Amicus Curiae Brief — Obergefell v. Hodges
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Nos. 14-556, 14-562, 14-571, 14-574
3n The
Supreme Court of the Anited
>
JAMES OBERGEFELL, et al.,
Petitioners,
Vv.
RICHARD HODGES, Director,
Ohio Department of Health, et al.,
Respondents.
[Additional Case Captions Listed On Inside Front Cover]
¢
On Writs Of Certiorari To The United States
Court Of Appeals For The Sixth Circuit
S
BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE OF DR. PAUL
McHUGH IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS
*
GERARD V. BRADLEY
Counsel of Record
NOTRE DAME LAW SCHOOL
3156 Eck Hall
Notre Dame, IN 46556
(574) 631-8385
Gerard.V. Bradley. 16@nd.edu
Counsel for Dr. Paul McHugh
——————— ll eee
COCKLE LAW BRIEF PRINTING CO. (800) 225-6964
OR CALL COLLECT (402) 342 2831
VALERIA TANCO, et al.,
Petitioners,
Vv.
BILL HASLAM, Governor of Tennessee, et al.,
Respondents.
+
APRIL DEBOER, et al.,
Petitioners,
Vv.
RICK SNYDER, Governor of Michigan, et al.,
Respondents.
°
GREGORY BOURKE, et al.,
Petitioners,
Vv.
STEVE BESHEAR, Governor of Kentucky, et al.,
Respondents.
i
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
Does the Fourteenth Amendment require a state
to license a marriage between two people of the
same sex?
Does the Fourteenth Amendment require a state
to recognize a marriage between two people of
the same sex when their marriage was lawfully
licensed and performed out of state?
il
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
QUESTIONS PRESENTED ..................-.seesceeeeeeees i
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................:-cessceseeeeeeeees iii
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE...................0..++- 1
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT ....................... 1
TIT cichinicinatiisianiiicintitaniinenigndiniaiinmianginptinian 4
I. Sexual Orientation Does Not Define a Dis-
crete and Insular Minority .......................... 4
A. Threshold Questions Prevent the Court
from Defining a Class Based on Sexual
Orientation with Sufficient Clarity ...... 4
B. Social Science Experts Raise Serious
Doubts About the Definability of Sex-
EE ASS Ce 8
Il. Sexual Orientation is Not an Immutable
TET e Tan re Tee 14
A. Immutability Means Solely an Acci-
a 14
B. Sexual Orientation Is Not Solely an Ac-
NEAR De No ome 15
C. Sexual Orientation Can and Often Does
So 20
iil
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page
CASES:
Ben-Shalom v. Marsh, 881 F.2d (7th Cir. 1989) .......... 4
Burlington N. R.R. Co. v. Ford, 504 U.S. 648
EERSTE eee ne ee eee eee NT 5
Citizens for Equal Prot. v. Bruning, 455 F.3d
I ileal 4,7
City of Cleburne, Tex. v. Cleburne Living Center,
I eect 6, 7
Equality Found. of Greater Cincinnati, Inc. v.
City of Cincinnati, 128 F.3d 289 (6th Cir.
ici a ta el 4
Frontiero v. Richardson, 411 U.S. 677 (1973)............ 15
Gomez v. Perez, 409 U.S. 535 (1973)...................2.00- 14
Graham v. Richardson, 403 U.S. 365 (1971)............. 14
Johnson v. Johnson, 385 F.3d 503 (5th Cir.
ETE ae REALE Re ear oe ae DRI Te I SS 4
Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558 (2003)................. 4,19
Locke v. Davey, 540 U.S. 712 (2004) ...............ccccceeeeeeee 5
Lofton v. Sec’y of Dep't of Children & Family
Servs., 358 F.3d 804 (11th Cir. 2004)...............0........ 4
Lyng v. Castillo, 477 U.S. 635 (1986)..................... 5,15
Mass. Bd. of Ret. v. Murgia, 427 U.S. 307
STRESS Ee Re eee 2,5, 7
Massachusetts v. Dep't of Health & Human
Servs., 682 F.3d 1 (ist Cir. 2012).................ccceccscoeees 4
iv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Milligan-Hitt v. Bd. of Trustees of Sheridan
County Sch. Dist. No. 2, 523 F.3d 1219 (10th
Se Se tcreennencncesccsnintnenesesensereneenenianeineenteenmnenenl 4
Oyama v. California, 332 U.S. 633 (1948)................. 14
Parham v. Hughes, 441 U.S. 347 (1979).................... 14
Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982)..............ccecscssereeeees 15
Quiban v. Veterans Administration, 928 F.2d
es IIE, Ct ccccnncnecnennunsnnneeancenecnsenoseeens 15, 20
PE A 0 aE, > aa 14
Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620 (1996).........................2- 4
San Antonio Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Rodriguez, 411
Se 0b Gee bade reincnscmasstonnmennesinncetmanennenenenias passim
Steffan v. Perry, 41 F.3d 677 (D.C. Cir. 1994).............. 4
Thomasson v. Perry, 80 F.3d 915 (4th Cir. 1996)......... 4
Windsor v. United States, 699 F.3d 169 (2d Cir.
SEI cn enasiesnecensecsdniseneenenmninniieimennninenntemineneetenete 4,7
Witt v. Dep’t of Air Force, 527 F.3d 806 (9th Cir.
I dacinittbiviannsinntintiininidinipabdnmndiniiddninadandddédisienetiitiebiaiions 4
Woodward v. United States, 871 F.2d 1068
PEIEEE, ENE: CEI cinidinstciicsindeindinsinininneidnianetpninnieniesansdeimansnsesent 4
CONSTITUTION
III IIIT. UD onus nnininennsgnnnnniisdpeniinieannniiinnaniniil 5
ee, IR, SIIINITE TIIIIET 0inurrenninsigpenmiamicianenediiensiitl 5,17
Vv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
OTHER AUTHORITIES:
Am. Psychiatric Ass’n, LGBT-Sexual Orienta-
tion, http://www.psychiatry.org/mental-health/
people/igbt-sexual-orientation (last visited Jan.
Bike SPEED cecsesssevencssecestecssevenmasessonseeresssecescosnesneesece
Am. Psychol. Ass’n, Sexual Orientation and Ho-
mosexuality: Answers to Your Questions for a
Better Understanding, What Is Sexual Orien-
tation?, http://www.apa.org/topics/sexuality/
orientation.aspx?item=2 (last visited Jan. 11,
SEE ncrmevsssenssessonesennsenmsassennensesseeteneeiaseusiesueennese
M.V. Lee Badgett, Money, Myths, & Change:
The Economic Lives of Lesbians & Gay Men 4
M.V. Lee Badgett, Sexual Orientation Discrim-
ination: An International Perspective (2007)
Peter S. Bearman & Hannah Bruckner, Oppo-
site-Sex Twins and Adolescent Same-Sex At-
sancoes 9
traction, 107 Am. J. Soc. 1179 (2002)......... 16, 17, 20
Gail S. Bernstein, Defining Sexual Orientation,
Selfhelp Magazine (Sept. 18, 2012), http//www.
selfhelpmagazine.com/articles/sexual_orientation..
