Amicus Curiae Brief — Washington v. WASHINGTON EDUCATION ASSN.
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FILED
2) AUG 10 2006
&
SZ OFFICE OF THE CLERK
No. 05-1657 |. SUPREMS COURT, U.S.
In the
Supreme Court of the United States
—
STATE OF WASHINGTON,
Petitioner,
Vv.
WASHINGTON EDUCATION ASSOCIATION,
Respondent.
a
vr
On Petition for Writ of Certiorari
to the Supreme Court of Washington
—
BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE OF PACIFIC LEGAL
FOUNDATION IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
+
DEBORAH J. LA FETRA
Counsel of Record
TIMOTHY SANDEFUR
Pacific Legal Foundation
3900 Lennane Drive, Suite 200
Sacramento, California 95834
Telephone: (916) 419-7111
Facsimile: (916) 419-7747
Counsel for Amicus Curiae Pacific Legal Foundation
i
QUESTION PRESENTED
To prevent labor unions from subsidizing their political
activities with money taken from nonmember workers,
Washington State enacted a law requiring unions to obtain
affirmative consent from workers before using this money for
political activism. Does this law violate the First Amendment?
-
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
QUESTION PRESENTED .......cccccccccccccccces i
SO GED Kb 0 oc eeen i scicsseeeune iv
IDENTITY AND INTEREST
er SD SS o's vende evuceeseueureds 1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .............0000 eee 2
SEE bale ch cadaibavnsaddcnddasdgpasevasuas 4
l. THE WASHINGTON SUPREME
COURT’S DECISION CONFLICTS
WITH SETTLED PRECEDENT
THAT THE FIRST AMENDMENT
GUARANTEES A DISSENTING
WORKER’S RIGHT TO REMAIN SILENT ...... 4
Il. THE DECISION BELOW
Il.
CONFLICTS WITH DECISIONS OF
THE COURTS OF APPEALS OF THE
SIXTH CIRCUIT AND THE D.C. CIRCUIT ...... 7
THIS CASE INVOLVES IMPORTANT
FEDERAL CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS
AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL
AUTHORITY OF STATES .............-00-00. 9
LOWER COURTS NEED GUIDANCE
AS TO THE SCOPE OF HUDSON'S
PROTECTIONS FOR DISSENTERS ........... 13
THE COURT MUST GRANT
CERTIORARI TO END THE
UNION’S “MASSIVE RESISTANCE”
TO DISSENTING WORKERS’ EXERCISE
OF THEIR FIRST AMENDMENT RIGHTS ..... 14
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
CONCLUSION
ee eee e42ee. eoegeeeeeguew?t egceec@rve eevee @e cee oe
iv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page
Cases
Abood v. Detroit Bd. of Educ.,
RR eB ee eee er Be eer passim
Andrews v. Educ. Ass'n of Cheshire,
ot bos fs Brrr rrrrrre re 13
Bain Peanut Co. of Texas v. Pinson,
rae | PPP eT ee Ty Pree res 10
Bd. of Regents of the Univ. of Wis. Sys.
v. Southworth, 529 U.S. 217 (2000) ............005. |
Brosterhous v. State Bar of Cal.,
SGP Fae PUNO GOD obi ccesciivcessbbesceds ]
_ California v. Ramos, 463 U.S. 992 (1983) ............. 3
Chicago Teachers Union,
Local No. 1, AFT, AFL-CIO
v. Hudson, 475 U.S. 292 (1986) ...........05. passim
City of Charlotte v. Local 660, Int'l Ass'n
of Firefighters, 426 U.S. 283 (1976) ............ 10, 20
Communications Workers of Am.
v. Beck, 487 U.S. 735 (1988) ........... 10, 15-16, 19
Crawford v. Air Line Pilots Ass'n Int'l,
S70 FAG 15S GOR Ce, TOG oo cic cccdcicesetevens 13
Cumero v. Pub. Employment Relations Bd.,
rote feo * 5 Ere rrr |
Cummings v. Connell,
316 F.3d 886 (9th Cir. 2003)................6. 11,15
Damiano v. Matish,
830 F.2d 1363 (6th Cir. 1987) ..............05. 14-15 ©
V
. TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
Ellis v. Bhd. of Ry., Airline & S.S.
Clerks, Freight Handlers, Express &
Station Employees, 466 U.S. 435 (1984) ......... 4,11
Florida v. White, 526 U.S. 559 (1999)... 6... ce eens 8
Gibson v. The Florida Bar,
906 F.2d 624 (11th Cir. 1990)... 6... ee eee ee 13
Grunwald v. San Bernardino City Unified
Sch. Dist., 994 F.2d 1370 (9th Cir. 1993) ........... 13
Hohe v. Casey, 868 F.2d 69 (3d Cir. 1989) ............ 13
Int'l Ass'n of Machinists & Aerospace Workers
v. NLRB, 133 F.3d 1012 (7th Cir. 1998) ............ 13
Int'l Ass'n of Machinists v. Street,
ee den d eee ccensstsece 7,11
Keller v. State Bar of Cal., 496 U.S. 1 (1990) ...... 1, 4, 10
Kelo v. City of New London,
I 3, 12
Ky. Educators Pub. Affairs Council v. Ky. Registry
of Election «-in., 677 F.2d 1125 (6th Cir. 1982) ...... 10
Lakeside v. Oregon, 435 U.S. 333 (1978) ...........4.. 9
Lehnert v. Ferris Faculty Ass'n,
eee Bee eke ceedcawh occnces 1,10
Lincoln Fed. Labor Union No. 19129 v.
