Amicus Curiae Brief — City of Sherrill v. Oneida Indian Nation of NY
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(2) AUG 1” 2004
No. 03-855
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
CITY OF SHERRILL, NEW YORK,
Petitioner,
v.
ONEIDA INDIAN NATION OF NEW YORK, RAY
HALBRITTER, KELLER GEORGE, CHUCK FOUGNIER,
MARILYN JOHN, CLINT HILL, DALE ROOD, DICK LYNCH,
KEN PHILLIPS, BEULAH GREEN, BRIAN PATTERSON,
and IVA ROGERS,
Respondents.
On Writ oF CERTIORARI TO THE
Unitep STATES CourRT OF APPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT
-- —
ee —
BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE
STATE OF NEW YORK
IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
Dwicut A. HEALY E.iot SPIrzer
Wuire & Case LLP Attorney General of the
1155 Avenue of the Americas State of New York
New York, NY 10036 CarrTun J. HALLIGAN*
Solicitor General
DANIEL SMIRLOCK
Deputy Solicitor General
Peter H. ScuiFr
Senior Counsel
ANDREW D. BING
Assistant Solicitor General
120 Broadway
New York, NY 10271
* Counsel of Record (212) 416-8016
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
2 ES a “ae
TABLE OF CONTENTS
BRR GE GST E ITED oc ccccncecccncsccceces
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES ............
INTEREST OF THE AMICUS CURIAE .........
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE BUFFALO
SET A600 60s Se dedvosedeyscees
A.
A Principal Goal of Federal Removal Policy
Was to Terminate Indian Sovereignty in the
I cn uvedeneeeneucessesenes
B. The Oneidas’ Removal from New York
Commenced More Than 20 Years Before the
Proclamation of the Buffalo Creek Treaty ..
C. The Oneidas Agreed to Remove from New
York in the Treaty of Buffalo Creek .......
D. After the Proclamation of the Treaty, Most
Remaining Oneidas Left New York and the
State and Local Governments Assumed
Jurisdiction Over Their Former Lands .....
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .................
EE che uae rs bubehedeseennsénses
I. The Terms of the Buffalo Creek Treaty, its Role
in Effectuating Federal Removal Policy, and
the Area’s Subsequent Jurisdictional History
Demonstrate That the Treaty Ended Oneida
Sovereignty over the Former Reservation ..
13
14
14
il
Contents
Il. The Oneidas’ Agreement to Remove Was
Binding and Relinquished Their Sovereignty
over Their Former New York Lands .......
Ill. The Additional Reasons Offered by the Second
Circuit For Its Interpretation of the Treaty Are
Umpersuasive .......cccccccccsvcescess
CONCLUSION ..nccccccccsccccccsssssesuuen
Page
21
24
30
il
TABLE OF CITEDAUTHORITIES
Page
Cases:
Cayuga Indian Nation v. Cuomo,
730 F. Supp. 485 (N.D.N.Y. 1990),
appeal pending (2d Cir.) ...... 2... 6. ec cee 13
Cayuga Indian Nation of New York
v. Village of Union Springs,
317 F. Supp. 2d 128 (N.D.N.Y. 2004) ......... 2
Choctaw Nation v. United States,
rr 15
County of Oneida v. Oneida Indian Nation,
470 U.S. 226 (1985), aff'g in part and rev'g in part,
719 F.2d 525 (2d Cir. 1983), aff'g and remanding,
434 F. Supp. 527 (N.D.N.Y. 1977) (“Oneida IT”) . .
EE EEE IEEE SEE TTT TTT TTT 1, 13, 24, 25
DeCoteau v. Dist. Co. Court
for the Tenth Judicial Dist.,
eo Cc ccc ccccecs 16, 28
Fellows v. Blacksmith,
ee cede cc ccecncccccce 27
Hagen v. Utah,
Ss oc ceccescccesccccse 2, 15, 16
Menominee Indian Tribe v. Thompson,
161 F.3d 449 (7th Cir. 1998), cert. denied,
EEE EEE ETT TTS 17, 18
iv
C ited Authorities
Page
Minnesota v. Mille Lacs Band of Chippewa Indians,
SEBS. TIS GRSSSD sccccccesecccccess 14-15, 22, 25
New York ex rel. Cutler v. Dibble,
GEUB. SEDC) ccvccccccess baveseceeses 27
New York Indians v. United States, .
170 U.S. 1 (1898), rev'g, 30 —t. Cl. 413 (1895),
after remand, 40 Ct. Cl. 448 (. 905) .......... passim
Oneida Indian Nation of New York
v. City of Sherrill,
337 F.3d 139 (2d Cir. 2003) ..........2eeeees passim
Oneida Indian Nation v. County of Oneida,
GOO TE Gee Gee cvccccccnsncesceunceuse 28
Oneida Nation of New York v. United States,
43 Ind. Cl. Comm. 373 (1978) ............-.-. 13
Oregon Dept of Fish and Wildlife
v. Klamath Indian Tribe,
GIB GB. FEO CSSD cccccccccccscsvcssesess 15
Rosebud Sioux Tribe v. Kneip,
So eee 15, 16, 20, 21, 28
Seneca-Cayuga Tribe of Oklahoma
v. Town of Aurelius, 03-CV-690 (N.D.N.Y.) .... 2-3
Sokaogon Chippewa Community v. Exxon Corp.,
2 F.3d 219 (7th Cir. 1993), cert. denied,
ot ef rrr 23
Vv
Cited Authorities
Page
Solem v. Bartlett,
ERE 18, 20
South Dakota v. Yankton Sioux Tribe,
Se Se PED cccccccceccces 15, 16, 17, 27, 28
The New York Indians,
SE CED cacdnschsdusenceeeeundas 27
United States v. Boylan,
265 F. 165 (2d Cir. 1920), error dismissed,
Sr a EE odcckcedeccescedsues 10, 12, 27
United States v. Santa Fe Pacific R. Co.,
ee 14, 19, 23,24
Federal Statutes and Treaties:
Act of May 28, 1830
4 Stat. 411 (Indian Removal Act of 1830) ...... 4, 26
Act of January 28, 1893
DP a dadueudauwduededeudcauueueuee 10
a en ren 1,12
25 U.S.C. (Indian Trade and Intercourse Act)
Eee 2660660606 nenbESbecheeneunceesenbeet 13
Treaty of November 11, 1794
(Treaty of Canandaigua),
VEE ékeecdneueneedsedensecbeoncusecs 17
vi
Cited Authorities
Page
Treaty of February 8, 1831
8 PKI TTT TT TT TTT TTT Te 6
Treaty of October 27, 1832
A SPT eee 6, 19
Treaty of January 14, 1837
PUD Acccvéddunsseusecocscensaneutes 22
Treaty of January 15, 1838
(Buffalo Creek Treaty),
FE ED acusaducesevocessseeveseciacens passim
Miscellaneous:
Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae
DED ccneesebdudenseanseadenesedes 24
Brief of Amicus Curiae, County of Oneida
v. Oneida Indian Nation,
470 U.S. 226 (1985) (No. 83-1065) ........... 19
Brief of Respondents Oneida Indian Nation
of New York, et al., in Opposition to the
Petition for Certiorari
EGE ccvenccccehecnncecesesduseesas 25, 27
Cohen, Felix S., Handbook of Federal Indian Law
SPEED ouvcocenucccecesesacesosecesss 5,6, 7,8
Cohen, Felix S., Handbook of Federal Indian Law
GRRE GD oc ccccsccecccccescececoseeesoeses +
vil
Cited Authorities