Karen L. Bridges & James M. Croteau, Once-
Married Lesbians: Facilitating Changing
Life Patterns, 73 J. Counseling & Dev. 134
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Sean Cahill et al., Family Policy: Issues Affect-
ing Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender
Families, The National Gay and Lesbian Task
Force Policy Institute (2002) ............. 02... ccceeeeeeeeeees 24
C. Charbonneau & P.S. Lander, Redefining Sex-
uality: Women Becoming Lesbian in Mid-Life,
in Lesbians at Mid-Life (B. Sang et al. eds.,
TT cisspinsncteecisentasentidibnepaeansnciniitaniabeeandetiaainiaaiitiauibeadiiiimetnaibiédn 28
Committee on Lesbian Health Research Priorities,
Inst. of Med., Lesbian Health 25 (Andrea L.
EET oe ree 12
Laura Dean et al., Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and
Transgender Health: Findings and Concerns,
J. Gay & Lesbian Med. Ass’n, Sept. 2000, Vol.
© covessecvsccqsecsensencevennssnresesssesoenengeessnsconsseussenebeoceqsenses 9,12
John P. DeCecco, Gay Personality and Sexual
III) accontinceeninmedsesentetneseseniaiinciedeeapicbeennte 13
Lisa M. Diamond & Ritch C. Savin-Williams,
Explaining Diversity in the Development of
Same-Sex Sexuality Among Young Women, 56
J. Soc. Issues 297 (2OOO) .............c.csccccccccececececes 21, 27
Lisa M. Diamond & Ritch C. Savin-Williams,
Gender & Sexual Identity, in Handbook Ap-
plied Dev. Sci. 101 (Richard M. Lerner et al.
AREER seers Re Ome SOR 10
Lisa M. Diamond, Female Bisexuality from
Adolescence to Adulthood: Results from a 10-
Year Longitudinal Study, 44 Dev. Psychol. 5
SETI inichiciiianadiebiiiadanedhbdchadiidiatinguiedaieadievinabinmaeinandiets 22, 25
vii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Lisa M. Diamond, Sexual Fluidity: Understand-
ing Women’s Love and Desire 3 (2008) ...................
Lisa M. Diamond, New Paradigms for Research
on Heterosexual and Sexual Minority Dev.,
32 (4) J. Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychol.,
satanic cain i ii
Lisa M. Diamond, Sexual Identity, Attractions,
and Behavior Among Young Sexual-Minority
Women Over a 2-Year Period, 36 Dev.
es SEE SEITE? ciscnincsisinnshieebindiencssmndsianianvedsiarenins
Nigel Dickson et al., Same Sex Attraction in a
Birth Cohort: Prevalence ard Persistence in
Early Adulthood, 56 Soc. Sci. & Med. 1607
ieee dia iii iii inaiddistl
Richard C. Friedman & Jennifer I. Downey,
Sexual Orientation and Psychoanalysis: Sex-
ual Science and Clinical Practice (2002)................
J.H. Gagnon, The Explicit and Implicit Use of
the Scripting Perspective in Sex Research, 1
Ann. Rev. Sex Research (1990)......................0..20005
Linda D. Garnets & Letitia Anne Peplau, A
New Look at Women’s Sexuality & Sexual
Orientation, CSW Update, Dec. 2006 (2006).....
Gary J. Gates et al., Marriage, Registration
and Dissolution by Same-Sex Couples in the
U.S., Williams Institute (2008) .....................cc cece
Gary J. Gates, How Many People Are Lesbian,
Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender?, Williams
I snniiicsipttiinnnicnedeteminnnnioneinnininieeinetinmeeees
viii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
John C. Gonsiorek & James D. Weinrich, The
Definition and Scope of Sexual Orientation,
in Homosexuality: Research Implications for
Public Policy 8 (John C. Gonsiorek & James
I ae a ene nineniatamnnns
John C. Gonsiorek et al., Definition and Meas-
urement of Sexual Orientation, in Suicide
and Life-Threatening Behavior 40 (1995)........
G.M. Herek et al., Internalized Stigma Among
Sexual Minority Adults, 56 J. Counseling
a ET 1 siipidencnnnimatnionennecnebianeintnibennen
G.M. Herek, Homosexuality, in 4 Encyclopedia
Psychol. 149 (ALE. Kazdin ed., 2000).................
AF. Jorm et al., Cohort Difference in Sexual Ori-
entation: Results from a Large Age-Stratified
Population Sample, 49 Gerontology 392
GD eccececccenensconsssnnensonccconsseensnnssnsesoensuseassoussscocss
Michael R. Kauth & Seth C. Kalichman, Sexu-
al Orientation and Development: An Interac-
tive Approach, in The Psychology of Sexual
Orientation, Behavior, and Identity: A Hand-
book 82 (Louis Diamant & Richard D.
STII. STII ciicirsiernianibininnemtegenabaumnpnonnenes
Kenneth S. Kendler et al., Sexual Orientation
in a U.S. National Sample of Twin and Non-
twin Sibling Pairs, 157 Am. J. Psychiatry
ee senesecstsaicnsnstincsmanerinnstenmstininmanscmmenneees
ix
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Page
Ian Kerner, “Understanding females’ sexual
fluidity,” CNNHealth (Feb. 9, 2012), http://the
chart.blogs.cnn.com/2012/02/09/understanding-
females-sexual-fluidity/ .....................cccceceeeseceseeceees 22
Michael King & Elizabeth McDonald, Homo-
sexuals Who Are Twins, 160 Brit. J. Psychia-
EERE NE RA Pee Ane er a 16
Alfred C. Kinsey et al., Sexual Behavior in the
RARE LAT PSLED ETD ee Oe 13
Fritz Klein et al., Sexual Orientation: A Multi-
Variable Dynamic Process, J. Homosexuality,
EERE EE AE a ee ete er oe adiaeaiea 12
Niklas Langstrom et al., Genetic and Environ-
mental Effects on Same-sex Sexual Behavior:
A Population Study of Twins in Sweden,
Arch. Sexual Behav. 77 (2010).................ceeeceeceeeeees 16
Edward O. Laumann et al., The Social Organi-
zation of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the
III i ccintneindincentacntnipeiaiseminngen 11, 19, 24
A.E. Moses & R.O. Hawkins, Jr., Counseling
Lesbian Women and Gay Men: A Life Issues
ee I eatitcinenenicatiiinncinanniianineniatbubetinienaties 10
Timothy F. Murphy, Gay Science: The Ethics of
Sexual Orientation Research (1997)...............2.0000+- 13
NPR, ‘Late-Life Lesbians’ Reveal Fluidity of
Sexuality (Aug. 7, 2010), http://Awww.npr.org/
templates/story/story.php?storyId=129050832........ 23
x
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Page
Letitia Anne Peplau, Rethinking Women’s Sexual
Ori Ses den Miateeiiiaaiadl , Relationship-
Focused Approach, 8 Personal Relationships
TSE aR le etn cena alee ene ear tc 24
Letitia Anne Peplau et al., The Development of
Sexual Orientation in Women, 10 Ann. Rev.