Nw. Iron & Metal Co., 335 U.S. 525 (1949) ......... 10
Locke v. Davey, 540 U.S. 712 (2004) ............. 11-12
Lutz v. Int'l Ass'n of Machinists & Aerospace
Workers, 121 F. Supp. 2d 498 (E.D. Va. 2000) .... 6,15
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
Masiello v. U.S. Airways, Inc.,
113 F. Supp. 2d 870 (W.D.N.C. 2000) .............
Mich. State AFL-CIO v. Miller,
103 F.3d 1240 (6th Cir, 1997) .............. 3, 7-8, 20
Mills v. Habluetzel, 456 U.S. 91 (1982) .............4. 5
Oregon v. Hass, 420 U.S. 714 (1975) ..........000 00 12
Penrod v. NLRB, 203 F.3d 41 (D.C. Cir. 2000) ......... 15
Pilots Against Illegal Dues v. Air Line Pilots
Ass'n, 938 F.2d 1123 (10th Cir. 1991) ............. 13
PruneYard Shopping Ctr. v. Robins,
Gr es PEE déudhibcbadedecventdienadcude 11
Rosenberger v. Rector & Visitors of
Univ. of Va., 515 U.S. 819 (1995) ..... 2... ee eee ]
Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993) ............ 0c e eee 6
Shea v. Int'l Ass'n of Machinists & Aerospace
Workers, 154 F.3d 508 (Sth Cir. 1998) ....... 11, 15-16
Shuttlesworth v. City of Birmingham,
394 U.S. 147 (1969) ....... Ns uc dbccewentabanees 6
Skinner v. Oklahoma, 316 U.S. 535 (1942) ............ 12
State ex rel. Wash. State Pub.
Disclosure Comm'n v. Wash. Educ.
Ass'n, 130 P.3d 352 (Wash. 2006) .......... 2, 7-8, 14
State of Alaska v. Arctic Maid, 366 U.S. 199 (1961)..... 12
State of New York v. United States,
TEED inc hak octbdereincinsmantnes 12
Vii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
Tavernor v. Ill. Fed'n of Teachers,
226 F.3d 842 (7th Cir. 2000)............... 11, 13,15
Taylor v. Simmons-Harris, 533 U.S. 976 (2001) ......... 9
Tierney v. City of Toledo,
824 F.2d 1497 (6th Cir. 1987) .............006- 14-15
United States v. Boyle, |
Cae Fe Faw Gs GEE, BDTED occ cc cccccccess 3, 9, 20
United States v. United Foods, Inc.,
Se PE od dadddhavenacsndcvcnntéencéec 4
Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003) ..............4. 2
Washington v. Seattle Sch. Dist. No. 1,
ee ED oc Sain wines uecd ovcnseesode ves 19
Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23 (1968) ............... 6
Wooley v. Maynard, 430 U.S. 705 (1977) .............. 4
Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, 536 U.S. 639 (2002) ....... 12
United States Constitution
Pe ISS eta bedd ow evucedsdassce ous passim
RET kbn dheustienwsuwadeneecdadescsecesnes 6
Federal Statute
SEED bbs tsnbacdasddabakue d¥ncctddues des 9
Rule of Court
DRE S onnccdantupeasctansuddcetes l
Vili
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
Miscellaneous
Baird, Charles W., The Tip of the Iceberg:
PACs & the Forced-Dues Base of Big
Labor's Political Machine, The Smith Center
for Private Enterprise Studies, Mar. 15,2001 ........ 18
Brennan, William J., Jr., State Constitutions
and the Protection of Individual Rights,
90 Harv. L. Rev. 489 (1977) ............. 00 e cues 12
Brown, Tom & Blethen, Ryan, State's Campaign
Cleanup a Washout?, Seattle Times, Aug. 3, 1997,
at Al, available at 1997 WLNR 1453262 .......... 18
David M., Requiring Unions to Notify
overed Employees of Their Right to Be
Agency Fee Payer in the Post Beck Era,
ck Rights System in the Real World
orkplace, 47 Wayne L. Rev. 1049 (2001) ..... 2, 4, 14
Chauffeurs, Teamsters, Warehousemen & Helpers
nion, Local No. 377, Case No. 8-CB-9415-1,
004 WL 298352 (N.L.R.B. Feb. 11, 2004) ......... 15
n, Lia B., True Integration: Advancing
Brown's Goal of Educational Equity in the
Wake of Grutter, 67 U. Pitt. L. Rev. 175 (2005) ...... 19
Hearings before the Subcommittee on
Employer-Employee Relations of the Committee
on Economic and Educational Opportunities,
on H.R. 3580, The Worker Right to Know Act,
Serial No. 104-66 (104th Cong. 2d Sess. 1996) ... 15-16
ix
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Hunter, Robert P.,
Paycheck Protection in Michigan (1998) .........-. 16
Jefferson, Thomas, Virginia Statute for
Religious Freedom (1786) in JEFFERSON: :
WRITINGS (Merrill D. Peterson ed., 1984) ........... 4
Kochkodin, Michael C.,.A Good Politician
Is One That Stays Bought: An Examination
of Paycheck Protection Acts and Their
Impact on Union Political Campaign Spending,
2 U. Pa. J. Lab. & Emp. L. 807 (2000) ............. 17
La Fetra, Deborah J., Recent
Deve'opments in Mandatory Student
Fee Cases, 10 J.L. & Pol. 579 (1994) ............... l
Local 74, Serv. Employees Int’l Union, ;
Fe Pe SENIOR sds bcdenenddécccdcccen 15
Lynch, Michael W., The Summer of Reform:
Campaign Finance Laws Return to the
Congressional Agenda, Reason, Aug. 18, 1998,
at 7, available at 1998 WLNR 4378163 ............ 18
Monson Trucking Inc., 324 N.L.R.B. 933 (1997) ....... 15
Office & Prof’l Employees Int'l Union,
Pe CE MP aS csc cckescdcvicsocade 15-16
Reitz, Michael, Paychecks Unprotected,
ee SR Eo ce hd cewhbeusdedos outs 17
Settlement Agreement between State of
Washington and WEA, Feb. 26, 1998 .............. 17
x
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page
Varner, Lynne K. & Postman, David,
WEA Suit Follows Dues Dispute,
Seattle Times, Feb. 13, 1997, at B1,
available at 1997 WLNR 1483331 .............06. 17
Woldow, Brian J., The NLRB’s (Slowly)
Developing Beck Jurisprudence:
Defending a Right in a Politicized Agency,
52 Admin. L. Rev. 1075 (2000) ...........0-0 008s 14
l
IDENTITY AND INTEREST
OF AMICUS CURIAE’
Pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37.2(a), Pacific Legal
Foundation (PLF) respectfully submits this brief amicus curiae
in support of the petition for a writ of certiorari. Written
consent was granted by counsel for all parties and lodged with
the Clerk of this Court.