Page
Confederation of American Indians,
Indian Reservations -
A State and Federal Handbook (1986) ........ 12
http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/36/36053.h
(last visited July 13, 2004) .................. 12
http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/36/36065.h
(last visited July 13, 2004) .................. 12
Letter of Secretary of War John C. Calhoun to
Jasper Parrish, Sub-Agent of the Six Nations,
April 15, 1822, VII W. Hemphill, ed., The Papers
of John C. Calhoun, 1822-1823 (1973) ........ 6
Memorial of the Delegates from the Stockbridge,
Munsee, Brothertown, Oneida and St. Regis, to
the President of the United States, January 20, 1831,
printed in Senate Confidential Report “A Treaty
with the Menomonee Tribe of Indians,” February 28,
1832, National Archives, M668 (Ratified Indian
Treaties 1722-1869) (“1831 Senate Report”) ... 5-6, 18
Report of the Special Committee to Investigate the
Indian Problem of the State of New York (1889)
Pee CET cecececeaceocenses 6-7, 10
II James D. Richardson, ed.,
A Compilation of the Messages
and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897 (1899)
(“Messages of the Presidents’’)
Message of January 27, 1825 ................ 3
First Annual Message (1829) ................ 4, 26
vill
Cited Authorities
Page
24 Come, Rec. (1893) ...cccccccccccccscccccves 11, 20
6 Reg, Ded: (1850)... ccccccccsccccsccceces 4, 7, 26
U.S. Dept. of Commerce, Federal and State Indian
Reservations and Indian Trust Areas (1974) .... 12
l
INTEREST OF THE AMICUS CURIAE
This case presents a “serious question” left open by this
Court’s 1985 decision in County of Oneida v. Oneida Indian
Nation, 470 U.S. 226 (1985), aff'g in part and rev'g in part,
719 F.2d 525 (2d Cir. 1983), aff'g and remanding, 434
F. Supp. 527 (N.D.N.Y. 1977) (“Oneida IT’): whether the
Oneida Indian reservation in central New York State, which
was created by a state treaty in 1788 and acknowledged by
the United States in 1794, was later terminated or
substantially diminished when the Oneidas remaining in the
area in 1838 agreed in the Treaty of Buffalo Creek to remove
from New York. Treaty of January 15, 1838, 7 Stat. 550
(“Buffalo Creek Treaty” or “Treaty”); see Oneida IJ, 470
U.S. at 269 n.24 (Stevens, J., dissenting). In the years shortly
before and after the proclamation of the Treaty, most of the
New York Oneidas sold nearly all their lands to New York
and left the State, and today the region is over 99 percent
non-Indian. Nevertheless, the Second Circuit held that
several parcels recently acquired by the Oneida Indian
Nation of New York (the “Nation”) within the 1788
reservation boundaries are not subject to local real property
taxation because the land remains “Indian country” under
18 U.S.C. § 1151(a). Oneida Indian Nation of New York v.
City of Sherrill, 337 F.3d 139 (2d Cir. 2003) (“Sherrill”).
At stake here is far more than the tax status of a few
isolated parcels of land. The Second Circuit’s conclusion
imperils the tax and civil regulatory jurisdiction that the State
has exercised over this 250,000-plus-acre area for more than
150 years. Under the reasoning of Sherrill, the Nation may
remove any land within this region from the tax rolls of
local governments simply by purchasing it, thereby
threatening the local tax base and financial well-being of
2
communities in a two-county area. The Nation has already
purchased, and purported to remove from the tax rolls, over
16,000 acres of land within the 1788 boundaries.
Additionally, because federal law restricts state
regulatory authority over tribal land in Indian country,
Sherrill creates a patchwork of tribal and state civil
jurisdiction that jeopardizes the orderly and uniform
application of law. As this Court has recognized, “when an
area is predominately populated by non-Indians with only a
few surviving pockets of Indian allotments, finding that
the land remains Indian country seriously burdens the
administration of state and local governments.” Hagen v.
Utah, 510 U.S. 399, 420-21 (1994) (citation and quotation
omitted). Further, the Second Circuit disregarded the
importance of the justifiable expectations of those who have
lived in the area for generations. See id. at 421 (a finding
that the reservation was not diminished “would seriously
disrupt the justifiable expectations of the people living in
the area”). In particular, the court ignored the practical
consequences to the State and local governments, as well
as to the residents of the area, of returning a non-Indian
area that has long been governed by the State to Indian
country status.
The effects of Sherrill have already extended beyond
the Oneidas’ historic lands. In Cayuga Indian Nation of New
York v. Village of Union Springs, 317 F. Supp. 2d 128
(N.D.N.Y. 2004), the district court, citing Sherrill, enjoined
a New York village from enforcing its zoning and land use
laws on property acquired by the Cayugas for use as a
gaming hall within the approximately 64,000-acre Cayuga
land claim area in western New York. See also Seneca-
Cayuga Tribe of Oklahoma v. Town of Aurelius, 03-CV-690
3
(N.D.N.Y.) (involving other property within the Cayuga land
claim area). The State and its localities have a vital interest
in continuing to assert their longstanding jurisdiction over
these areas as well.'
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE
BUFFALO CREEK TREATY
The historical context of the Buffalo Creek Treaty, as
well as its terms and its aftermath, makes clear why the
Treaty disestablished or substantially diminished the
Oneidas’ claimed reservation. The Treaty itself is explicit
about its background and purpose: it was the successful
culmination of over 20 years of federal efforts to remove
the New York Indians, including the Oneidas, from New
York. Preamble, 7 Stat. at 550-51.
A. A Principal Goal of Federal Removal Policy Was to
Terminate Indian Sovereignty in the Eastern States.