Sex Research, at 70 (1999)................-....2005. 10, 20, 21
Letitia Anne Peplau & Linda D. Garnets, A
New Paradigm for Understanding Women’s
Sexuality and Sexual Orientation, 56 J. Soc.
TS nA eee nee 15, 22
Todd A. Salzman & Michael G. Lawler, The
Sexual Person: Toward a Renewed Catholic
ee Se itntciniiicnsctidgemmninaninntainnieniel 8,13
Joseph P. Stokes et al, Predictors of Movement
Toward Homosexuality: A Longitudinal Study
of Bisexual Men, 43 J. Sex Res. 304 (1997)............ 23
Ann E. Tweedy, Polyamory as a Sexual Orien-
tation, 79 U. Cin. L. Rev. 1461 (2011) .............. 13, 14
Zhana Vrangalova & Ritch C. Savin-Williams,
Mostly Heterosexual and Mostly Gay/Lesbian:
Evidence of New Sexual Orientation Identi-
ties, Arch. Sexual Behav. 85 (2012) .................. 12, 27
Williams Institute, http-//williamsinstitute.law.
ucla.edu/ (last visited Jan. 11, 2012)...................... ll
xi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES — Continued
Page
Williams Institute: Sexual Minority Assess-
ment Research Team, Best Practices for Ask-
ing Questions about Sexual Orientation on
Surveys (Nov. 2009), http://williamsinstitute.
law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/SMART-FINAL-
EE iiciestesiseinionanciintinniddinmssimnninnnimmedniahinisiaicinens 11
1
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE'
Amicus Dr. Paul McHugh, M.D. is the University
Distinguished Service Professor of Psychiatry at the
Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine. From
1975 until 2001, Dr. McHugh was the Henry Phipps
Professor of Psychiatry and the director of the Depart-
ment of Psychiatry and Behavioral Science at Johns
Hopkins. At the same time, he was psychiatrist-in-
chief at the Johns Hopkins Hospital. His scholarship
and expertise include issues of gender identity and
sexual orientation. Dr. McHugh appears as an amicus
to address whether sexual orientation, like race and
gender, is a clearly definable (discrete) category or a
fixed and immutable characteristic — factors that are
highly relevant to whether this Court should declare
sexual orientation a new suspect class. He concludes
based on the current state of scientific knowledge
that sexual orientation is neither.
°
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
Powerful voices, including the United States De-
partment of Justice, seek to persuade this Court to
recognize sexual orientation as a suspect class. But
* No counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in
part or made a monetary contribution to the preparation or sub-
mission of this brief. Letters from all parties consenting to the
filing of the brief have been submitted to the Clerk. Monetary
support for printing this Brief was provided by the Institute for
Marriage and Public Policy.
2
compelling reasons counsel against taking that mo-
mentous step. Even ignoring the substantial and
growing political power of the LGBT-rights move-
ment, which alone should be sufficient to reject the
demand for heightened scrutiny, sexual orientation is
neither a “discrete” nor “immutable” characteristic
in the legal sense of those terms. Under this Court’s
longstanding jurisprudence, therefore, sexual orienta-
tion should not be granted the “extraordinary protec-
tion from the majoritarian political process” entailed
by suspect-class status. Mass. Bd. of Ret. v. Murgia,
427 U.S. 307, 313 (1976) (citing San Antonio Indep.
Sch. Dist. v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1, 28 (1973)).
Numerous decisions express this Court’s under-
standing that heightened scrutiny is improper for
classifications that are insufficiently discrete. Dis-
creteness requires, at least, that a group or trait be
clearly defined. Sexual orientation fails that test. A
review of scientific studies demonstrates that there is
no scholarly consensus on how to define sexual orien-
tation, and that the various definitions proposed by
experts produce substantially different classes. In
contrast with race and sex, which are well-defined
and understood, and despite popular beliefs to the
contrary, sexual orientation remains a contested and
indeterminate classification.
This Court’s decisions also teach that immuta-
bility is a necessary characteristic for heightened-
scrutiny protection, and that the class-defining trait
must be determined solely by accident of birth. Un-
like the traits of race and sex, and again despite
3
popular beliefs to the contrary, no replicated scientific
study supports the view that sexual orientation is
determined at birth. Studies conclude, instead, that
sexual orientation is influenced by complex and un-
predictable factors. Even if, contrary to its past de-
cisions, the Court were to expand the concept of
immutability from a trait determined by accident of
birth to a personal trait that cannot change — and
there are surely many of those — scientific research
offers substantial evidence that sexual orientation is
far more fluid than commonly assumed.
This brief takes no position on the proper defini-
tion or cause of sexual orientation. Those are matters
for ongoing scholarly inquiry and debate. Amicus’s
more modest point is that scholars do not know
enough about what sexual orientation is, what causes
it, and why and how it sometimes changes for the
Court to recognize it as the defining feature of a new
suspect class.
4
ARGUMENT
I. Sexual Orientation Does Not Define a Dis-
crete and Insular Minority.
A. Threshold Questions Prevent the Court
from Defining a Class Based on Sexual
Orientation with Sufficient Clarity.
This Court has never suggested that sexual ori-
entation is a suspect class entitled to heightened
scrutiny under the Equal Protection Clause,’ and no
fewer than 10 federal circuits have considered and
rejected that claim.’ Only the Second Circuit, in a
decision striking down the federal Defense of Mar-
riage Act, has held that “homosexuals compose a class
that is subject to heightened scrutiny.” Windsor v.
United States, 699 F.3d 169, 185 (2d Cir. 2012).
* The Court’s leading cases on sexual orientation are Romer
v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620, 635 (1996), decided on “conventional”
rational-basis review, and Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 575
(2003), decided under the Due Process Clause and not as a
matter of equal protection.
* See Massachusetts v. Dep't of Health & Human Servs., 682
F.3d 1, 9-10 (1st Cir. 2012); Thomasson v. Perry, 80 F.3d 915
(4th Cir. 1996); Johnson v. Johnson, 385 F.3d 503, 532 (5th
Cir. 2004); Equality Found. of Greater Cincinnati, Inc. v. City of
Cincinnati, 128 F.3d 289 (6th Cir. 1997); Ben-Shalom v. Marsh,
881 F.2d 454, 464 (7th Cir. 1989); Citizens for Equal Prot. v.
Bruning, 455 F.3d 859, 866 (8th Cir. 2006); Witt v. Dep't of Air
Force, 527 F.3d 806, 821 (9th Cir. 2008); Milligan-Hitt v. Bd. of
Trustees of Sheridan County Sch. Dist. No. 2, 523 F.3d 1219,
1233 (10th Cir. 2008); Lofton v. Sec’y of Dept of Children &
Family Servs., 358 F.3d 804, 818 & n.16 (11th Cir. 2004); Steffan
v. Perry, 41 F.3d 677 (D.C. Cir. 1994) (en banc); Woodward v.
United States, 871 F.2d 1068 (Fed. Cir. 1989).
5
Adding sexual orientation to the catalog of sus-
pect classes is a long and consequential step that the
Court’s established approach to the Equal Protection
Clause does not support. The Court applies height-
ened scrutiny to certain classifications, such as race,
alienage, national origin, and gender, to protect “‘dis-
crete and insular’ group[s], in need of ‘extraordinary
protection from the majoritarian political process.”
