targets of a caste regime; in this country,

the “concept of the homosexual as a distinct category

of person” emerged only at the end of the 19th

century. Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 568 (2003).

After 1900. however, states adopted laws and policies

marking “homosexuals and other sex perverts”

(favored terms of the era) as a class of “odious

individuals.” Wally’s Heirs, 10 Tenn. (2 Yer.) at 555-

57. The result was a legal system that defined

“homosexuals” as a pariah class outside the general

benefits and protections of the laws.® To illustrate

this caste regime, amici use Michigan as our focus,

with parallel references to Kentucky, Ohio, and

Tennessee—although our arguments’ extend

uniformly to the laws of all states that deny

marriage rights to lesbian and gay couples.

Michigan long had a sodomy law prohibiting anal

intercourse between adults (or with children and

animals), but once alerted to the presence of gender-

bending “homosexuals” in the state, its legislators

created new crimes of “gross indecency” (oral sex)

between two adults of the same gender. 1903 Mich.

Pub. Acts 108 (males); 1939 Mich. Pub. Acts 148

(females).? The legislature created a separate crime

® William N. Eskridge Jr., Dishonorable Passions: Sodomy

Law in America, 1861-2003, at 73-108 (2008); Estelle B.

Freedman, “Uncontrolled Desires”: The Response to the Sexual

Psvchopath, 1920-1960, 74 J. Am. Hist. 83-106 (1987).

7 “Gross indecency” was the crime for which Oscar Wilde

was convicted in 1895, and Alan Turing in 1952. Michigan later

added a gross indecency crime for heterosexual couples.

19

for soliciting “immoral acts” from consenting adults.

1931 Mich. Pub. Acts 328, § 448.5 As amended, the

Michigan consensual sodomy and gross indecency

laws provide for a prison term of up to 15 (sodomy) or

5 (gross indecency) years or, if the defendant is

“sexually delinquent,” a life sentence. Mich. Penal

Code §§ 750.158, 750.338-338a (current

codification).? Detroit had its own sex crime code.

including a prohibition of public cross-dressing.

Detroit Code § 39-1-35 (1944).

On top of these criminal sanctions, Michigan

created a regime for civilly committing people

convicted of sex offences who “appear to be

psychopathic, or a sex degenerate” or a “sex pervert.”

1935 Mich. Pub. Acts 87-88, 141.!° Such “perverts”

could be committed for an indeterminate time in a

state mental hospital and, possibly, sterilized. 1929

Mich. Pub. Acts 281 (authorizing the sterilization of

incarcerated “moral degenerates and _ sexual

perverts”). See generally Margot Canaday, The

Straight State: Sexuality and Citizenship in

Twentieth-Century America 30 (2009).

Kentucky and Tennessee made oral sex a crime only if

participants were of the same gender 1974 Ky. Acts ch. 406, §

90; 1989 Tenn. P.A. ch. 591, § 39-13-510.

® For similar laws targeting “deviate” intercourse, see 1974

Ky. Acts ch. 36; 129 Ohio Laws 1670 (1961).

* For a state-by-state survey of penalties for violating

consensual sodomy laws, see J. Drew Page, Cruel and Unusual

Punishment and Sodomy Statutes: The Breakdown of the Solem

v. Helm Test, 56 U. Chi. L. Rev. 367, 379-88 (1989).

1© For similar sexual psychopath commitment laws, see 118

Ohio Laws 686 (1939) (expanded in 1945 and 1951) and 1957

Tenn. Pub. Acts ch. 288.

20

Michigan authorities harassed, arrested, and

sometimes imprisoned gay people, _ including

juveniles, under authority of the foregoing laws. E.z.,

Governor’s Study Comm’n on the Deviated Criminal

Sex Offender, Report 104 (Mich. 1951) (detailing the

extensive enforcement of Michigan’s penal laws

against “sexual deviates,” including juveniles); Univ.

Mich. Lib., Michigan’s LGBT Heritage (1999),

available at http://www.lib.umich.edu/ online-

exhibits/exhibits/show/lgbtheritage (viewed Feb. 25.