During the early nineteenth century, the federal
government adopted a policy of removing the Indian tribes
from the eastern States to frontier regions not then populated
by settlers. In 1825, President Monroe recommended to
Congress the “removal of the Indian tribes from the lands
which they now occupy within the limits of the several States
... to the country lying westward and northward thereof.”
Message of January 27, 1825, II James D. Richardson, ed.,
A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents,
1. The State’s emphasis on the correct interpretation of the
Treaty is not in derogation of the three other questions on which this
Court granted certiorari. Nor does the State concede that the Oneidas
had any valid land claim or other rights in the area before or after the
proclamation of the Treaty, or that their purported successors in
interest have any claim or rights today.
4
1789-1897 (1899) (“Messages of the Presidents’), at 280.
Four years later, President Jackson urged that Congress
“set[] apart an ample district west of the Mississippi, and
without the limits of any State or Territory now formed,” to
which the Indians should be encouraged to emigrate. First
Annual Message (1829), Messages of the Presidents, at 442,
458. Jackson noted that one of the problems to be remedied
by removal was the conflicting assertion of State and tribal
sovereignty within existing state boundaries, especially in
the south. Apparenily believing that Indian sovereignty in
New York had already ended, he asked rhetorically,
“(wlould the people of New York permit each remnant of
the Six Nations within her borders to declare itself
an independent people under the protection of the
United States?” Jd. at 457. Although Jackson stated that
removal “should be voluntary,” he emphasized that the
Indians “should be distinctly informed that if they remain
within the limits of the States they must be subject to their
laws.” Id. at 458-59.
Congress adopted the Indian Removal Act of 1830 in
response to Jackson’s proposal. Act of May 28, 1830, 4 Stat.
411 (“Removal Act”). The Removal Act authorized the
President to set aside federal lands west of the Mississippi
“for the reception of such tribes or nations of Indians as
may choose to exchange the lands where they now reside,
and remove there.” Section 1, 4 Stat. at 411-12. The core
purpose of federal removal policy was to “mak(e] a vast
area available for white settlement while reducing the
conflict of sovereign authority caused by the presence of
independent Indian governments within state boundaries.”
Felix S. Cohen, Handbook of Federal Indian Law 79 (1982
ed.); see also Remarks of Sen. Frelinghuysen, 6 Reg. Deb.
309 (1830) (“the design of the system of which the present
5
bill forms but a part, is really to remove all the Indian tribes
beyond the Mississippi, or, in case of their refusal, to subject
them to State sovereignty and legislation”).
B. The Oneidas’ Removal from New York Commenced
More Than 20 Years Before the Proclamation of the
Buffalo Creek Treaty.
In New York, the federal government actively
encouraged and aided Indian removal. In 1815, the
New York Indians sought the assistance and consent of the
United States to their removal to the west. 7 Stat. at 550. In
1821 and 1822, the federal government assisted the Oneidas
and other New York tribes in purchasing land in Wisconsin
from the Menominee and Winnebago Tribes. /d.; see also
Felix S. Cohen, Handbook of Federal Indian Law 420 (1942
ed.). President Monroe approved both purchases (the first
in full, the second in part). See New York Indians v. United
States, 170 U.S. 1, 6-7 n.1, 14 (1898), rev’g, 30 Ct. Cl. 413
(1895), after remand, 40 Ct. Cl. 448 (1905). New York
Indians recognized that the Wisconsin lands were intended
to serve as a new homeland for Indians removing from
New York. According to members of the Oneidas and other
tribes,
in the treaties of 1821 and 1822 it was originally
the intention of the tribes . . . and the policy of
this Government, to relieve the State of New York
of its entire Indian population, and to provide for
the Six Nations and their confederates a home in
the vicinity of Green bay [sic], which should
belong to them and their posterity forever.
Memorial of the Delegates from the Stockbridge, Munsee,
Brothertown, Oneida and St. Regis, to the President of
the United States, January 20, 1831, printed in Senate
6
Confidential Report on “A Treaty with the Menomonee [sic]
Tribe of Indians,” February 28, 1831, National Archives,
M668 (Ratified Indian Treaties 1722-1869) (“1831 Senate
Report”), R. 6, fr. 0336-0337.
The Menominees later disputed the validity of these land
purchases. 7 Stat. at 550. To settle the matter, in 1831, the
United States and the Menominees agreed to set aside
approximately 500,000 acres in Wisconsin as a home for :
the Oneidas and the other New York Indians in exchange
for a payment by the United States. Treaty of February 8,
1831, 7 Stat. 342; see also New York Indians, 170 U.S. at
11-14; Cohen (1942 ed.), supra, at 420. Representatives of
the New York Indians, including Oneidas who had recently
removed from New York, formally accepted and urged
ratification of the Menominee treaty, agreeing that the
Wisconsin acreage “contains a sufficient quantity of good
land, favorably and advantageously situated, to answer all
the wants of the New York Indians.” Treaty of October 27,
1832, 7 Stat. 405, 409 App.
In furtherance of their removal to Wisconsin, the
Oneidas, with federal encouragement, repeatedly sold land
to New York in the fourteen years preceding the signing of
the Buffalo Creek Treaty, and used proceeds to finance their
emigration. See Letter of Secretary of War John C. Calhoun
to Jasper Parrish, Sub-Agent of the Six Nations, April 15,
1822, VII W. Hemphill, ed., The Papers of John C. Calhoun,
1822-1823 43-44 (1973) (advising an Oneida faction that
President Monroe believed that the Six Nations should
voluntarily dispose of their New York lands and remove to
Wisconsin).? The Removal Act debates reveal that Congress
2. See Report of the Special Committee to Investigate the Indian
Problem of the State of New York (1889) (“1889 New York Report’),
(Cont’d)
7
was aware of these transactions. See Remarks of Sen.
Forsyth, 6 Reg. Deb. 337 (1830) (“[w]ithin a few months
the Governor of New York has, under a law of the State,
called together the Oneidas, and made a treaty with them”).
By the time the Treaty was signed in 1838, there were nearly
as many Oneidas in Wisconsin as in New York. 7 Stat. at
556 (Sch. A). The 620 Oneidas who remained in New York
occupied only about 5,000 acres. Jd.; Sherrill, 337 F.3d
at 163.