PLF was founded 30 years ago and is widely recognized
as the largest and most experienced nonprofit legal foundation
of its kind. PLF litigates matters affecting the public interest at
all levels of state and federal courts and represents the views of
thousands of supporters nationwide. Among other things, PLF
litigates in defense of the right of workers not to be compelled
to make involuntary payments to support political or expressive
purposes with which they disagree. To that end, PLF attorneys
were counsel of record in Keller v. State Bar of Cal.,
496 U.S. 1 (1990); Cumero v. Pub. Employment Relations Bd.,
778 P.2d 174 (Cal. 1989); and Brosterhous v. State Bar of Cal.,
906 P.2d 1242 (Cal. 1995), and has participated as amicus
curiae in several other compelled fee cases, including and Bd.
of Regents of the Univ. of Wis. Sys. v. Southworth, 529 U.S. 217
(2000); Rosenberger v. Rector & Visitors of Univ. of Va., 515
U.S. 819 (1995); Lehnert v. Ferris Faculty Ass'n, 500 U.S. 507
(1991); and Abood v. Detroit Bd. of Educ., 431 U.S. 209
(1977). PLF attorneys have also published articles on
compelled speech issues, including Deborah J. La Fetra, Recent
Developments in Mandatory Student Fee Cases, 10 J.L. &
Pol. 579 (1994). Further, PLF has participated as amicus curiae
in this litigation in the Washington Court of Appeals and
Supreme Court.
' Counsel for a party did not author this brief in whole or in part. No
person or entity, other than amicus curiae, its members or its counsel
made a monetary contribution specifically for the preparation or
submission of this brief.
2
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Almost thirty years after this Court’s decision in Abood,
431 U.S. 209, organized labor remains steadfast in its refusal to
implement that decision in any meaningful way. See generally
Jeff Canfield, What A Sham(e): The Broken Beck Rights System
in the Real World Workplace, 47 Wayne L. Rev. 1049, 1050
(2001) (noting that union behavior “makes it nearly impossible
for average employees to successfully assert these rights granted
by the Court.”). This obstructionism can only be described as
“massive resistance,” a direct affront to this Court’s repeated
declarations that unions may not use money taken from workers
without their consent for purposes of political activism. See
Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343, 394 (2003) (Thomas, J.,
dissenting) (describing “massive resistance”).
In this case, the voters of Washington adopted a law,
called I-134, which included a provision (section 760) requiring
labor unions to obtain an “opt-in” agreement from workers
before devoting their compulsory fees to political lobbying
efforts. The court below found that this initiative, passed by an
impressive 72 percent vote, violates the First Amendment rights
of labor unions because it imposes an “administrative burden”
on the unions which interferes with their lobbying activities.
State ex rel. Wash. State Pub. Disclosure Comm'n v. Wash.
Educ. Ass'n, 130 P.3d 352, 360 (Wash. 2006) (WEA)
(“Dissenters may not silence the majority by the creation of too
heavy an administrative burden.”).
In brief, the court held that section 760’s opt-in
requirement decreases the union’s financial power, due
presumably to the number of people who overlook the need to
sign necessary forms, or decline to state a preference for some
other reason. The court concluded that the cost of obtaining
consent for the use of shop fees for political activity decreases
the union’s political influence, in violation of the First
Amendment. /d. '
3
This decision adopts an indefensible reading of the First
Amendment whereby unions are presumed to have a
constitutional nght to spend workers’ money on union political
advocacy. It also clashes with the decision of the Sixth Circuit
Court of Appeals in Mich. State AFL-CIO v. Miller, 103 F.3d
1240, 1253 (6th Cir. 1997), and the D.C. Circuit in United
States v. Boyle, 482 F.2d 755 (D.C. Cir. 1973), which held that
affirmative consent requirements like that required by section
760 are consistent with the First Amendment.
Moreover, the decision below does serious damage to the
legislative autonomy of states, which have the constitutional
authority to adopt mechanisms for protecting citizens’ rights
above and beyond the requirements of the federal constitution.
This Court has long insisted that states have the room to
provide residents with greater protections than those provided
by the federal government. See, e.g., Kelo v. City of New
London, 125 S. Ct. 2655, 2668 (2005) (states may adopt more
restrictive definition of “public use” under state law to reduce
government’s ability to condemn property); California v.
Ramos, 463 U.S. 992, 1014 (1983) (“States are free to provide
greater protections in their criminal justice system than the
Federal Constitution requires.”). Washington State tried to do
just this, and should not be barred by a perverse interpretation
of the First Amendment.
If this Court’s decisions respecting the rights of dissenting
workers not to be coerced into supporting union political
advocacy are to be meaningfully implemented, the decision
below cannot stand. The petition should be granted.