Murgia, 427 U.S. at 313 (quoting Rodriguez, 411 U.S.
at 28).‘ But the Court has repeatedly declined to ap-
ply heightened scrutiny where discreteness or insu-
larity is lacking. Jd. at 313-314 (“old age does not
define a ‘discrete and insular’ group” (quoting United
States v. Carolene Products Co., 304 U.S. 144, 152-53
n.4)); Rodriguez, 411 U.S. at 25-28 (1973) (explain-
ing the law in question did not discriminate against
any “definable category of ‘poor’ people,” but rather
against a “large, diverse, and amorphous class”);
Lyng v. Castillo, 477 U.S. 635, 638 (1986) (noting
close relatives are not a suspect class because they
“do not exhibit obvious, immutable, or distinguishing
* Although religion is often listed as a suspect class for
equal protection purposes, see, e.g., Burlington N. R.R. Co. v.
Ford, 504 U.S. 648, 651 (1992), heightened scrutiny for religious
discrimination arises directly from the First Amendment rather
than from factors like immutability and political powerlessness
that justify suspect-class status under the Equal Protection
Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Hence, once protections
under the Free Exercise and Establishment Clauses have been
satisfied, any further religious discrimination claims under the
Equal Protection Clause is subject only to rational basis review.
See Locke v. Davey, 540 U.S. 712, 720 n.3 (2004).
6
characteristics that define them as a discrete group”);
City of Cleburne, Tex. v. Cleburne Living Center, 473
U.S. 432, 445 (1985) (denying protected status to the
mentally disabled in part because they are a “large
and amorphous” class). These decisions teach that
“where individuals in the group affected by a law
have distinguishing characteristics relevant to inter-
ests the State has the authority to implement, the
courts have been very reluctant, as they should be
in our federal system and with our respect for the
separation of powers, to closely scrutinize legislative
choices as to whether, how, and to what extent those
interests should be pursued.” City of Cleburne, 473
U.S. at 441-42.
The Court’s reluctance to create new suspect
classes is particularly appropriate here because sex-
ual orientation is a less discrete characteristic than
age or poverty, which the Court has already refused
to accord suspect-class status. In Rodriguez, for in-
stance, the Court rejected the claim that the Texas
statutory regime for allocating funding for public
schools violated the Equal Protection Clause by dis-
criminating against the poor. Rodriguez, 411 U.S.
at 54-55. The Court sharply criticized lower courts
for “virtually assum[ing] their findings of a suspect
classification through a simplistic process of analysis:
since, under the traditional systems of financing pub-
lic schools, some poorer people receive less expensive
educations than other more affluent people, these
systems discriminate on the basis of wealth.” Id. at
19. The Court warned that “[t]his approach largely
7
ignores the hard threshold questions, including whether
it makes a difference, for purposes of consideration
under the Constitution, that the class of disadvan-
taged ‘poor’ cannot be identified or defined in custom-
ary equal protection terms.” Jd. Such “hard threshold
questions” determine whether a class ought to be
accorded special treatment under the Fourteenth
Amendment — questions that begin with whether the
equal protection claim is clothed with a “definitive
description of the classifying facts or delineation of
the disfavored class.” Id.; accord City of Cleburne, 473
U.S. at 442 & n.9 (rejecting mental retardation as a
suspect class).
In Windsor the Second Circuit “ignore[d] the hard
threshold questions,” by reasoning that a class is
sufficiently discrete to qualify for heightened scrutiny
if its identifying “characteristic invites discrimination
when it is manifest.” Windsor, 699 F.3d at 184. A test
so indeterminate conflicts with Murgia, Rodriguez,
and City of Cleburne, because age, poverty, and men-
tal disability can “invite[] discrimination when [they
are] manifest.” Jd. Certain types of sexual orientation
may invite discrimination in particular circumstances,
but it does not follow that sexual orientation is the
characteristic of a discrete class. To be sure, sexual
orientation characterizes the difference between het-
erosexuals, gay men, lesbians, and bisexuals. But for
reasons amicus explains below, sexual orientation
also may characterize points along a continuum of
sexual attraction, sexual behavior, and sexual iden-
tity where individual categories are anything but
8
distinct. For that reason alone, sexual orientation
should be rejected as the basis for heightened scru-
tiny because it “cannot be identified or defined in
customary equal protection terms.” Rodriguez, 411
U.S. at 19.
B. Social Science Experts Raise Serious
Doubts About the Definability of Sexual
Orientation.
Deep conceptual and empirical difficulties pre-
vent sexual orientation from being used to define a
discrete class of persons. Sexual orientation is a com-
plex and amorphous phenomenon that often defies
consistent and uniform definition. “There is currently
no scientific or popular consensus .. . that definitively
‘qualify an individual as lesbian, gay, or bisexual.”
Lisa M. Diamond, New Paradigms for Research on
Heterosexual and Sexual Minority Dev., 32 (4) J.
Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychol., 492 (2003).
“Much of the confusion about sexual orientation oc-
curs because there is no single agreed upon definition
of the term. ... There is no one universally accepted
definition of sexual orientation, nor of who is bi-
sexual, lesbian, or gay.” Gail S. Bernstein, Defining
Sexual Orientation, Selfhelp Magazine (Sept. 18,
2012), http://www.selfhelpmagazine.com/articles/sexual_
orientation. See also Todd A. Salzman & Michael G.
Lawler, The Sexual Person: Toward a Renewed Catho-
lic Anthropology 65 (2008) (“The meaning of the
phrase ‘sexual orientation’ is complex and not univer-
sally agreed upon.”).
9
Scientific literature often mentions three differ-
ent ways to define homosexuality. “Does it mean
someone who engages in same-sex sexual behavior?
Someone who fantasizes about such acts? Someone
who will identify himself or herself as gay or lesbian?”
M.V. Lee Badgett, Money, Myths, & Change: The Eco-
nomic Lives of Lesbians & Gay Men 4 (2001). Most
definitions of sexual orientation “include[] compo-
nents of at least one of three” of the dimensions of
behavior, attraction, and identity. Laura Dean et al.,
Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Health:
Findings and Concerns, J. Gay & Lesbian Med. Ass’n,
Sept. 2000, Vol. 4, at 135. Some definitions include all
three and, additionally, membership in a community
defined by sexual orientation. The APA’s definition
holds that “[sJexual orientation refers to an enduring
pattern of emotional, romantic, and/or sexual attrac-
tions to men, women, or both sexes. Sexual orienta-
tion also refers to a person’s sense of identity based on
those attractions, related behaviors, and membership
in a community of others who share those attrac-
tions.” Am. Psychol. Ass’n, Sexual Orientation and
Homosexuality: Answers to Your Questions for a Better
Understanding, What Is Sexual Orientation?, http://
www.apa.org/topics/sexuality/orientation.aspx?7item=2
(last visited Jan. 11, 2012) (emphasis added).