However, as non-Indian settlement in Wisconsin
increased during the 1830s, it became apparent that
further removal to Wisconsin was no longer feasible. Cohen
(1942 ed.), supra, at 420. The Buffalo Creek Treaty recited
that President Van Buren was
satisfied that various considerations have
prevented those still residing in New York from
removing to Green Bay [including] that many
who were in favor of emigration, preferred to
remove at once to the Indian territory, which they
(Cont’d)
at 287 (Treaty of August 26, 1824); at 291 (Treaty of February 13,
1829) (portion of sale proceeds to be used “for the support of a
Teacher at Green Bay”); at 293 (Treaty of October 8, 1829) (portion
of the sale proceeds to be paid when a majority of chiefs “signify. . .
their readiness to remove to Green Bay”); at 296 (dated April 2, 1833,
signifying readiness to remove); at 298 (Treaty of February 1, 1826)
(sale proceeds payable when the Governor is satisfied that the Indians
are about to remove to Green Bay); at 303 (Treaty of April 3, 1830)
(portion of sale proceeds to be used to superintend Oneida emigration
to Green Bay); at 305 (Treaty of February 26, 1834). The February
13, 1829 Treaty was signed on behalf of New York by then-
Governor Martin Van Buren, who as President of the United States,
subsequently proclaimed Buffalo Creek in 1840.
8
were fully persuaded was the only permanent and
peaceable home for all the Indians.
7 Stat. at 550. Accordingly, the United States and the
New York Indians entered negotiations to remove the
Indians to lands in what is now Kansas, then part of the
Indian territory. Cohen (1942 ed.), supra, at 420.
C. The Oneidas Agreed to Remove from New York in
the Buffalo Creek Treaty.
The Buffalo Creek Treaty recited that its purpose was
to carry out “the humane policy of the Government in
removing the Indians from the east to the west of the
Mississippi, within the Indian territory,” 7 Stat. at 551, and
its terms expressly provided for the removal of the Oneidas
from New York. In the treaty, the Oneidas and the other
New York Indians ceded to the United States nearly all the
lands previously granted them in Wisconsin (excluding a
tract that became the present-day Oneida reservation in
Wisconsin) and received a new 1,824,000-acre reservation
in modern-day Kansas “as a permanent home for all the New
York Indians, now residing in the State of New York, or in
Wisconsin, or elsewhere in the United States, who have no
permanent homes... .” Arts. 1, 2, 7 Stat. at 551-52. The
new reservation was to be the “future home” of, among
others, the 620 “Oneidas . . . [then] residing in the State of
New York.” Art. 2, Sch. A, 7 Stat. at 551-52, 556. The Treaty
emphasized that the new lands were being set aside for the
New York Indians in conformity with the provisions of the
Removal Act. Art 2, 7 Stat. at 551. Moreover, any of the
Tribes that did not “accept and agree to remove to” their
new lands within five years or at such other time prescribed
by the President would “forfeit all interest” in the new
western lands. Art. 3, 7 Stat at 552.
9
Other treaty provisions likewise reflect the Oneidas’
agreement to remove by providing for the exercise of tribal
sovereignty only in the west. The Treaty specified that the
Oneidas could henceforth “establish their own form of
government, appoint their own officers, and administer their
own laws” on the Kansas lands designated as “their new
homes.” Art. 4, 7 Stat. at 552. The treaty’s terms restricted
the Oneidas’ exercise of these powers of tribal sovereignty
and jurisdiction to “said country,” i.e., the part of the
new reservation where the “Oneidas [were] to have their
lands in the Indian Territory.” Arts. 4, 5, 7 Stat. at 552. The
United States promised to “protect and defend” the
New York Indians “in the peaceable possession and
enjoyment of their new homes.” Art. 4, 7 Stat. at 552.
Finally, continuing the prior pattern of Oneida land sales
to the State, followed by removal, the Treaty provided for
the disposition of the Oneidas’ remaining lands in New York.
Although New York, which held the right of preemption,
was not a party, and thus did not directly acquire the Oneidas’
lands by virtue of the Treaty itself, the Treaty provided that
the Oneidas “hereby agree to remove to their new homes in
the Indian territory, as soon as they can make satisfactory
arrangements with the Governor of the State of New York
for the purchase of their lands at Oneida.” Art. 13, 7 Stat.
at 554.
10
D. After Proclamation of the Treaty, Most Remaining
Oneidas Left New York and the State and Local
Governments Assumed Jurisdiction Over Their
Former Lands.
Following the proclamation of the Buffalo Creek Treaty
in April, 1840, the Oneidas entered into several treaties with
the State providing for the sale of most of their remaining
land in New York. New York Indians, 40 Ct. Cl. at 469-71;
1889 New York Report, at 309 (Treaty of June 19, 1840); at
329 (Treaty of June 19, 1840); at 343 (Treaty of March 13,
1841); at 356 (Treaty of May 23, 1842); at 363 (Treaty of
February 25, 1846). Within a decade, the vast majority of
the remaining Oneidas had left New York, although most
did not remove to Kansas. Approximately 400 Oneidas
removed from New York to Canada, and in 1846, about 150
removed to Wisconsin. New York Indians, 40 Ct. Cl. at 470.
By 1905, of the Oneidas still in New York, about 150 were
regarded as New York citizens, while approximately 128
resided on the Onondaga reservation and were not regarded
as citizens. Jd. By 1920, the Oneidas were down to 32 acres
of tribal land. United States v. Boylan, 265 F. 165 (2d Cir.
1920), error dismissed, 257 U.S. 614 (1921).
Although few New York Indians removed to Kansas,
in the late nineteenth centu: y, the Oneidas and the other
New York Indians successfully petitioned Congress for
permission to bring an action to seek compensation for the
Kansas lands, which during the intervening years had been
opened to white settlement and sold by the United States.
See Act of January 28, 1893, 27 Stat. 426. In explaining the
1893 legislation, Senator Platt, who reported the bill out of
committee, made clear that the Indians’ claim was grounded
in the surrender of their New York lands at the time of
1]
Buffalo Creek Treaty and before. See 24 Cong. Rec. 588
(1893) (referring to “the claim of the New York Indians to
be compensated for certain lands which were given them in
lieu of the lands which they had in New York”). Platt
explained that the New York Indians had given up lands in
New York and received lands in Wisconsin, which they then
gave up in the Treaty for lands in Kansas. /d. He argued
that although the New York Indians never went to Kansas,
“they gave up the New York lands,” but the United States
never paid them “for the surrender of their lands in
New York.” /d. at 588-89.
This Court sustained the claim, holding that the
agreement of the New York Indians to remove west was
“(p]robably . . . the main inducement” for the United States
to set aside new lands for them in the Indian territory.