, 4
ARGUMENT
THE WASHINGTON SUPREME COURT’S
DECISION CONFLICTS WITH SETTLED
PRECEDENT THAT THE FIRST :
AMENDMENT GUARANTEES A DISSENTING
WORKER’S RIGHT TO REMAIN SILENT
In Abood, 431 U.S. at 234-35, this Court held that every
person has a constitutional right not to subsidize union political
lobbying with which he disagrees. That basic right—best
encapsulated by Thomas Jefferson’s statement that “to compel
a man to furnish contributions of money for the propagation of
opinions ee eee a is sinful and tyrannical,”
Thomas Jeffefson, Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom
(1786) in JEFFERSON: WRITINGS 346 (Merrill D. Peterson ed.,
1984)—has been repeatedly affirmed by this Court. See, e.g.,
United States v. United Foods, Inc., 533 U.S. 405, 410 (2001);
Keller, 496 U.S. at 9-10; Chicago Teachers Union, Local
No. 1, AFT, AFL-CIO v. Hudson, 475 U.S. 292 (1986); Ellis v.
Bhd. of Ry., Airline & S.S. Clerks, Freight Handlers, Express &
Station Employees, 466 U.S. 435 (1984). Of course, this
Court’s decisions made it clear that if a worker does not object
to such expenditures, nothing in the Constitution prohibits
them. Abood, 431 U.S. at 235-36. But unions, like all
government-empowered semi-public institutions, must respect
the night of dissenters not to utter or endorse messages with
which they disagree. Cf Wooley v. Maynard, 430 U.S. 705,
714 (1977); United Foods, 533 U.S. at 410.
Nonetheless, recognizing that they stand to lose a
significant amount of their coerced income, labor unions have
sought ways to minimize dissenters’ opportunities to withhold
their earnings from union expropriation. See generally
Canfield, supra. The union’s primary method of accomplishing
this is to make it so difficult for dissenters to assert and
5
vindicate their rights that they ultimately give up. The more
burdensome the procedure imposed on potential dissenters, the
fewer.dissenters who make the effort, and the more the union
stands to gain in the aggregate.
In Hudson, the teachers’ union sought to protect its
income by setting up a prohibitively difficult procedure for-
dissenting agency shop fee payers.? The union withheld a
certain amount of money from nonmembers, and required those
who objected to undergo a long and complicated three-step
internal union process, culminating in arbitration, to get their
money back. 475 U.S. at 296. The Court unanimously found
this procedure unconstitutional, because it did not adequately
protect the First Amendment rights of dissenters. Procedural
safeguards, this Court explained, must minimize infringement
of dissenters’ right to be free from compelled speech, id. at 303,
and minimize “the risk that dissenters’ funds will be used, even
temporarily, to finance ideological activities” with which they
disagree. /d. at 305 (quoting Abood, 431 U.S. at 244). But the
teacher’s union’s scheme “merely offerfed] dissenters the
possibility of a rebate” at the end of a complicated procedural
gauntlet. The Court found that this “forced exaction followed
by a rebate” was “not a permissible response” to the dissenters’
objections. Jd. at 305-06.
Hudson, like many of this Court’s decisions, recognized
that procedures and legal presumptions often can be fashioned
to impose such a severe burden on an affected party that they
render the party’s substantive constitutional guarantees hollow.
See, e.g., Mills v. Habluetzel, 456 U.S. 91 (1982) (unreasonably
short statute of limitations period violated due process);
? “Dues” are paid by union members. “Agency shop fees” are the -
same as dues except that they are paid by nonmembers against their
will, pursuant to this Court’s decision in Beck that nonmembers may
be forced to support unions from whose collective bargaining they
are presumed to benefit.
6
Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23, 24 (1968) (“a series of
election laws has made it virtually impossible for a new
political party [to form]” violated substantive guarantees of
Fourteenth Amendment); Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630, 639
(1993) (“Ostensibly race-neutral devices such as literacy tests
with ‘grandfather’ clauses and ‘good character’ provisos were
devised to deprive black voters-of the franchise.”);
Shuttlesworth v. City of Birmingham, 394 U.S. 147, 162-63
(1969) (burdensome permit requirement for civil mghts
demonstration violated First Amendment).
Section 760 seeks to create a “constitutionally adequate”
remedy that avoids such problems. It simply requires unions to
obtain consent before spending workers’ money on political
activities. The alternatives between (a) requiring dissenters to
assert their disagreement, and (b) requiring loyalists to assert
their agreement, are not interchangeable. Because some
workers inevitably will fail to return a signed consent form,
intentionally or accidentally, a presumption against dissent
guarantees a higher income for the union than a presumption
that requires the union to persuade its supporters to sign a
' consent form. As one district court explained in a case similar
to this one, “what is really at stake here is whether the union
can collect more money as a benefit of the decisionmaker’s
inertia.” Lutz v. Int'l Ass'n of Machinists & Aerospace
Workers, 121 F. Supp. 2d 498, 506 (E.D. Va. 2000). Simply
put, requiring dissenters to go through a refund procedure, as
opposed to requiring those who do agree with the lobbying to
signify that agreement, can practically nullify many dissenters’
First Amendment nights.
Requiring affirmative consent was a sensible response to
the apparent conflict between the union’s statutory night to
require agency shop fees from nonmembers, and the
constitutional right of nonmembers to refrain from supporting
the union’s political speech. Moreover, it was a logical solution
7
to the concerns expressed in Hudson, that unions might bury
workers’ rights in complicated procedural schemes.
But the decision below declares that the opt-in
requirement is unconstitutional because it will impose
“administrative burdens” on—i.e., decrease the financial
wherewithal of—the union, dampening its lobbying strength.
WEA, 130 P.3d at 359. This holding betrays the promise of
Hudson by declaring that measures which protect a dissenter’s
rights must not be overly “burdensome” on the power of a
union which desires to finance its activities through
expropriations. By a similar logic, a court might also hold that
it is unconstitutional for the owner of a television station to
charge a person for advertising time, because doing so
“inhibit[s]” the advertiser’s “political speech.” Jd. at 560. Of
course, such a decision would be in error, since it would ignore
the initial layout of rights; nobody has the constitutional right
to finance his or her speech at someone else’s expense. Cf. Int'l
Ass'n of Machinists v. Street, 367 U.S. 740, 795 (1961) (Black,
J., dissenting) (“[R]elieving protesting workers of all payment
of dues . . . . would interfere with the union’s activities only to
the extent that it bars compulsion of dues payments from
protesting workers to be used in some unknown part for
unconstitutional purposes, and I think it perfectly proper to hold
that such payments cannot be compelled.”). This is the
principle that the court below ignored, rendering its decision
squarely in conflict with Abood, Hudson, and other cases.