The problem with sexual orientation, so defined,
is that many people are not consistent across all three
dimensions. “There is a physical orientation, an affec-
tional orientation, and a fantasy orientation, with each
of those three further divided into a past (historical)
10
component and a present component. A person’s be-
havior may be totally at variance with all aspects of
orientation, and the various parts of orientation may
not all agree.” AE. Moses & R.O. Hawkins, Jr., Coun-
seling Lesbian Women and Gay Men: A Life Issues
Approach 43 (1982). “The more carefully researchers
map these constellations, differentiating, for example,
between gender identity and sexual identity, desire
and behavior, sexual versus affectionate feelings,
early-appearing versus late-appearing attractions
and fantasies, or social identifications and sexual pro-
files, the more complicated the picture becomes be-
cause few individuals report uniform intercorrelations
among these domains.” Lisa M. Diamond & Ritch C.
Savin-Williams, Gender & Sexual Identity, in Hand-
book Applied Dev. Sci. 101, 102 (Richard M. Lerner
et al. eds., 2003). Many other researchers also ac-
knowledge discordance between components of sexual
orientation. See John C. Gonsiorek & James D.
Weinrich, The Definition and Scope of Sexual Orien-
tation, in Homosexuality: Research Implications for
Public Policy 8 (John C. Gonsiorek & James D.
Weinrich eds., 1991) (“It can be safely assumed that
there is no necessary relationship between a person’s
sexual behavior and self-identity unless both are in-
dividually assessed.”); Letitia Anne Peplau et al., The
Development of Sexual Orientation in Women, 10 Ann.
Rev. Sex Research, at 70 (1999) (“[T]here is ample
documentation that same-sex attractions and behav-
iors are not inevitably or inherently linked to one’s
identity.”).
11
Practical consequences follow from these defini-
tional uncertainties. Different definitions produce
substantially different estimates of the size of the
homosexual population. “Sizable numbers of people
reporting only same-sex attraction and/or behavior
self-identify as heterosexual or bisexual. Similarly,
sizable numbers of those who identify as gay or
lesbian report some sexual partners of a different
sex and/or some level of attraction to different sex
partners.” Williams Institute: Sexual Minority As-
sessment Research Team, Best Practices for Asking
Questions about Sexual Orientation on Surveys, 6-
7 (Nov. 2009), http://williamsinstitute. law.ucla.edu/
wp-content/uploads/SMART-FINAL-Nov-2009.pdf.° The
“Chicago Sex Survey,” considered one of the most re-
liable scholarly efforts to determine sexual practices
in the United States, reported that of the portion of
the population exhibiting at least one of the three
components of sexual orientation, only 15% of the
women and 24% of the men exhibited all three. See
Edward O. Laumann et al., The Social Organization
of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States
299 (1994). This and other national studies led one
group of researchers to conclude that “(djepending
upon how [the class] is defined and measured, 1-21%
of the population could be classified as lesbian or
gay to some degree, with the remainder classified as
* The Williams Institute is an LGBT-rights think tank at
UCLA Law. See Williams Institute, http://williamsinstitute law.
ucla.edu/ (last visited Jan. 11, 2012).
12
bisexual or heterosexual to some degree.” Dean et al.,
supra, at 135.
Even more problematic, the definitional complex-
ity is not limited to the familiar categories of straight,
homosexual, bisexual, and their variations. Some re-
searchers believe that “sexual orientation cannot be
reduced to a bipolar or even a tripolar process, but must
be recognized within a dynamic and multi-variate
framework.” Fritz Klein et al., Sexual Orientaticn: A
Multi-Variable Dynamic Process, J. Homosexuality,
11 (1), at 35-49 (1985). Others recommend the use of
a 17-question, multiple-subpart test to measure sex-
ual orientation. John C. Gonsiorek et al., Definition
and Measurement of Sexual Orientation, in Suicide
and Life-Threatening Behavior 40 (1995). Still other
researchers say that sexual orientation must be
analyzed on a continuum. See Zhana Vrangalova &
Ritch C. Savin-Williams, Mostly Heterosexual and
Mostly Gay/Lesbian: Evidence of New Sexual Orienta-
tion Identities, Arch. Sexual Behav. 85, 96 (2012)
(“Taken together, these data suggest that sexual
orientation is a continuously distributed characteris-
tic and decisions to categorize it into discrete units,
regardless of how many, may be useful for particular
research questions but are ultimately external impo-
sitions that are not consistent with reports of indi-
viduals.”); Committee on Lesbian Health Research
Priorities, Inst. of Med., Lesbian Health 25-26 (Andrea
L. Solarz ed., 1999) (“In general, sexual orientation
is most often described as including behavioral,
affective (i.e., desire or attraction), and cognitive (i.e.,
13
identity) dimensions that occur along continua.”). And
others, with the caveat that “the concept of sexual
onentation is a product of contemporary Western
thought,” apply a distinct definition for a specific re-
search purpose Timothy F. Murphy, Gay Science: The
Ethics of Sexual Orientation Research 15-24 (1997);
Alfred C. Kinsey et al., Sexual Behavior in the Hu-
man Male 639 (1948) (“Males do not represent two
discrete populations, heterosexual and homosexual.”).
Given the complexities of defining sexual orienta-
tion, it should not be surprising that some experts
openly admit that “the categories of homosexual, gay,
and lesbian do not signify a common, universal expe-
rience.” Salzman & Lawler, supra, at 2. Because there
is nO common experience, one can anticipate argu-
ments for an ever-broadening definition of exactly
who belongs in a judicially-protected class founded on
sexual orientation. “It will be useful to expand our
notions of sexual orientation to include more than
just bisexuality, heterosexuality and homosexual-
ity.... With respect to various components of sexual
evlentation. an individual may be heterosexual, ho-
mosexual, bisexual, as well as fetishistic, trans-
vestitic, zoophiliac, and so on. It is important to note
that these are not mutually exclusive categories.”
John P. DeCecco, Gay Personality and Sexual Label-
ing 16 (1985). Even polyamory, “a preference for
having multiple romantic relationships simultane-
ously,” has been defended as “a type of sexual orienta-
tion for purposes of anti-discrimination law.” Ann
E. Tweedy, Polyamory as a Sexual Orientation, 79
14
U. Cin. L. Rev. 1461, 1462 (2011). And “asexuality” —
the absence of any sexual attraction — is being dis-
cussed as a possible sexual orientation. Jd. at 1463
n.4. Its very capaciousness might lead one reasonably
to “conclude there is serious doubt whether sexual
orientation is a valid concept at all. Social construc-
tionism suggests that there is nothing ‘real’ about
sexual orientation except a society's construction of
it.” Gonsiorek et al., supra, at 4.
Because scientific experts cannot agree on how to
define it with substantial certainty, this Court should
reject the category of sexual orientation as incapable
of being “identified or defined in customary equal
protection terms.” Rodriguez, 411 U.S. at 19.
Ii. Sexual Orientation is Not an Immutable
Characteristic.
A. Immutability Means Solely an Accident
of Birth.
Sexual orientation also fails the ordinary stan-
dards for heightened scrutiny because it is not immu-
table. Every class to which the Supreme Court has
applied heightened scrutiny is defined by an immuta-
ble characteristic. Parham v. Hughes, 441 U.S. 347,
351 (1979) (citing McLaughlin v. Florida, 379 U.S.