2015) (setting forth a timeline of events, including

police raids, 1950s-1990s). Even without a criminal

prosecution, however. the “homosexual” was a

presumptive outlaw, subject to losing professional

licenses or employment, especially in the education

field. E.g., Rowland v. Mad River Local Sch. Dist..,

730 F.2d 444 (6th Cir. 1984) (holding it permissible

to fire a guidance counselor because she was

bisexual)."? Witch hunts’ drove suspected

“homosexuals” from federal and state civil service

positions. David K. Johnson, The Lavender Scare:

The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in

the Federal Government (2004). Such persons could

not serve in the armed forces or in local police

departments and, if they were immigrants, might be

deported. See Allan Bérubé, Coming Out Under Fire:

The History of Gay Men and Women in World War

Two (1990); William N. Eskridge Jr., Gaylaw:

Challenging the Apartheid of the Closet (1999).

1! See also Brett Beemyn, ed., Creating a Place for

Ourselves: Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Communities 174-75

(1997) (Detroit lesbians lived in fear of losing their jobs);

Christine Yared, Where Are the Civil Rights Protections for Gay

and Lesbian Teachers?. 24 Hum. Rts. 22-24 (Summer 1997).

21

Those who dared associate with “homosexuals”

for social purposes could expect police or regulatory

surveillance and harassment. Eskridge, Gaylaw, 74-

76; George Chauncey Jr.. Gay New York: Gender,

Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male

World, 1890-1940, at 131-50. 331-51 (1994). In 1948.

for example, Michigan’s Liquor Control Commission

informed bars that they would lose their liquor

licenses if they served “homosexuals.” Mich. Liquor

Comm’n, Admin. Rule 436-3 (1948), (discussed in

Bérubé, Coming Out Under Fire, 356 n.21.)

Indeed, the anti-gay caste regime created in the

20th century often denied lesbian and gay parents

custody of—and sometimes barred vis’ tation with—

their own biological children. E.g., Hall v. Hall, 95

Mich. App. 614, 615 (1980) (per curiam) (custody);

Roberts v. Roberts, 489 N.E.2d 1067 (Ohio App.1985)

(visitation). Accord, S. v. S., 608 S.W.2d 64, 65 (Ky.

Ct. App. 1980) (custody); Black v. Black, 1988 WL

22823 (Tenn. App. 1988) (custody). See generally

Rhonda Rivera, Our Straight-Laced Judges: Twenty

Years Later, 50 Hastings L.J. 1179, 1194-97 (1999).

The reasoning was that exposure to a lesbian or gay

parent would be destructive for the child. E.g., J.P. v.

P.W., 772 S.W.2d 786, 792-94 (Mo. Ct. App. 1989)

(citing cases); see also Clifford J. Rossky, Fear of the

Queer Child, 61 Buff. L. Rev. 607, 630-31 (2012).

By 1950, gays and lesbians were an identifiable

social class—indeed. an outlaw class of presumptive

sex criminals. Although this Court invalidated

consensual sodomy and gross indecency laws in

Lawrence, the stigma of longtime state disapproval

persisted. Notwithstanding Lawrence, Michigan's

laws criminalizing consensual sodomy (§ 750.158)

22

and gross indecency (§§ 750.338-338a) remain on the

statute books.”

Instead of repealing its decades-old anti-gay

laws, Michigan has expanded its caste regime in

recent years. Thus, the legislature amended its

marriage code to exclude lesbian and gay marriages,

to promote the “welfare of society and its children,”

1996 Mich. Pub. Acts 324 (codified at Mich. Comp.

Laws § 551.1), even though thousands of Michigan

children would benefit from the marriage of their gay

parents. In 2004, acting for the benefit of “future

generations of children,” voters amended the state

constitution to assure that “the union of one man and

one woman in marriage shall be the only agreement

recognized as a marriage or similar union for any

purpose.” Mich. Const. art. I, § 25.

In 2008, the Michigan Supreme Court applied

this sweeping bar to deprive lesbian and gay

municipal employees of health insurance and other

contract-based benefits. National Pride at Work, Inc.

v. Governor of Mich., 748 N.W.2d 524 (Mich. 2008).

After some cities and the state’s civil service

commission created a new category of “other

qualified persons” eligible for employment benefits

12 In 1990, a Michigan trial court declared such laws invalid

in Wayne County. but that ruling did not apply statewide. See

Michigan Org. for Hum. Rights v. Kelley, No. 88-815820 CZ

(Mich. Cir. Ct. Wayne County July 9, 1990). Ohio repealed its

consensual sodomy law in 1972. Ohio Laws 1906-11. The

Kentucky and Tennessee homosexual sodomy laws were

invalidated in Commonwealth v. Wasson, 842 S.W.2d 487 (Ky.