IT
THE DECISION BELOW
CONFLICTS WITH DECISIONS OF
THE COURTS OF APPEALS OF THE
SIXTH CIRCUIT AND THE D.C, CIRCUIT
In Miller, 103 F.3d 1240, the Sixth Circuit affirmed the
constitutionality of a law which “requir[ed] labor unions to
obtain affirmative consent at Jeast once per year from members
8
utilizing an automatic payroll deduction to make contributions
to their union for political purposes.” Jd. at 1243. The court
found that because the law was not a content-based speech
restriction, only intermediate scrutiny applied, id. at 1252, and
therefore the law need only further an important government
interest, do it in a way unrelated to the suppression of speech,
and do it in the least restrictive way possible, id. at 1253.
Although the union claimed in that case, as does the union in
this case, “that the administrative burden” would be “crushing,”
the court found no reason to agree with that claim: “[a]n annual
mailing to a union’s contributing members, asking them to
check a box and to return the notice to the union, would seem
to suffice under the statute.” Jd. Thus the burden, if any, would
not “rise to the level of a constitutional violation.” Jd. By
contrast, the danger of the opposite presumption was that it
could lead to dissenting members being forced to subsidize
speech with which they disagreed. Compared to that realistic
danger to First Amendment principles, the argument that the
opt-in requirement violated the union’s free speech rights
“border[ed] on the frivolous.” Jd.
The court below distinguished Miller on the grounds that
Miller dealt only with member dues and not with agency shop
fees, see WEA, 130 P.3d at 361-62. But this distinction is
untenable, as the dissent noted. See 130 P.3d at 368. Actually,
that this case involves agency shop fees is all the more reason
to follow Miller, because agency shop fees are paid by those
who choose (with almost no financial benefit to themselves) not
to join the union. Such people probably are not willing to see
their money used to support union political activities.
The central issue here—whether the First Amendment
requires the state to presume that workers prefer to support —
union political activities—is directly and contrarily decided in
Miller. Such a division of authority warrants this Court’s grant
of certiorari. See Florida v. White, 526 U.S. 559, 563 (1999)
(division between State Supreme Court and Federal Court of
9
Appeals warrants certiorari); Lakeside v. Oregon, 435 U.S. 333,
336 (1978) (same); Taylor v. Simmons-Harris, 533 U.S. 976
(2001) (same).
Similarly, in Boyle, 482 F.2d 755, the court upheld an opt-
in requirement similar to that involved here, against the claim
that it violated the First Amendment. The defendant in that
case was charged with violating 18 U.S.C. § 610, which at the
time prohibited unions from making political expenditures to
candidates out of funds taken from workers, unless the worker
consented. The defendant argued that this law “impose[d] an
unconstitutional limitation on the union’s freedom of speech,”
482 F.2d at 763, because it “substantially restrict[ed] the
union’s right to present its views by supporting candidates of its
choice.” Jd. In particular, the defendant argued that a less-
restrictive alternative would have been for the government to
impose an opt-out requirement, instead of an opt-in
requirement, like that required here. See id. at 763-64. The
court rejected this argument, noting that there was, in fact,
“no... viable less restrictive alternative” which would “protect
union minority interests.” Jd. at 764. Thus, the court concluded
that the opt-in requirement was constitutional.
The decision below, however, holds that the state may not
require an opt-in provision because doing so is too burdensome
for a labor union. This holding directly conflicts with Boyle,
creating a division of authority that justifies a grant of certiorari.
iil
THIS CASE INVOLVES
_ IMPORTANT FEDERAL
CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS AND THE
CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY OF STATES
Washington State law gives unions the legal privilege to
force those workers who choose not to join the union to pay an
“agency shop fee”—a monetary fine almost equal to union
10
dues—to the union. This fee is deducted from the worker’s
paycheck. This Court has held that the Constitution allows
states to extend such privileges to unions. See Communications
Workers of Am. v. Beck, 487 U.S. 735, 749-50 (1988); Lehnert,
500 U.S. at 520. But unions have no constitutional right to
such deductions. /d.; Ky. Educators Pub. Affairs Council v. Ky.
Registry of Election Fin., 677 F.2d 1125, 1134 (6th Cir. 1982)
(“[the union] has no constitutional right to a check-off or
payroll deduction system for political fund raising.”); cf
Lincoln Fed. Labor Union No. 19129 v. Nw. Iron & Metal Co.,
335 U.S. 525, 531 (1949) (“The constitutional right of workers
to assemble, to discuss and formulate plans for furthering their
own self interest in jobs cannot be construed as a constitutional
guarantee that none shall get and hold jobs except those who
will join in the [union] or will agree to abide by the [union]’s
plans.”). State laws authorizing automatic deductions of agency
shop fees are neither constitutionally required nor
constitutionally prohibited; rather, they are an example of what
this Court has called “play in [the] joints” between
constitutional provisions. See Bain Peanut Co. of Texas v.
Pinson, 282 U.S. 499, 501 (1931). See also City of Charlotte
v. Local 660, Int'l Ass'n of Firefighters, 426 U.S. 283, 287
(1976) (“Within the limitations of the Equal Protection
Clause . . . the choice of those standards [for determining when
union dues will be withheld] is for the city and not for the
courts.”).