New York Indians, 170 U.S. at 15. Additionally, citing Article
13 of the Buffalo Creek Treaty, this Court held that,
notwithstanding the Oneidas’ failure to occupy the new
reservation, their agreement to remove “as soon as” they
sold their remaining lands to the State was sufficient to avoid
a forfeiture of the Kansas lands under the Treaty’s stipulation
that any of the tribes that did not timely “accept and agree
to remove to” those lands would forfeit them. Jd. at 26.
The Oneidas, as well as other New York Indians, shared in
the money judgment awarded by the Court. See New York
Indians, 40 Ct. Cl. at 467, 471-72.
Following the Oneidas’ departure, the State and its
localities assumed jurisdiction over all the former Oneida
lands within the 1788 boundaries, and this jurisdiction was
unquestioned until the events giving rise to this action.
The area has long since ceased to be recognized or treated
12
as a reservation by the federal government.’ Moreover, the
area has long since lost its Indian character, and for
generations has been home almost exclusively to non-
Indians. Census Bureau statistics for the year 2000 show
that the area is populated almost entirely by non-Indians.
See New York Quick Facts - Oneida County (Oneida
County’s non-Indian population made up 99.8 percent of
the county’s total population)*; New York Quick Facts -
Madison County (Madison County’s non-Indian population
made up 99.5 percent of the county’s total population).°
After examining this history of the Oneidas’ removal
from New York, the Indian Claims Commission (“ICC”)
found that the Oneidas sold the bulk of their land to New
3. As recently as 1997, the Department of Interior’s Annual
Report on Indian lands listed only 32 acres of land in Madison County
and none in Oneida County as under BIA jurisdiction. Jt. App.
(2d Cir.) 249-250. Federal government publications suggest that even
those 32 acres are not characterized as “reservation” land. See U.S.
Dept. of Commerce, Federal and State Indian Reservations and
Indian Trust Areas 398-421 (1974) (listing Indian reservations in
New York State but not listing a New York Oneida reservation).
Instead, the “Oneida Nation of New York is classified as ‘non-
reservation, tax-exempt land,’ and for that reason is not listed
separately in this handbook.” Jd. at 407. See also Confederation of
American Indians, Jndian Reservations - A State and Federal
Handbook, 194-205 (1986) (New York Oneida reservation not listed).
In Boylan, the Second Circuit referred to the 32 acres as an
“allotment.” 265 F. at 173; see 18 U.S.C. § 1151(c) (Indian country
includes “all Indian allotments, the Indian titles to which have not
been extinguished”).
4. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/36/36065.h (last
visited July 13, 2004).
5. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/36/36053.h (last
visited July 13, 2004).
13
York State with the knowledge of the United States in a
series of negotiated transactions beginning in 1795. Oneida
Nation of New York v. United States, 43 Ind. Cl. Comm.
373, 375 (1978). The ICC also found that Article 13 of the
Buffalo Creek Treaty constituted a federal authorization for
the Oneidas to convey their remaining lands to the State.
Id. at 385. Additionally, it concluded that in purchasing
Oneida land, New York had been doing “what would
otherwise have been the Government's job, i.e., buying lands
from the New York Indians in order to persuade them to
move west.... In New York State the state was carrying
out [the Federal Government’s removal] policy... .”
Id. at 405.°
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The Treaty of Buffalo Creek disestablished or nearly
entirely diminished the Oneida reservation. It was designed
“to release the Eastern lands from Indian tenure and to
remove the Indians into a country not then settled by whites,”
New York Indians, 30 Ct. Cl. at 450, and thereby to end
the very types of jurisdictional conflicts involved here.
The Treaty continued the removal of the New York Oneidas
that had begun more than 20 years earlier with the
knowledge and encouragement of the United States.
The Oneidas and the other New York Indians agreed in the
6. Although two district court decisions held that the Buffalo
Creek Treaty did not retroactively ratify prior land purchases by the
State so as to extinguish any causes of action for violation of the
Indian Trade and Intercourse Act, 25 U.S.C. § 177, these cases did
not address the issue of whether the Treaty prospectively terminated
reservation status. See Cayuga Indian Nation v. Cuomo, 730 F. Supp.
485, 492-93 (N.D.N.Y. 1990), appeal pending (2d Cir.); Oneida
Indian Nation v. County of Oneida, 434 F. Supp. 527, 539 (N.D.N.Y.
1977), aff'd and remanded, 719 F.2d 525 (2d Cir. 1983), aff'd in
part and rev'd in part, 470 U.S. 226 (1985).
14
Treaty to give up most of the Wisconsin lands that had been
set aside for the removal of the New York Indians, and the
Oneidas remaining in New York also agreed to remove from
New York to a new reservation created for them by the
United States in the Indian territory halfway across the
continent. Following proclamation of the Treaty, the vast
majority of the remaining Oneidas sold their lands and left
New York. Although few Oneidas settled on the new
reservation, they ultimately sought and accepted the value
of their western lands following this Court’s decision in New
York Indians. By agreeing to remove from New York, by
selling nearly all their lands to the State and leaving New
York, and by accepting the new reservation, the Oneidas,
with Congressional approval, released and relinquished all
their tribal rights, including all tribal sovereignty, over their
former New York lands. See United States v. Santa Fe Pacific
R. Co., 314 U.S. 339, 356-58 (1941).
ARGUMENT
I. The Terms of the Buffalo Creek Treaty, its Role in
Effectuating Federal Removal Policy, and the Area’s
Subsequent Jurisdictional History Demonstrate That
the Treaty Ended Oneida Sovereignty over the
Former Reservation.
Aconsideration of the terms of the Buffalo Creek Treaty,
its historical role in implementing federal Indian policy, and
the area’s subsequent treatment leads to one conclusion —
the reservation has been disestablished or almost entirely
diminished.
1. Like all federal Indian treaties, the Buffalo Creek
Treaty must be interpreted in view of its historical context.
See Minnesota v. Mille Lacs Band of Chippewa Indians, 526
15
U.S. 172, 196 (1999) (this Court looks “beyond the written
words to the larger context that frames” the treaty, including
the history of the treaty, the negotiations and the practical
construction adopted by the parties). In particular, the manner
in which the Indians understood the terms of an agreement is a
key guide in construing federal Indian treaties. Jd. Of course,
this Court “cannot ignore plain language that, viewed in
historical context and given a fair appraisal, clearly runs counter
to [the] tribe’s later claims.” Oregon Dep t of Fish and Wildlife
v. Klamath Indian Tribe, 473 U.S. 753, 774 (1985) (citation
and internal quote omitted); see also Choctaw Nation v. United
States, 318 U.S. 423, 432 (1943) (“Indian treaties cannot be -
rewritten or expanded beyond their clear terms to remedy a
claimed injustice”).