1992) and Campbell v. Sundquist, 926 S.W.2d 260 (Tenn. App.

1996), respectively. All four Sixth Circuit states retained their

anti-solicitation laws, though Ohio’s law was invalidated in

State v. Thompson, 767 N.E. 2d 251 (Ohio 2002).

23

without seeming to recognize a “similar union” for

gay couples, the legislature overrode those humane

efforts in the Public Employee Domestic Partner

Benefit Restriction Act, 2011 Mich. Pub. Acts 297, a

discrimination found to be unconstitutional class

legislation in Bassett v. Snyder, 2014 WL 5847607

(E.D. Mich. Nov. 12, 2014).

Michigan’s treatment of lesbian and gay families

today is unprecedented in that state’s family law.

Reflecting the perseverance of anti-gay sentiment in

that state, Michigan’s legal system continues to

marginalize and denigrate lesbian and gay families,

setting them apart from virtually all other families.

(The same is true for Kentucky, Ohio, and

Tennessee.) This is not the “equal liberty” entailed by

the original meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Original meaning suggests another objectionable

feature to these exclusionary regimes. Enforcing the

Fourteenth Amendment's rule against’ class

legislation, this Court has repeatedly struck down

discriminatory state policies that visit the

consequences of public disapproval of parental

conduct upon the lives of their children. E.g., Weber

v. Aetna Cas. & Sur. Co., 406 U.S. 164, 173-76 (1972)

(state channeling of procreating couples _ into

marriage does not justify denial of state benefits to

non-marital children); Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202,

218-20 (1982) (state channeling of noncitizens into

legal immigration processes does not justify creation

of an “underclass” of undocumented immigrants’

children denied state education benefits). In

Windsor, this Court relied on the “demean[ed]”

status of children as a reason to be skeptical of

24

DOMA’s broad exclusion of married lesbian and gay

couples from federal benefits. 133 S.Ct. at 2694.

Several thousand children are presently being

raised in lesbian and gay households in Kentucky,

Michigan, Ohio, and Tennessee. DeBoer v. Snyder,

973 F. Supp. 2d 757, 771 (E.D. Mich. 2013). Because

their parents cannot marry and cannot adopt these

children as couples, the children risk devastating

instability in the event that their legal parents die or

are incapacitated. Jd. at 763-64. Moreover, these

Respondent-States argue that a marital household

provides a more stable, nurturing environment for

children even as they deny that advantage to

children raised by lesbian and gay couples. Even as

the Respondent-States do not contest the right of

such couples to adopt children, they deny them the

ability to raise those children in marital households.

Ill.STATE JUSTIFICATIONS FOR THEIR

EXCLUSIONARY MARRIAGE LAWS

CONFLICT WITH EQUAL PROTECTION

AND ITS BAR TO CLASS LEGISLATION

The close connection between the 20th-century

laws ostracizing gays and lesbians and the family-

law regimes at issue in the cases here raises grave

doubts regarding whether the exclusion of same-sex

couples comports with the demands of the Equal

Protection Clause. Although the original meaning of

“equal protection” allows states to justify exclusions

based on public need, the justifications offered now

by the Respondents make clear that their

distinctions between opposite-sex and same-sex

couples do not serve any legitimate interest and are

25

instead founded on the core stereotypes that have

underwritten the past century’s anti-gay legislation.

A. RESPONDENTS’ EXCLUSIONARY LAWS

ADVANCE NO LEGITIMATE PUBLIC

INTEREST

According to the court below, the goal of state

marriage laws is to channel sexually active straight

couples into “stable relationships within which

children may flourish.” DeBoer, 772 F.3d at 404-085.

Conceding that the Respondents issue marriage

licenses to non-procreating straight couples, the

court opined that the statutory schemes were only a

bit “underinclusive,” which did not make them

problematic under ordinary rational basis review. Id.

at 405. There are a few problems with this analysis.

For one thing, the Sixth Circuit mischaracterized

the state family-law regimes at issue in these cases.

For the Respondents, the purpose of civil marriage is

to provide structure for committed relationships and

families. DeBoer, 772 F.3d at 405, a purpose fully

applicable to lesbian and gay couples. Respondent-

States issue marriage licenses to non-procreative

heterosexual (including older) couples, allow spouses

to have children with the aid of reproductive

technologies that avoids intercourse, and encourage

married couples to adopt children. DeBoer, 772 F.