But while states are free to grant unions the privilege of
deducting agency shop fees from workers’ paychecks, workers
have a constitutional right not to be compelled to support
political campaigns with which they disagree. Abood, 431 U.S.
at 222-23; Keller, 496 U.S. at 10-11. Thus, when a union’s
statutory privilege collides with the constitutional rights of the
worker, the union’s privilege must yield. Cf Beck, 487 U.S.
at 751 (“[by authorizing unions to deduct money from
dissenters’ pay,] Congress did not intend ‘to provide the unions
11
with a means for forcing employees, over their objection, to
support political causes which they oppose.’ ” quoting Street,
367 U.S. at 764). Accordingly, the Court found in Hudson that
procedures which make it prohibitively difficult for workers to
object to union expropriations of their earnings for political
purposes must yield to the worker’s First Amendment nights.
475 U.S. at 308.
Following Hudson the Courts of Appeals for the Seventh,
Ninth, and Fifth Circuits, each found certain objection
procedures to be too burdensome, violating dissenters’ First
Amendment rights. See Tavernor v. Ill. Fed’n of Teachers, 226
F.3d 842, 848 (7th Cir. 2000) (union’s procedure of collecting
full amount of union dues from nonmembers rather than 85
percent associated with collective bargaining, and requiring
year-long process for rebate, violated Hudson); Cummings v.
Connell, 316 F.3d 886, 890-91 (9th Cir. 2005) (confusing and
incomplete notice of Hudson rights was unconstitutional); Shea
v. Int'l Ass'n of Machinists & Aerospace Workers, 154 F.3d
508, 515 (Sth Cir. 1998) (requiring workers to object to
paycheck deductions annually in writing, rather than to assert
continuing objection violated Hudson).
None of these courts has gone so far as to declare that
unions must employ opt-in procedures like the Washington law.
See Ellis, 466 U.S. at 444 (“there are readily available
alternatives, such as advance reduction of dues and/or
interest-bearing escrow accounts, that place only the slightest
additional burden, if any, on the union.”’). But, again, while the |
First Amendment does not require an opt-in procedure, neither
does it prohibit it. States remain free to devise additional ways
to protect dissenting workers’ rights, or even to expand those
rights beyond the minimum protection offered by the Federal
Constitution. See, e.g., PruneYard Shopping Ctr. v. Robins,
447 U.S. 74, 88 (1980); Locke v. Davey, 540 U.S. 712, 725
(2004).
12
One of the most important features of the federalist system
is that it allows states to devise statutory mechanisms that will
best protect individual rights. See Skinner v. Oklahoma, 316
U.S. 535, 539-40 (1942) (“Under our constitutional system the
States in determining the reach and scope of particular
legislation need not provide abstract symmetry .... [T]he
machinery of government would not work ifit were not allowed
a little play in its joints.”) (citations and quotation marks
omitted). If, for example, a state believes that police procedures
routinely fail to protect a suspect’s freedom from self-
incrimination, it may institute procedures that will more
effectively protect their rights. Oregon v. Hass, 420 U.S. 714,
719 (1975). Likewise, if a state believes that administrative
agencies do not adequately protect the rights of religious
exercise, it may implement more protective procedures, so long
as the procedures do not violate the free exercise of religion.
Locke, 540 U.S. at 725. The people of the states may choose to
limit the use of eminent domain if they find that the protections
afforded by the Federal Constitution are not effective enough.
Kelo, 125 S. Ct. at 2668. Or a state may allow citizens to send
their children to schools of their choice, including religious
schools, and to spend government education grants there.
Zelman v. Simmons-Harris, 536 U.S. 639, 653 (2002). See
further William J. Brennan, Jr., State Constitutions and the
Protection of Individual Rights, 90 Harv. L. Rev. 489 (1977).
The importance of this case with regard to state autonomy
is another reason that this Court should grant certiorari. Cf
State of New York v. United States, 326 U.S. 572, 574 (1946)
(judicial restriction on state autonomy especially warranted a
grant of certioriari); State of Alaska v. Arctic Maid, 366 U.S.
199, 202 (1961) (same).
13
IV
LOWER COURTS NEED GUIDANCE
AS TO THE SCOPE OF HUDSON'S
PROTECTIONS FOR DISSENTERS
The decision below is indicative of confusion in the lower
courts as to the degree of protection that workers are entitled to
under Hudson. Although Abood makes it clear that unions and
states must adopt procedures whereby dissenting workers can
prevent unions from subsidizing political speech through
paycheck deductions, and Hudson further explains that such
procedures must not be unduly burdensome, lower courts have
struggled to define the standards to which such procedures must
conform.
As the Seventh Circuit has noted, most circuit courts of
appeals have held that unions may deduct the full amount of an
agency shop fee plus the union political speech subsidy from a
worker’s paycheck so long as the worker may obtain a rebate
after a prompt and impartial procedure. Tavernor, 226 F.3d
at 848 (citing Grunwald v. San Bernardino City Unified Sch.
Dist., 994 F.2d 1370, 1373-76 (9th Cir. 1993); Pilots Against
Illegal Dues v. Air Line Pilots Ass'n, 938 F.2d 1123, 1132-33
(10th Cir. 1991); Gibson v. The Florida Bar, 906 F.2d 624, 631 -
(11th Cir. 1990); Crawford v. Air Line Pilots Ass'n Int'l, 870
F.2d 155, 161 (4th Cir. 1989); Hohe v. Casey, 868 F.2d 69, 72
(3d Cir. 1989); Andrews v. Educ. Ass'n of Cheshire, 829 F.2d
335, 339 (2d Cir. 1987)). See also Int'l Ass'n of Machinists &
Aerospace Workers v. NLRB, 133 F.3d 1012, 1017 (7th Cir.
1998) (noting that Third and Sixth Circuit decisions regarding
certain Hudson requirements “are in tension with the cases
(often the same cases!) that hold that dissenters are not entitled
to the highest level of audit services that the market offers.”).
Yet other circuits have held that unions must inform
workers of what amount of their paycheck deduction will be
spent on political activism, and allow dissenters to receive that
14
money back before the union engages in political activity. See
Tierney v. City of Toledo, 824 F.2d 1497, 1504-05 (6th Cir.