184 (1964) (race); Oyama v. California, 332 U.S. 633
(1948) (national origin); Graham v. Richardson, 403
U.S. 365 (1971) (alienage); Gomez v. Perez, 409 U.S.
535 (1973) (illegitimacy); Reed v. Reed, 404 U.S. 71
(1971) (gender)). Moreover, the Supreme Court has
15
refused to apply heightened scrutiny to classes that
are not marked by an immutable characteristic. E.g.,
Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202, 220 (1982) (undocumented
aliens); Lyng v. Castillo, 477 U.S. 635, 639 (1986)
(close relatives). The Court’s jurisprudence makes
clear that immutability is a necessary condition for
recognizing a new protected class.
The Court’s precedents teach that immutability
denotes a characteristic “determined solely by the ac-
cident of birth.” Frontiero v. Richardson, 411 U.S.
677, 686 (1973). As then-Jidge Ginsburg explained,
“the ‘immutable characteristic’ notion ... does not
mean, broadly, something done that cannot be un-
done. Instead, it is a trait ‘determined solely by ac-
cident of birth.’” Quiban v. Veterans Administration,
928 F.2d 1154, 1160 n.13 (D.C. Cir. 1991) (quoting
Schweiker v. Wilson, 450 U.S. 221, 229 n.11 (1981)).
B. Sexual Orientation Is Not Solely an Ac-
cident of Birth.
Sexual orientation, unlike race or gender, is not
determined solely or even primarily at birth — there is
no convincing evidence that biology is decisive. On
the contrary, some researchers have concluded that
biological and genetic factors play little to no role
in sexual orientation. E.g., Letitia Anne Peplau &
Linda D. Garnets, A New Paradigm for Understand-
ing Women’s Sexuality and Sexual Orientation, 56
J. Soc. Issues 329, 332 (2000) (“Although additional
research will fill in gaps in our knowledge, there is no
16
reason to expect that biological factors play anything
other than a minor and probably indirect role in
women’s sexual orientation.”). Rather, there is “sub-
stantial indirect evidence in support of a socialization
model at the individual level.” Peter S. Bearman &
Hannah Bruckner, Opposite-Sex Twins and Adoles-
cent Same-Sex Attraction, 107 Am. J. Soc. 1179, 1180
(2002) (finding “no support for genetic influences on
same-sex preference net of social structural con-
straints.”).
Studies of identical twins have confirmed that
same-sex attraction is not solely determined by he-
redity or other biological factors. See id. at 1196-
97 (finding concordance rates of 6.7% for identical
twins); Niklas Langstrom et al., Genetic and Envi-
ronmental Effects on Same-sex Sexual Behavior: A
Population Study of Twins in Sweden, Arch. Sexual
Behav. 77-78 (2010) (finding concordance rates of
18% for male identical twins and 22% for female
identical twins); Kenneth S. Kendler et al., Sexual
Orientation in a U.S. National Sample of Twin and
Nontwin Sibling Pairs, 157 Am. J. Psychiatry 1843,
1845 (2000) (finding concordance rates of 31.6% for
identical twins). Because there is not 100% concor-
dance among identical twins, genetic factors are not
the sole cause of sexual orientation. See Michael King
& Elizabeth McDonald, Homosexuals Who Are Twins,
160 Brit. J. Psychiatry 407, 409 (1992) (concluding
that “genetic factors are insufficient explanation of
the development of sexual orientation,” because “(t]he
co-twins of men and women who identify themselves
17
as homosexual appear to have a potential for a range
of sexual expression.”).
Other studies have found strong correlations
between sexual orientation and external factors, such
as family setting, environment, and social conditions,
which are difficult if not impossible to explain under
exclusively biological theories. Professors at Colum-
bia University reported, for instance, that “[a]mong
male [opposite-sex] twins, the proportion reporting a
same-sex romantic attraction is twice as high among
those without older brothers (18.7%) than among those
with older brothers (8.8%).” Bearman & Bruckner,
supra, at 1196-97. Researchers in Australia discov-
ered “a major cohort effect in same-gender sexual
behavior” and noted that this had “implications for
purely biological theories of sexual orientation, be-
cause there must be historical changes in environ-
mental factors that account for such an effect.” A.F.
Jorm et al., Cohort Difference in Sexual Orientation:
Results from a Large Age-Stratified Population Sam-
ple, 49 Gerontology 392, 393 (2003). The Chicago Sex
Survey found that men were twice as likely and
women nine times as likely to identify as gay or
bisexual if they had completed college. Laumann et
al., supra, at 305. Researchers in New Zealand noted
a correlation between sexual orientation and certain
social conditions: “The overall higher rate of same-sex
attraction and contact for women in New Zealand in
relation to other comparable countries, almost cer-
tainly represents a recent increase in prevalence. As
such it argues strongly against a purely genetic
18
explanation and suggests the environment can have a
significant influence. It might be related to social
changes which have happened with particular inten-
sity and rapidity in this country.” Nigel Dickson et al.,
Same Sex Attraction in a Birth Cohort: Prevalence
and Persistence in Early Adulthood, 56 Soc. Sci. &
Med. 1607, 1613 (2003).
Studies like these have led scientists to conclude
that sexual orientation is influenced by a variety
of factors beyond genetics or biology alone. See, e.g.,
G.M. Herek, Homosexuality, in 4 Encyclopedia Psychol.
149, 150 (A.E. Kazdin ed., 2000) (political or aesthetic
values); J.H. Gagnon, The Explicit and Implicit Use
of the Scripting Perspective in Sex Research, 1 Ann.
Rev. Sex Research, at 1-43 (1990) (visible gay and
lesbian communities); M.V. Lee Badgett, Sexual Ori-
entation Discrimination: An International Perspective
23 (2007) (socioeconomic outcomes); Linda D. Garnets
& Letitia Anne Peplau, A New Look at Women’s
Sexuality & Sexual Orientation, CSW Update, Dec.
2006, at 5 (2006) (sexual orientation is shaped by
“cultural beliefs about gender and sexuality, by kin-
ship systems, by economic opportunities, by social
status and power, by attitudes about women’s roles,
by whether or not sexual identities are recognized in
a given culture, and by attitudes of acceptance versus
rejection toward sexual minorities.”).°
* It is sometimes suggested that sexual orientation is ge-
netically based, and that its development and expression owe, to
(Continued on following page)
19
In brief, available evidence casts serious doubt on
the simplistic, popular notion that sexual orientation
is biologically determined. There is simply no firm
evidence to support that conclusion, only unproven
theories. As the American Psychiatric Association’s
latest statement on the issue summarizes: “Currently
there is a renewed interest in searching for biological
etiologies for homosexuality. However, to date there
are no replicated scientific studies supporting any
specific biological etiology for homosexuality.” See Am.