Supp. 2d at 764-65. If channeling procreative couples

into marriage is the purpose of these states’ family

laws, the laws are both over-inclusive (sanctioning

many relationships that evade this goal) and under-

inclusive (ignoring lesbian and gay couples who do

have children). The precise discrimination here “is at

once too narrow and too broad” to find justification in

this rationale. Romer, 517 U.S. at 633.

26

Moreover, the Sixth Circuit’s narrative is

incomplete. By its account, lesbian and gay couples

have been “left behind” because the Respondent-

States have just not gotten around to updating their

marriage laws. The court below conceded the “costs

to the plaintiffs of allowing the States to work

through this profound policy debate,” but urged, from

a “Burkean sense of caution,” that courts should

allow “state democratic forces” to solve the problems

caused by the state’s own longstanding anti-gay

caste regime when “evolving community mores show

they should be fixed.” DeBoer, 772 F.3d at 406-07.

This is not a case, however, where the

Respondent-States have simply been slower than

others in extending the protection of the law to gay

couples. Instead, each state has gone out of its way to

further exclude lesbian and gay couples from family

law; three of the states have even updated their

constitutions to bar non-marital forms of

institutional recognition of gay families—an

unprecedented exclusion in U.S. family law.

Remarkably, Michigan has repeatedly denied lesbian

and gay employees basic contract rights to partner

benefits taken for granted by married straight

employees. How does acting to deny a basic contract

rights reflect a “Burkean sense of caution”?

By asking only whether a discriminatory law

meets the needs of some citizens—and refusing to

consider whether the discrimination itself advances

legitimate state goals—the lower court’s analysis

defies this Court’s precedents.

In Romer, Colorado justified its exclusion of gay

citizens from anti-discrimination laws as a means of

conserving enforcement resources by limiting those

27

laws to traits courts found to be “suspect

classifications.” Brief for Petitioner, at 41-43, Romer,

517 U.S. 620 (No. 94-1039). Because the main focus

of anti-discrimination law has been to protect racial

minorities, the state argued that those laws might be

limited to their core protection and that the Equal

Protection Clause tolerates this sort of under-

inclusion. This Court rejected that argument, Romer,

517 U.S. at 635, and properly so, because the inquiry

suggested by original meaning is not whether a

government program (like marriage) serves the

needs of the majority, but whether including the

excluded minority would undermine the program’s

goals. 2 Story, Commentaries, 706 (quoted above).

In Windsor, this Court likewise considered and

rejected the closely related argument (also offered by

the states here) that excluding same-sex couples

from marriage licenses is permissible because the

focus of family law is to steer potentially procreative

relationships into stable long-term marriages. See

Brief for Respondent the Bipartisan Legal Advisory

Group, at 44-47, Windsor, 133 S.Ct. 2675 (No. 12-

307), making this argument, which was rejected by

this Court in Windsor, 133 S. Ct. at 2694: see id. at

2709-10 (Scalia, J., dissenting) (observing that the

Court’s reasoning is applicable to state exclusions);

id. at 2718 (Alito, J., dissenting) (arguing that this

argument justified DOMA’s | discrimination).

Consistent with original meaning, Windsor

demanded that DOMA’s defenders demonstrate how

the exclusion of lesbian and gay couples advanced

the public interest in civil marriage.

After years of trying, no state has made any kind

of plausible showing along these lines. See Baskin uv.

28

Bogan, 766 F.3d 648, 659-64 (7th Cir. 2014) (Posner,

J.); DeBoer, 772 F.3d at 422-23 (Daughtery, J.,

dissenting). Indeed, in the course of this litigation,

the district court found, as a matter of fact, that the

state policy underlying civil marriage—encouraging

stable parental relationships that benefit children—

would be advanced (and not undermined) by

including lesbian and gay couples, DeBoer, 973 F.

Supp. 2d at 761-65, 770-72, a point conceded by the

court of appeals. DeBoer, 772 F.3d at 405.

There are larger problems with the “irresponsible

procreation” justification for marriage bans,

especially in combination with other justifications,

such as Michigan’s argument that the state can

discriminate against committed lesbian and gay

couples because “it is beneficial for children to be

raised by both a mom and a dad,” Resp. Brief in

Support of Petition, at 27-28, DeBoer v. Snyder, 2014

WL 6706856 (U.S. Nov. 24, 2014) (No. 14-571).