1987); Damiano v. Matish, 830 F.2d 1363, 1370 (6th Cir.
1987). The 7ierney court explained that in its view, Hudson
prohibits the union from “deduct[ing] any amount, for however
short a time, which represents monies clearly expended for
ideological purposes. The union simply cannot exact from the
dissenter this proportionate amount, and must instead allow him —
an advance reduction of that part of the union’s fee immediately
upon objection.” 824 F.2d at 1504.
These cases indicate that lower courts need direction as to
the exact meaning of Hudson’s holding with regard to undue
burdens on workers. Here, the state of Washington adopted a
procedure designed to meet and even exceed the minimal
constitutional guarantees recognized in Hudson. The court
below, however, declared that “the burden [is] on the dissenting
nonmember to assert his or her First Amendment rights,” and
that it is not “constitutionally permissible. . . to shift the burden
to the union to protect the First Amendment nights of dissenting
nonmembers.” WEA, 130 P.3d at 359. Only this Court can
resolve the issue of whether Hudson is compatible with the
State’s decision to require unions to obtain permission before
subsidizing political speech with money taken from workers.
V
THE COURT MUST GRANT CERTIORARI TO
END THE UNION’S “MASSIVE RESISTANCE”
TO DISSENTING WORKERS’ EXERCISE
OF THEIR FIRST AMENDMENT RIGHTS
In the nearly 30 years since Abood, organized labor has
adopted a concerted resistance toward this Court’s decisions_
with regard to workers’ rights. See generally Canfield, supra;
Brian J. Woldow, The NLRB's (Slowly) Developing Beck
Jurisprudence: Defending a Right in a Politicized Agency, 52
Admin. L. Rev. 1075 (2000) (documenting refusal of unions
15
and government to abide by Beck and similar cases). See also
Monson Trucking Inc., 324 N.L.R.B. 933, 935 (1997) (union
failed to provide employee Beck rights notice); Local 74, Serv.
Employees Int'l Union, 323 N.L.R.B. 289, 290 (1997) (same);
Chauffeurs, Teamsters, Warehousemen & Helpers Union, Local
No. 377, Case No. 8-€B-9415-1, 2004 WL 298352 (N.L.R.B.
Feb. 11, 2004) (“I find that the membership application with the
‘Notice’ hidden on the second and third page did not serve to
adequately apprise newly-hired employees of their Beck
rights.”). As one expert testified to Congress, “[t]he first hurdle
that employees face [when asserting their rights not to subsidize
union political activities] is that they are lied to by union leaders
who purport to represent them. I use a stark term, and I mean
it. That’s right. They are lied to regularly, clearly as a matter
of course.” Hearings before the Subcommittee on Employer-
Employee Relations of the Committee on Economic and
Educational Opportunities, on H.R. 3580, The Worker Right to
Know Act, Serial No. 104-66 (104th Cong. 2d Sess. 1996)
at 111 (Statement of W. James Young).
In case after case, workers are forced to rely on federal
courts to resolve complaints against union rules that unfairly
burden their right not to be compelled to subsidize political
speech. See, e.g., Shea, 154 F.3d 508; Tavernor, 226 F.3d 842;
Cummings, 316 F.3d 886; Lutz, 121 F. Supp. 2d 498; Masiello
v. U.S. Airways, Inc., 113 F. Supp. 2d 870, 875 (W.D.N.C.
2000); Tierney, 824 F.2d 1497; Damiano, 830 F.2d 1363;
Penrod v. NLRB, 203 F.3d 41 (D.C. Cir. 2000).
For example, in Office & Prof’l Employees Int'l Union,
331 N.L.R.B. 48 (2000), the union promulgated rules requiring
an objecting employee to specify exactly the amount of fees she
believed were wrongly withheld and what the money had been
spent on. Moreover, the union “treat[ed] the failure to submit
challenges that specified a category of expenditures as a waiver
of the right to challenge the expenditures.” Jd. at 49. The
National Labor Relations Board found that this was
16
unreasonable and arbitrary because “the Union simply place[d]
too high a burden on the objector’s exercise of her right to
challenge the Union’s figures.” Jd.
In Shea, too, the Fifth Circuit noted that the procedure
created for objecting dissenters was intended to prevent them
from taking advantage of their nghts:
It seems to us that the unduly cumbersome annual
objection requirement is designed to prevent
employees from exercising their
constitutionally-based right of objection, and serves
only to further the illegitimate interest of the [union]
in collecting full dues from nonmembers who would
not willingly pay more than the portion allocable to
activities germane to collective bargaining.
154 F.3d at 515.
In spite of judicial decisions striking down organized
labor’s obstructionist tactics, unions and their political
representatives remain obstinate in their refusal to accord
workers the rights to which they are entitled under Abood,
Hudson, and similar cases. A poll conducted in 1996, revealed
that 78 percent of union members are not even aware of their
rights under the Beck decision, and political leaders since the
Reagan Administration have refused to implement Beck in a
meaningful way. David M. Burns, Requiring Unions to Notify
Covered Employees of Their Right to Be an Agency Fee Payer
in the Post Beck Era, 48 Cath. U. L. Rev. 475, 502 n.200, 481-
82 (1999); Hearings, supra, at 365. A 1998 report found that
“[gjovernmental enforcement of Beck rights . . . has been
virtually nonexistent.” Robert P. Hunter, Paycheck Protection
in Michigan 6 (1998).’
> Available at http://www .mackinac.org/archives/1998/s1998-05 pdf
(last visited June 29, 2006).
17
Union efforts to circumvent the law are exemplified by the
behavior of the Washington Education Association. See
generally Michael C. Kochkodin, A Good Politician Is One
That Stays Bought: An Examination of Paycheck Protection
Acts and Their Impact on Union Political Campaign Spending,
2 U. Pa. J. Lab. & Emp. L. 807, 824-29 (2000) (describing
WEA’s evasive response to I-134). In 1994, knowing that I-134
would soon take effect and bar the WEA from collecting money
to finance political activities from nonconsenting workers, the
union collected the upcoming year’s assessments in advance.