Psychiatric Ass’n, LGBT-Sexual Orientation, http://
www.psychiatry.org/mental-health/people/lgbt-sexual-
orientation (last visited Jan. 11, 2012) (emphasis
some limited extent, to very early life experiences. In this view,
sexual orientation is like Jeft-handedness, which surely appears
to be both inherited and a product of early childhood develop-
mental. There is, however, little social scientific evidence to
support this hypothesis. Indeed, if this hypothesis were sound,
one would expect that sexual orientation — like left-handedness
— would be randomly and uniformly distributed throughout the
population. But it is not so distributed. Laumann and collabora-
tors have shown, for example, that there is a remarkable
difference in the rates of male homosexual behavior in America,
depending upon whether the subject lived through adolescence
in a rural or an urban area. Whereas only 1.2% of males with
rural adolescence had a male sexual partner in the year of
survey, those with metropolitan adolescence had nearly four
times (4.4%) that rate of male sexual partners. Laumann, et al,
supra, at 303-04.
One reflection of the social and cultural influences upon
sexual orientation was supplied by Justice Kennedy when he
wrote, for the Court in Lawrence v. Texas, that “the concept of
the homosexual as a distinct category of person did not emerge
until the late 19th century.” 539 U.S. at 568.
20
added). See also Peplau et al., Development of Sexual
Orientation, supra, at 81 (“To recap, more than 50
years of research has failed to demonstrate that bi-
ological factors are a major influence in the develop-
ment of women’s sexual orientation. ... Contrary to
popular belief, scientists have not convincingly dem-
onstrated that biology determines women’s sexual
orientation.”). And some research suggests that bi-
ology does not even play an important role in deter-
mining sexual orientation. See Bearman & Bruckner,
supra, at 1180. As such, “the assertion that homosex-
uality is genetic is so reductionistic that it must be
dismissed out of hand as a general principle of psy-
chology.” Richard C. Friedman & Jennifer I. Downey,
Sexual Orientation and Psychoanalysis: Sexual Sci-
ence and Clinical Practice 39 (2002).
Sexual orientation is not immutable. Unlike
every other class-defining trait accepted by the Court,
such as race or gender, the best available evidence
concludes that sexual orientation is not “a trait
‘determined solely by accident of birth.’” Quiban, 928
F.2d at 1160 n.13 (Ginsburg, J.).
C. Sexual Orientation Can and Often Does
Change Over Time.
Even if the concept of immutability were ex-
panded from a trait determined by accident of birth to
a trait that is firmly resistant to change, there is
21
significant evidence that sexual orientation is more
plastic than commonly supposed.’ Changes in sexual
orientation are difficult to measure because of the
definitional ambiguities described above, but re-
searchers have found that all three of the most fre-
quently mentioned dimensions of sexual orientation
— attraction, behavior, and identity — are subject to
change over time. Moreover, the presence of a large
bisexual population is evidence that sexual orienta-
tion is, for some people and to some extent, fluid.
Research suggests that a person’s sexual orienta-
tion is not entirely fixed and may be influenced by
individual preference or choice. See Lisa M. Diamond
& Ritch C. Savin-Williams, Explaining Diversity in
the Development of Same-Sex Sexuality Among Young
Women, 56 J. Soc. Issves 297, 301 (2000) (“Contrary
to the notion that most sexual minorities undergo a
one-time discovery of their true identities, 50% of [a
study’s] respondents had changed their identity label
more than once since first relinquishing their hetero-
sexual identity.”). Sexual orientation appears to be
especially plastic for women. See Peplau et al., Devel-
opment of Sexual Orientation, supra, at 93 (noting the
“astonishing sexual plasticity of the human female”).
” Of course, the Court has never suggested such an expan-
sive approach, which could potentially lead to dozens of new
suspect classes based on personal traits or conditions that are
nearly impossible to change, such as certain mental illnesses or
physical disabilities. The point is that even under a more liberal
approach sexual orientation would not qualify.
22
“Female sexual development is a potentially continu-
ous, lifelong process in which multiple changes in
sexual orientation are possible. ... Women who have
had exclusively heterosexual experiences may devel-
op an attraction to other women, and vice versa.”
Garnets & Peplau, A New Look, supra, at 5. Re-
searchers have found that “both women’s identifi-
cation as lesbian, bisexual, or heterosexual and
women’s actual behavior can vary over time.” Peplau
& Garnets, A New Paradigm, supra, at 333; see also
Lisa M. Diamond, Sexual Identity, Attractions, and
Behavior Among Young Sexual-Minority Women Over
a 2-Year Period, 36 Dev. Psychol. 241, 247 (2000)
(“Half of the young women ... relinquished the first
sexual-minority identity they adopted.”). Indeed, a
10-year study of 79 non-heterosexual women reported
that 67% changed their identity at least once and
36% changed their identity more than once. Lisa M.
Diamond, Female Bisexuality from Adolescence to
Adulthood: Results: from a 10-Year Longitudinal
Study, 44 Dev. Psychol. 5, 9 (2008)."
* Professor Diamond’s seminal research on the fluidity of
female sexuality was summarized in a widely-praised book pub-
lished by Harvard University Press. See Lisa M. Diamond, Sex-
ual Fluidity: Understanding Women’s Love and Desire 3 (2008)
(“[O)ne of the fundamental, defining features of female sexuality
_ is its fluidity. We are now on the brink of a revolutionary new
understanding of female sexuality that has profound scientific
and social implications.”). Her work on the fluidity of female
sexuality has been repeatedly profiled in the mainstream media.
See, e.g., lan Kerner, “Understanding females’ sexual fluidity,”
CNNHealth (Feb. 9, 2012), http?//thechart.blogs.cnn.com/2012/02/
(Continued on following page)
23
Research also shows changes over time in the
intensity of same-sex attraction. When asked to rate
their attraction to members of the same sex on a
scale, many individuals vary in their own estimation
over time, with some becoming more “gay” and others
becoming less “gay.” A study of the same-sex attrac-
tion of bisexual men reported that “homosexuality is
not some monolithic construct one moves toward or
from in a linear way; movement toward homosexual-
ity fails to capture the fluid and contextual nature
of sexuality. We also acknowledge that changes in
sexual feelings and orientation over time occur in all
possible directions.” Joseph P. Stokes et al, Predictors
of Movement Toward Homosexuality: A Longitudinal
Study of Bisexual Men, 43 J. Sex Res. 304, 305 (1997)
(finding that 34% of respondents moved toward
homosexuality, 17% moved away, and 49% did not
change). A study of same-sex attraction in a New
Zealand birth cohort revealed “a surprising degree of
change over time. Ten percent of men, and nearly a
quarter of women, reported same-sex attraction at
any time, but this nearly halved for current attrac-
tion at age 26. The changes were not just in one
direction.” Dickson et al., supra, at 1613.
Extensive studies of the real-world experiences of
men and women sharply rebut the notion that sexual
orientation is unchanging. The Chicago Sex Survey
09/understanding-females-sexual-fluidity/, NPR, ‘Late-Life Les-
bians’ Reveal Fluidity Of Sexuality (Aug. 7, 2010), http://www.
npr.org/ templates/story/story. php?storyId= 129050832.