Insofar as that proposition is read to imply that it

harms children to be raised by a same-sex couple—

especially compared to being raised by a single

parent or in foster care—it was thoroughly

discredited by the district court. DeBoer, 973 F.

Supp. 2d at 770-72. There is no evidence that being

raised by two parents of the same sex is inherently

harmful, and this nation’s doctors and scientists

have been saying this with a unified voice for over a

decade. See, e.g., Brief of the American Psychological

Association et al. as Amici Curiae, Hollingsworth v.

Perry, 133 S.Ct. 2652 (2013) (No. 12-144).

Homosexuality is not a disease and a parent's

sexual orientation has no bearing on his or her

29

ability to raise a child. Nor at this point can any

attorney contend otherwise before any court.

B. THESE LAWS CAUSE GREAT PERSONAL

AND CONSTITUTIONAL HARMS BY

PERPETUATING UNFAIR NEGATIVE

STEREOTYPES

The legal regime establishing gay people as a

lesser class was created in an era of increasing

anxiety about new expressions of sexuality and new

patterns of family formation. See, e.g., Eskridge,

Dishonorable Passions, supra note 6, at 76-84:

Freedman, “Unconirolled Desires,” supra note 6, at

89. The sentiment that justified systemic

discrimination was the view that “homosexuals” are

selfish because of their abandonment of “natural”

gender roles and thus are “promiscuous recruiters

and corrupters of children, who cannot have

committed relationships” and families.” See, e.g.,

Angela Simon, The Relationship Between Stereotypes

and Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gays, in Stigma

and Sexual Orientation 62-63 (Gregory Herek, ed.,

1998). In an early example, the Navy warned

recruits: “By [homosexual] conduct, a Navy woman

may ruin her chances for a happy marriage” and

poison relationships with her family. Chaplain’s

Presentation (WAVE Recruits), in Indoctrination of

WAVE Recruits on Subject of Homosexuality (Nov.

1952); see Allan Bérubé & John D’Emilio, The

Military and Lesbians During the McCarthy Years, 9

Signs 759-75 (1984) (reproducing this and other

“indoctrination and education” materials).

For decades, the prevailing accepted wisdom was

that, rather than contribute to families and

communities, “homosexuals have an_ insatiable

30

appetite for sexual activities and find special

gratification in the recruitment to their ranks of

youth.” Florida Legislative Investigation Comm'n,

Homosexuality and Citizenship in Florida 10

(1964).15 Congress endorsed this _ stereotype:

“[Plerverts will frequently attempt to entice normal

individuals to engage in perverted practices. This is

particularly true of young and impressionable people

who come under the influence of a_ pervert.”

Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts

in Government, S. Doc. No. 241, 81st Cong., 2d Sess.

4 (1950).'4 According to the Senate minority leader,

“You can’t hardly separate homosexuals from

subversives,” including Communists. /d. at 30-38

(quotations linking homosexuality and Communism).

This stereotype has been the main justification

for discriminatory family-law rules. Denying child

visitation to a gay (biological) parent, an Ohio court

explained that “given its concern for perpetuating

the values associated with conventional marriage

and the family as the basic unit of society, the state

has a substantial interest in viewing homosexuality

as errant sexual behavior which threatens the social

fabric, and in endeavoring to protect minors from

being influenced by those who advocate homosexual

lifestyles.” Roberts, 489 N.E.2d at 1070; accord, S. v.

S., 608 S.W.2d 64 (Ky. App. 1980); Hall, 95 Mich.

App. at 615.

13 This reasoning underwrote discrimination against gay

schoolteachers. Suzanne E. Eckes & Martha M. McCarthy,

GLBT Teachers: The Evolving Legal Protections, 45 Am. Educ.

Res. J. 530, 531-33 (2008).

14 See also Johnson, Lavender Scare, 101-18 (account of the

committee's deliberations).

31

The same idea is expressed on the face of

Michigan’s 1996 statute and 2004 constitutional

amendment, both purporting to protect society “and

its children” against selfish gay people's assertion of

basic civil rights. As summarized by the legislature,

the 2004 campaign relied on precisely this argument:

“Efforts to alter traditional marriage are driven by

the selfish needs of individuals, not the needs of

children.” [Michigan] House Fiscal Agency,

Legislative Analysis: Prohibit Same-Sex Marriages

and Similar Unions 4 (Oct. 15, 2004).