Because this Court has repeatedly faced the question of
when a reservation has been disestablished and diminished in
cases interpreting allotment-era surplus land acts, the principles
articulated in those decisions are applicable in determining
whether the Buffalo Creek Treaty disestablished or diminished
the Oneidas’ reservation. Under these cases, the critical inquiry
is whether there is a “congressionally manifested intent” that
reservation status end. Rosebud Sioux Tribe v. Kneip, 430 U.S.
584, 587 (1977); see also South Dakota v. Yankton Sioux Tribe,
522 U.S. 329, 343 (1998) (“[o]ur touchstone to determine
whether a given statute diminished or retained reservation
boundaries is congressional purpose”’); Hagen, 510 U.S. at 414
(reservation diminishment is evidenced by “congressional
intent with respect to those lands inconsistent with the
continuation of reservation status”). Although congressional
intent to terminate or diminish a reservation must be “clear
and plain,” and this Court “resolve[s] any ambiguities in favor
of the Indians, aid . . . will not lightly find diminishment,” the
Court will not disregard clear expressions of intent to diminish
16
or terminate a reservation. Yankton, 522 U.S. at 343-44
(citations and quotations omitted); DeCoteau v. District
County Court for the Tenth Judicial District, 429 U.S. 425,
447 (1975). This Court gives primacy to congressional intent
to diminish in the surplus land act cases even where the
enactment merely ratifies an agreement previously
negotiated with the Indians. See Yankton, 522 U.S. at 339
(statute ratified and incorporated agreement in its entirety);
DeCcteau, 420 U.S. at 441 (same).
In the surplus land act cases, as in cases interpreting
treaties, this Court does not limit its inquiry to the text alone.
Also relevant are the historical context surrounding the act’s
passage, and the subsequent treatment, jurisdictional history,
and settlement pattern of the area in question. See Yankton,
522 U.S. at 344; Rosebud, 430 U.S. at 587; DeCoteau,
420 U.S. at 442; see also Hagen, 510 U.S. at 412 (“our
traditional approach to diminishment cases . . . requires us
to examine all cf the circumstances surrounding the opening
of areservation”’). In evaluating the subsequent jurisdictional
history, “the single most salient fact is the unquestioned
actual assumption of state jurisdiction over the . . . lands.”
Rosebud, 430 U.S. at 603.
All of these factors indicate that Congress intended, and
even under the most generous construction of the Buffalo
Creek Treaty, the Oneidas must have understood, that their
agreement to remove terminated their jurisdiction over the
lands they no longer occupied in 1838; at most only the
5,000 acres that the Oneidas then occupied would retain
reservation status, and then only until the Oneidas sold them
and left. And in fact, within a decade after the Treaty’s
proclamation, nearly all the Oneidas had done so,
relinquishing their jurisdiction over those lands as well.
17
2. The intent of both the United States and the Oneidas
to disestablish or nearly entirely diminish the Oneidas’
New York reservation is apparent from the terms of the
Buffalo Creek Treaty. It documented the long history of
federal efforts to remove the Indians, including the Oneidas,
from New York, and stated that the removal agreed to in
the Treaty was undertaken pursuant to the federal Removal
Act. Additionally, in Article 13, the Oneidas agreed to
remove “as soon as” they disposed of their remaining New
York lands.
The Buffalo Creek Treaty is flatly inconsistent with
continuing Oneida sovereignty in the area. The Oneidas’
agreement to dispose of their New York lands and remove
to a new “permanent home” in the Indian territory and to
“establish their own form of government” and “administer
their own laws” there, rather than on the New York lands
from which they had just agreed to remove, superseded
whatever rights the Oneidas may have had in the region
under the 1794 Treaty of Canandaigua. Treaty of
November 11, 1794, 7 Stat. 44.’ Their agreement to remove
“can by no means be reconciled with” the Nation’s claim to
jurisdiction over the area under the 1794 Treaty. Yankton,
522 U.S. at 345.
The Oneidas could not reasonably have expected to
continue to exercise jurisdiction over lands they had already
left and were now leaving. See Menominee Indian Tribe v.
Thompson, 161 F.3d 449, 458 (7th Cir. 1998) (Menominees
“could not reasonably have expected to continue” to exercise
7. Article II of the 1794 Treaty expressly contemplated that the
Oneidas might one day sell their lands, providing that “the said
reservation[] shall remain theirs, until they choose to sell the same
to the people of the United States, who have the right to purchase.”
7 Stat. at 4..
18
hunting and fishing rights retained in 1831 treaty following an
1848 treaty in which they agreed to leave Wisconsin and move
to a new reservation 300 miles away), cert. denied, 526 U.S.
1066 (1999). And it is inconceivable that the United States
intended to terminate Oneida sovereignty over the 5,000 acres
the Oneidas then occupied and remove them half a continent
away while simultaneously preserving their sovereignty over
a quarter of a million acres of land that the United States had
encouraged them to sell to New York and that they no longer
even occupied in 1838. These lands not only had been claimed
by the white settlers who had moved into the area by 1838, but
had been sold by the Oneidas themselves for disposition to
those settlers. Thus, Congress’s approval of the Oneidas’
agreement to sell their remaining lands and remove from New
York reflected its recognition of the de facto diminishment that
had already occurred. See Solem v. Bartlett, 465 U.S. 463, 471
(1984) (citations omitted).
3. This interpretation is confirmed by the Treaty’s
broader historical context. The Oneidas’ agreement to
remove from New York to a new home in the middle of the
American continent vas the culmination of a removal
process that had begun more than 20 years earlier with the
participation and encouragement of the federal government.
By 1838, nearly half of the New York Oneidas had removed
to Wisconsin, and the New York Oneidas occupied only
about 5,000 acres within the 1788 boundaries. Both the
Indians and the United States acknowledged that this process
was designed to remove the Indians, including the Oneidas,
from New York State to a remote part of the western frontier
where they would be far from advancing white settlements.
See 1831 Senate Report, R. 6 at fr. 0336-0337. During the
two decades leading up to the Buffalo Creek Treaty, the
frontier continued to move westward; the Indians’ new home
19
was initially to be in Wisconsin, and then in the Indian
territory west of the Mississippi. But the goal of removing
the Indians from New York remained constant. Moreover,
the federal removal policy’s goal of avoiding conflicts of
state and tribal sovereignty could be accomplished only if
Oneida sovereignty over the area they no longer occupied,
and the area from which they were to remove, was ended.