Michael Reitz, Paychecks Unprotected, Labor Watch, Jan.
2006, at 3.4 Then, after I-134 went into effect, the union “lent”
more than $162,000 from its general fund to its political action
committee, later forgiving the “loan.” See Settlement
Agreement between State of Washington and WEA, Feb. 26,
1998.° The union spent another $120,000 to pay for its political
action committee’s “administrative costs,” without reporting
these expenditures, and spent another $730,000 from its general
fund to support the passage of two ballot measures. Jd. The
union then established a euphemistically named “Community
Outreach Program,” which raised and spent more than $2
million on political activities without permission from WEA
members. Jd.; see also Lynne K. Varner & David Postman,
WEA Suit Follows Dues Dispute, Seattle Times, Feb. 13, 1997,
at B1, available at 1997 WLNR 1483331. During this time, the
full amount of the union’s income from dues that had been
authorized for political expenditures was only about $144,000
per year. Reitz, supra.
After an investigation of these activities, the state’s
Political Disclosure Committee concluded that WEA had
* Available at http://www.capitalresearch.org/ pubs/pdf/LW0106.pdf
(last visited May 31, 2006).
* Available at http://www .atg.wa.gov/pubs/wca_setl.html (last visited
May 27, 2006).
18
violated several sections of the state’s campaign finance laws,
‘and urged the Attorney General to take action. The Attorney
General then filed a lawsuit against the union, which settled
before trial. In exchange for the union paying a $100,000 fine
and agreeing to reduce dues by $5 per member, the Attorney
General dropped the case, requiring only that the WEA promise
to abide by a set of permissive “guidelines” under which the
union can still transfer dues money from its general fund to its
political action committee. See Michael W. Lynch, The
Summer of Reform: Campaign Finance Laws Return to the
Congressional Agenda, Reason, Aug. 18, 1998, at 7, available
at 1998 WLNR 4378163.° See further Tom Brown & Ryan
Blethen, State ’s Campaign Cleanup a Washout?, Seattle Times,
Aug. 3, 1997, at Al, available at 1997 WLNR 1453262.
Similarly troubling is that laws giving special privileges to
labor unions also give them a unique power to promote their
interests outside the procedures followed by everyone else in
American democracy. As one scholar has concluded,
“citizens of a free country are free to spend their own money
on the political causes and candidates they wish to support. But
in the 60 years since the enactment of the National Labor
Relations Act, union officials have extracted hundreds of
billions of dues dollars as a condition of employment from the
paychecks of America’s working people. No religious, trade,
or any other private association, has the same power to
confiscate the earnings of unwilling individuals.” Charles W.
Baird, The Tip of the Iceberg: PACs & the Forced-Dues Base
of Big Labor's Political Machine, The Smith Center for Private
Enterprise Studies, Mar. 15, 2001.’
® These guidelines are available at http://www.atg.wa.gov/pubs/wea_
exhibit_a.html (last visited May 31, 2006).
” Available af http://www.sbe.csuhayward.edu/~sbesc/tipoftheice
berg.html (last visited May 31, 2006).
19
The Executive Branch has been of little help to workers
seeking protection of their rights. In the waning days of his
Administration, the first President Bush finally signed an
executive order which would have required the implementation
of the Beck decision by unions engaged in federal government
contracts—but that order was rescinded by President Clinton on
his first day in office. Burns, supra, at 481-82. The current
Bush Administration has done nothing. With union
intransigence toward the requirements of Abood—requirements
rooted in basic fairness principles—as well as executive branch
indifference, workers must turn to this Court for protection. Cf.
Washington v. Seattle Sch. Dist. No. 1, 458 U.S. 457, 486
(1982) (noting “the judiciary’s special role in safeguarding the
interests of those groups that are “relegated to such a position
of political powerlessness as to command extraordinary
protection from the majoritarian political process.”).
ae
CONCLUSION
>, 6
A writer recently said of the South’s “massive resistance”
campaign toward Brown v. Bd. of Educ. that only vigilance by
this Court “precipitated a steady desegregation of American
schools.” Lia B. Epperson, True Integration: Advancing
Brown's Goal of Educational Equity in the Wake of Grutter,
67 U. Pitt. L. Rev. 175, 182 (2005). The intransigence of “the
Southern power structure conceded only in response to the
federal -ourt demands.” /d. at 183.
Today, unions are engaged in a similarly brazen refusal to
abide by the clear mandates of Abood, Beck, and Hudson.
Unions such as the WEA continue to fund political activities
with moneys taken from nonmembers without their consent,
either by violating the law outright, as with the “Community
Outreach Program” or by skirting the law, as through its “loan
forgiveness” scheme.
20
Washingtonians enacted I-134 to end such abuses. They
were entitled to undertake such a measure to protect the rights
of workers. Cf City of Charlotte, 426 U.S. at 289 (government
“is free to develop fair and reasonable standards” with regard to
paycheck deductions.). The decision below upends this Court’s
First Amendment rulings with regard to worker rights—creating
a direct conflict with the decision of the Sixth Circuit in Miller
and the D.C. Circuit in Boyle—and unjustifiably limits the
state’s power to protect citizens. To protect the integrity of this
Court’s labor relations decisions, and the rightful discretion of
the state to protect the First Amendment rights of its citizens,
the petition for certiorari should be granted.
DATED: August, 2006.
Respectfully submitted,
DEBORAH J. LA FETRA
Counsel of Record
TIMOTHY SANDEFUR
Pacific Legal Foundation
3900 Lennane Drive, Suite 200
Sacramento, California 95834
Telephone: (916) 419-7111
Facsimile: (916) 419-7747
Counsel for Amicus Curiae Pacific Legal Foundation
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.