24
found that of those who had at least one same-sex
partner in the last five years, over half of the men
and two-thirds of the women also had an opposite-sex
partner in the same time period. Laumann et al.,
supra, at 310-11. Scholarly surveys also show that a
significant portion of individuals in same-sex rela-
tionships had previously been married to someone of
the opposite sex. See, e.g., Gary J. Gates et al., Mar-
riage, Registration and Dissolution by Same-Sex
Couples in the U.S., Williams Institute 2 (2008)
(reviewing data from three states and finding that
“more than one in five individuals in same-sex cou-
ples who marry or register have previously been
married to a different-sex partner.”); Sean Cahill et
al., Family Policy: Issues Affecting Gay, Lesbian,
Bisexual and Transgender Families, The National
Gay and Lesbian Task Force Policy Institute, at 59
(2002) (“According to the 1990 U.S. Census, 31 per-
cent of lesbians and bisexual women in same-sex
relationships and 19 percent of gay or bisexual men
in same-sex relationships were once married to a
person of the other sex.”). One researcher captured
the overall direction of the scientific research when
she noted that “[a]lthough some may think of sexual
orientation as determined early in life and relatively
unchanging from then on, growing evidence indicates
that the nature of a woman’s intimate relationships
can change throughout her life and differ across so-
cial settings.” Letitia Anne Peplau, Rethinking Women’s
Sexual Orientation: An Interdisciplinary, Relation-
ship-Focused Approach, 8 Personal Relationships 1, 5
(2001). See also Herek et al., Internalized Stigma
25
Among Sexual Minority Adults, 56 J. Counseling
Psychol. 32, at 37, 39 (2009) (study finding that 13%
of gay men, 30% of lesbians, 41% of bisexual men,
and 55% of bisexual women report “[slome,” “fair
amount,” or “a lot” of choice with respect to their
sexual orientation). Professor Herek, one of plaintiffs’
experts in the Hollingsworth trial, conceded that while
current sexual identity is for “betting” purposes a
good predictor of future sexual behavior, “you should
also realize that for some individuals that would not
be the case.” Trial Tr. 2211. Indeed, “‘if you are trying
to predict for any specific individual whether their
identity will predict their sexual behavior in the
future, especially, that can be problematic.’” Jd. at
2212 (quoting Prof. Herek’s deposition testimony).
One of the challenges of research in this evolving area
is that, as Professor Herek further admitted, in de-
scribing changes in their own sexuality “people don’t
always have a knowledge of their mental processes.”
Id. at 2213.
One might defend the immutability of sexual
orientation by insisting that anyone whose sexual
orientation changes over time is bisexual and that
bisexuality is a discrete category of sexual orienta-
tion. But lumping everyone whose behavior does
change into a broad residual category conveniently
manipulates theory to blot out the primary evidence
that sexuality is often mutable and not an essential
and fixed characteristic of human behavior. See
Diamond, Female Bisexuality, supra, at 5, 6 (“Accord-
ing to an essentialist perspective, individuals are
26
thought to be endowed with fixed, early developing
sexual predispositions that manifest themselves in
consistent patterns of same-sex or other-sex desire
over the life course.... Bisexual attractions pose a
quandary for this model because such attractions
necessarily create the potential for change over
time.”).
If human sexual preference were generally fluid
rather than fixed, one would expect that some indi-
viduals would fall at the tails of the bell curve where
behavior, attraction, and identity remain exclusively
homosexual or heterosexual, but that most would ex-
hibit at least some variation along the sexual orienta-
tion continuum with respect to attraction, behavior,
and identity. Research confirms this expectation. A
recent report by the Williams Institute averaged the
results of five recent population-based surveys, and
found that of the 3.5% of the population identifying as
LGB, over half (1.8%) identifies as bisexual. Gary J.
Gates, How Many People Are Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual,
and Transgender?, Williams Institute 1 (2011). Above
and beyond those self-reporting an LGB identity,
4.7% of the population admits to some same-sex
sexual experience and 7.5% acknowledges some de-
gree of same-sex attraction — numbers that are much
higher than the population of self-identified homo-
sexuals. Id.
Another recent survey confirmed the plasticity of
sexual orientation by including two additional catego-
ries — “mostly heterosexual” and “mostly homosexual”
— when asking participants to identify their sexual
27
orientation. Vrangalova & Savin-Williams, supra, at
85. Of the 1631 participants, 14% of men and 27% of
women chose one of the three non-exclusive identities
(mostly heterosexual, bisexual, mostly homosexual),
while only 5% of men and 2% of women chose an
exclusively homosexual identity. Jd. at 89. Less than
half of those adopting an exclusive identity also re-
ported exclusive behavior and attraction (48% of men
and 39% of women). Jd. at 94. These results suggest
that sexual orientation is a fluid concept, not one that
in practice denotes entirely distinct or fixed cate-
gories.
The notion that choice powerfully influences
some persons’ sexual orientation is highly controver-
sial, but some studies conclude that for some women
self-identity as a lesbian is experienced as a personal
choice rather than an immutable constraint. Dia-
mond & Savin-Williams, Explaining Diversity, supra,
at 298 (noting that “variability in the emergence and
expression of female same-sex desire during the life
course is normative rather than exceptional.”). Re-
searchers Charbonneau and Lander interviewed 30
women who had spent half their lives as heterosexu-
als, married, had children, and then in midlife be-
came lesbian. Some of these women explained their
lesbianism as a process of self-discovery. But a “se-
cond group of women ... regarded their change more
as a choice among several options of being lesbian,
bisexual, celibate or heterosexual.” Karen L. Bridges
& James M. Croteau, Once-Married Lesbians: Facili-
tating Changing Life Patterns, 73 J. Counseling &
28
Dev. 134, 135 (1994) (describing C. Charbonneau &
P.S. Lander, Redefining Sexuality: Women Becoming
Lesbian in Mid-Life, in Lesbians at Mid-Life, at 35
(B. Sang et al. eds., 1991)).
In short, scientific research on sexual identity, at-
traction, and behavior strongly suggests “that sexual
orientation is not static and may vary throughout the
course of a lifetime,” especially in women. Michael R.
Kauth & Seth C. Kalichman, Sexual Orientation and
Development: An Interactive Approach, in The Psy-
chology of Sexual Orientation, Behavior, and Identity:
A Handbook 82 (Louis Diamant & Richard D.
McAnulty eds., 1995). These studies show that even if
the concept of immutability were extended to mean a
substantial resistance to change, available evidence
tends to show that sexual orientation is more plastic
than commonly supposed.
¢
CONCLUSION
Sexual orientation should not be recognized as a
new suspect class. In contrast with other suspect
classes, it is neither discrete (clearly definable) nor
immutable. There is no scientific consensus on how to
define sexual orientation, and the various definitions
proposed by experts produce substantially different
classes. Nor is there any convincing evidence that
sexual orientation is biologically determined; rather,
research tends to show that at least for some persons
sexual orientation is mutable (or at least malleable)
29
over time. These are not the characteristics of a
proper suspect class.
For the foregoing reasons, the Court should con-
clude that classifications based on sexual orientation
are not subject to heightened scrutiny.
Respectfully submitted,
GERARD V. BRADLEY
Counsel of Record
NOTRE DAME LAW SCHOOL
3156 Eck Hall
Notre Dame, IN 46556
(574) 631-8385
Gerard. V.Bradley.16@nd.edu
Counsel for Dr. Paul McHugh
April 3, 2015
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.