“In view of this historical setting, it cannot now be fairly
implied that tribal rights of the [Indians] in lands outside
the [new] reservation were preserved.” Santa Fe, 314 U.S.
at 358. Contrary to what the Second Circuit believed, the
“central bargain” of Buffalo Creek was not simply the
Indians’ exchange of their Wisconsin lands for new lands
west of the Mississippi. See Sherrill, 337 F.3d at 160;
see also id. at 164 (the land exchange was the “rationale for
the award” to the New York Oneidas and others in New York
Indians). The Second Circuit failed to recognize that the
Wisconsin lands and the Oneidas’ New York lands were
inextricably linked because the Wisconsin lands had been
set aside for the removal of all New York Indians. Indeed,
in 1832, New York Indians, including Oneidas who had
recently removed, accepted the United States’ treaty with
the Menominees regarding this land, agreeing that the
Wisconsin lands were sufficient for “all” the “wants” of the
New York Indians. Treaty of October 27, 1832, 7 Stat. 405,
409 App; see also Brief of Amicus Curiae United States at
30, County of Oneida v. Oneida Indian Nation, 470 U.S.
226 (1985) (No. 83-1065). The Oneidas’ surrender in the
Buffalo Creek Treaty of most of the Wisconsin lands
provided to them in the Menominee treaty was simply
another step in their ongoing removal from New York.
As Senator Platt recognized decades later in explaining why
20
the Indians should be allowed to sue the United States for
the value of the western reservation they had never occupied,
the Kansas lands were given to the Indians in lieu of their
New York lands. See 24 Cong. Rec. 588-89 (1893).
4. Finally, the treatment of the area within the 1788
boundaries following the Treaty’s proclamation strongly
supports the view that both Congress and the Oneidas
understood that the Treaty would terminate Oneida
sovereignty in New York. After 1840, the remaining Oneidas
sold virtually all of their remaining lands, and most left New
York. For over a century and a half, state and local
governments have exercised jurisdiction over nearly all the
lands within the 1788 boundaries, and these lands have been
populated almost exclusively by non-Indians. The Second
Circuit’s cavalier dismissal of this history, Sherrill, 337 F.3d
at 163-64, is particularly untenable given that the Oneidas’
removal both before and after the Treaty’s signing was
undertaken by New York and the United States precisely
with the goal of ending the Oneidas’ sovereign rights in New
York. In contrast to the surplus land act allotments, where
the Indians were expected to remain on their allotted lands
in the vicinity of lands that were opened to settlement by
others, the premise of the Buffalo Creek Treaty was that the
Oneidas were to leave New York entirely and relocate on a
new reservation. That the area has been for many years
populated almost exclusively by non-Indians bears out this
expectation. As this Court has held, “[w]here non-Indian
settlers flooded into the opened portion of a reservation and
the area has long since lost its Indian character, we have
acknowledged that de facto, if not de jure, diminishment
may have occurred.” Solem, 465 U.S. at 471 (citations
omitted); see also Rosebud, 430 U.S. at 604-05 (the
21
“longstanding assumption of jurisdiction by the State over
an area that is over [99 percent] non-Indian ... not only
demonstrates the parties’ understanding of the meaning of
the Act, but has created justifiable expectations which should
not be upset” by the strained reading of the statutes urged
by the tribe).
Not surprisingly, the federal government has long since
ceased to treat the 250,000-plus-acre area as a reservation.
See Rosebud, 430 U.S. at 604-05 (the fact that neither
Congress nor the Bureau of Indian Affairs has sought to
exercise its authority over an area or to challenge the State’s
exercise of authority is a factor entitled to weight as part of
the jurisdictional history). Accordingly, although a small
number of Oneidas remained in New York, and continued
to occupy a small parcel that eventually dwindled to 32
acres, the language, background and subsequent history of
the Buffalo Creek Treaty compel the conclusion that the
Oneidas relinquished all of their tribal sovereignty over all
their former lands in New York when they accepted the new
western reservation.
II. The Oneidas’ Agreement to Remove Was Binding
and Relinquished Their Sovereignty over Their
Former New York Lands.
1. There was nothing conditional about the Oneidas’
relinquishment in the Buffalo Creek Treaty of their
sovereignty over New York lands. In reaching the contrary
conclusion, the Second Circuit characterized the Treaty as
an “agreement to agree” conditioned upon subsequent land
sales to New York State. Sherrill, 337 F.3d at 161. The
language of the Treaty itself, in which the Oneidas agreed
22
to remove “as soon as” they disposed of their lands, not
“only if” they were able to sell them, refutes this
interpretation. The phrase “as soon as” refers to when, not
whether, the Oneidas were to remove.*® That most of the
remaining Oneidas sold nearly all their lands to New York
and removed within ten years after the Treaty’s proclamation
strongly suggests that they shared this interpretation. The
Second Circuit’s statement that “the sales to New York State
were never accomplished, and the planned removal never
took place,” Sherrill, 337 F.3d at 162, is simply wrong.
Although few Oneidas removed to Kansas, most Oneida land
was sold to New York and the vast majority of the Oneidas
left the State. See New York Indians, 40 Ct. Cl. at 469-71.
2. More importantly, characterization of the Oneidas’
agreement to remove as conditional is contradicted by this
Court’s decision in New York Indians. In short, this Court
has already interpreted the Buffalo Creek Treaty as an
agreement by the Oneidas to remove. Indeed, as the Court
recognized, the Indians’ agreement to remove to the west
was “[p]robably ... the main inducement” for the United
States to set aside new lands for them in the Indian territory.
New York Indians, 170 U.S. at 15. By virtue of that
agreement, the Oneidas obtained an interest in the new lands
that the United States became obliged to pay for years later,
after it sold the land to non-Indian settlers. See id. at 26, 36.
The possibility that the Oneidas might not actually remove
8. This Court recently characterized a treaty containing an
agreement to remove “as soon as” an expected imminent event
occurred as a removal treaty. See Mille Lacs, 526 U.S. at 189-90 n.4
(1999) (noting that the United States negotiated several “removal
treaties” with Indian tribes in 1837 including one with the Saganaws,
7 Stat. 528, 530, in which “said tribe agrees to remove from the
State of Michigan, as soon as a proper location can be obtained”).
23
and their failure actually to occupy the Kansas lands did
not undo their agreement or vitiate their rights to that
territory. /d.