This stereotype not only sustained anti-

homosexual class legislation, and its recent updates,

but once persuaded this Court to endorse this

regime. When the Court upheld “homosexual

sodomy” laws in Bowers v. Hardwick, 486 U.S. 186

(1986), the fifth vote came from Justice Lewis Powell.

Although he was troubled by mandatory prison

terms for consensual activities harming no one,

Justice Powell was not able to overcome his deeply

held views that the constitutional privacy right only

protected “families,” e.g., Moore v. City of East

Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494 (1977) (Powell. J., for a

plurality) (protecting, as “family.” a grandmother

rearing her grandchildren).

As this Court observed when it overruled Bowers,

Justice Powell and his colleagues “misapprehended

the liberty claim” made by gay people who wanted

the choice to enter into personal relationships,

including those whose bond is “enduring.” Lawrence,

539 U.S. at 566-67. In the wake of Lawrence, states

started to recognize lesbian and gay marriages. By

the time this Court decided Windsor, more than

100,000 lesbian and gay couples were legally

32

married, with almost a third raising children within

their marital households. Gary J. Gates & Abigail M.

Cooke, Williams Inst., United States Census

Snapshot: 2010 (2011), available at

http://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-

content/uploads/Census2010Snapshot-US-v2.pdf.

Put simply, the Respondent-States have created

a broad class-based regime denigrating and denying

fundamental rights and benefits to an unpopular

minority. As in Loving, the underlying stereotype is

linked to sexuality and procreation; and as in Loving,

the stereotype has been most deeply expressed in the

form of marriage exclusion.

The Respondent-States’ justifications have one

odd feature that was absent in Loving. Not only do

Kentucky, Michigan, Ohio, and Tennessee exclude

gay couples from most of the states’ family law—and

not only does their main justification fail to address

the connection between the needs of the excluded

class and their children—but these states invoke the

problems posed by straight couples as a reason to

deny fundamental rights to gay couples. “How ironic

that irresponsible, unmarried, opposite-sex couples

in the Sixth Circuit who produce unwanted offspring

must be ‘channeled’ into marriage and thus

rewarded with its many psychological and financial

benefits, while same-sex couples who become model

parents are punished for their responsible behavior

by being denied the right to marry.” DeBoer, 772

F.3d at 422 (Daughtery, J., dissenting); accord,

Baskin, 766 F.3d at 662 (Posner, J.).

Penalizing a minority for problems created by

the majority is not only unfair scapegoating, but also

implicates the core goals of the Equal Protection

33

Clause. “[L]egal classifications must not be ‘drawn

for the purpose of disadvantaging the group

burdened by the law.” Lawrence, 539 U.S. at 583

(O’Connor, J., concurring) (quoting Romer, 517 U.S.

at 633). Moreover,

there is no more effective practical guaranty

against arbitrary and unreasonable

government than to require that the principles

of law which officials would impose upon a

minority must be imposed __ generally.

Conversely, nothing opens the door to

arbitrary action so effectively as to allow those

officials to pick and choose only a few to whom

they will apply legislation and thus to escape

the political retribution that might be visited

upon them if larger numbers were affected.

Railway Express Agency v. New York, 336 U.S. 106,

112-13 (1949) (@Jackson, J., concurring); accord,

Cruzan v. Director, Mo. Dep’t of Health, 497 U.S. 261,

300 (1990) (Scalia, J., concurring).

The distinctions that the laws at issue here draw

are nothing if not an example of the unjustified

picking and choosing between different classes of

people regarding certain legislative impositions.

34

CONCLUSION

Does the Fourteenth Amendment require states

to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples? Of

course not. The Amendment doesn’t say a word about

marriage licenses. Or driving licenses. Or liquor

licenses, business permits, corporate status, public

schools, libraries, buses, or universities.

Indeed, the Fourteenth Amendment requires

almost nothing affirmative from the states. The only

benefits states must grant are the privileges or

immunities of citizenship, the due process of law

before depriving anyone of life, liberty, or property,

and the equal protection of the laws.

In other words, the Fourteenth Amendment

requires states to issue marriage licenses to same-

sex couples only if they give them to everyone else.

Respectfully submitted,

WILLIAM N. ESKRIDGE JR. ILYA SHAPIRO

Counsel of Record Cato Institute

Yale Law School 1000 Mass. Ave. NW

P.O.Box 208215 Washington, DC 20001

New Haven, CT 06520 (202) 842-2000

(203) 432-9056 ishapiro@cato.org

william.eskridge@yale.edu

March 6, 2015