3. The benefit of the Oneidas’ new reservation came
with a corresponding burden, which the Nation now seeks
to disavow: by agreeing to remove, the Oneidas relinquished
tribal rights over their New York lands. See, e.g., Sokaogon
Chippewa Community v. Exxon Corp., 2 F.3d 219, 225
(7th Cir. 1993) (tribe’s acceptance of treaty benefits implies
acceptance of treaty burden of surrender of right of
occupancy), cert. denied, 510 U.S. 1196 (1994). This Court’s
precedent establishes that in accepting a new reservation,
an Indian tribe may release and relinquish its rights in other
lands. Thus, in United States v. Santa Fe Pacific R. Co., the
United States undertook by statute to extinguish Indian
title to certain western land for the benefit of a railroad,
subject to the limitation that that title could be extinguished
only by the Indians’ “voluntary cession.” Santa Fe, 314 U.S.
at 344. The Walapai Indians requested that a new reservation
be created for them because of the encroachment of settlers
onto their lands. The President created the new reservation
by executive order, although only a few Walapais actually
moved there. Nevertheless, this Court found that there was
“an indication that the Indians were satisfied with the
proposed reservation.” /d. at 357. It concluded that even
though the Walapais never made an explicit “voluntary
cession” of their former lands, the creation of the new
reservation and the Walapai’s acceptance of it amounted to
a relinquishment of the Walapai’s “tribal rights in lands
outside the reservation and notoriously claimed by others.”
24
Id. at 357-58.° In this case, there is far more than “an
indication” that the Oneidas were “satisfied” with their new
reservation: they entered into a federal treaty agreeing to
remove far away to the new reservation and ultimately
recovered the value of the new reservation in this Court.
Consequently, their “acquiescence in that arrangement”
relinquished their sovereignty over their former lands
outside the new reservation.'® /d. at 358.
Ill. The Additional Reasons Offered by the Second
Circuit For Its Interpretation of the Treaty Are
Unpersuasive.
1. The primary rationale relied upon by the Second
Circuit in concluding that the Oneidas could have
understood the Buffalo Creek Treaty as preserving
sovereignty over their former New York lands was that their
agreement to remove was conditional. See Sherrill, 337 F.3d
at 161. Only in light of this view do canons of treaty
9. In Santa Fe, this Court found that creation of an earlier
reservation never accepted bv the Walapais did not extinguish their
claim to their old lands. Santa Fe, 314 U.S. at 354-55. That holding
does not control this case because the Oneidas agreed in the Buffalo
Creek Treaty to remove from New York to their new reservation and
accepted the benefit of the new reservation.
10. The United States’ claim in its amicus curiae brief in
opposition to the petition for certiorari that Santa Fe is inapposite
here because it involved aboriginal rather than reservation land is
belied by this Court’s application of Santa Fe to the Oneida land
claim. See Brief for the United States as Amicus Curiae (No. 03-
855) at 11-12; Oneida J], 470 U.S. at 247-48 (citing Santa Fe, 314
U.S. at 346, 354).
25
construction relied upon by the circuit court, id. at 158-59;
see also Mille Lacs, 526 U.S. at 196; Oneida I], 470 U.S. at
247, become helpful to respondents. In support of this view,
the Second Circuit cited a statement apparently made to the
Oneidas by Ransom Gillet, the United States treaty
commissioner who negotiated the Buffalo Creek Treaty.
See Brief of Respondents Oneida Indian Nation of New
York, et al., in Opposition To the Petition For Certiorari at
10a-11a (No. 03-855); Sherrill, 337 F.3d at 161-62. Even if
the statement is appropriately considered in interpreting the
Treaty,'' the court misunderstood its import.
At most, Gillet’s statement advised the Oneidas that they
would not be forcibly removed from the lands they occupied
in 1838. This was not a new policy. Such voluntary removal
was consistent with federal removal policy as articulated in
the Removal Act’s text (Indians could “choose to exchange”
their lands for new western lands), and with President
Jackson’s view that removal “should be voluntary.”
11. An unauthenticated photocopy of a handwritten version of
this document appears in the record below as an exhibit to an attorney
affidavit. Jt. App. (2d Cir.) 1312-13. In this Court, the Nation included
a transcription of the Gillet statement in the appendix to its brief in
opposition to the petition for certiorari. Respondent’s Brief
in Opposition to the Petition for Certiorari, 10a-lla. The Gillet
Statement was not incorporated into the Treaty’s text, unlike a similar
assurance given to the St. Regis Indians. Supp. Art., 7 Stat. at 561,
564 (explicitly providing that the United States would not compel
the St. Regis Indians to remove). See New York Indians, 170 U.S.
at 22-23 (treaty proviso adopted by the Senate never became
effective because there was no evidence that the President
ever approved it.)
26
See Removal Act, 4 Stat. at 411-12; First Annual Message,
at 458. Consistent with this policy, and with federal
encouragement, the Oneidas had been voluntarily removing
from New York to Wisconsin during the 20 years before the
Treaty’s proclamation.
Nothing in the Gillet statement suggested that the
Oneidas’ original 250,000-plus-acre reservation was to
remain intact. In fact, the statement contradicted that view,
advising the Oneic as that “[t}hey can, if they choose to do
so, remain where they are forever” (emphasis added). Even
giving this statement the construction most favorable to the
Oneidas, it would have meant that, at most, the Oneidas
could continue to occupy only the 5,000 acres they had held
in 1838, and that for as long as they did so, the tract would
retain reservation status.'? The Gillet statement certainly
cannot be construed to assure the Oneidas that their
reservation would continue even after they decided to sell
their remaining lands to New York and leave the State. Thus,
“as soon as” the remaining Oneidas sold all but 32 acres of
their remaining lands, they had no reason to believe that
tribal sovereignty would continue over lands they no longer
occupied.
12. The better view, consistent with federal removal policies,
is that the Gillet statement did not assure the Oneidas that tribal
jurisdiction would continue even over any lands that they retained
after the Buffalo Creek Treaty. See, e.g., First Annual Message at
459 (the Indians “should be distinctly informed that if they remain
within the limits of the States they must be subject to their laws”);
Remarks of Sen. Frelinghuysen, 6 Reg. Deb. 309 (1830) (Indians
refusing to remove would be subject “to State sovereignty and
legislation”).
27
Gillet’s promise that the Oneidas would not be forcibly
removed therefore cannot qualify or limit the Oneidas’
binding agreement to remove from New York. His statement
should be given the “sensible construction” that the United
States would not force the remaining Oneidas to leave New
York before they sold their remaining lands to the State,
rather than being understood to impugn their agreement to
remove and terminate their sovereignty in New York."
See, e.g., Yankton, 522 U.S. at 344-46 (where provision
apparently preserving treaty rights appeared in text of Indian
land cession agreement that Congress codified in surplus
land act, this Court gave the provision a “sensible
construction” rather than reading it to “eviscerate[]” the
clear intent of the agreement to terminate the treaty rights).
Indeed, in his letter to the Indian Affairs Commissioner,
Gillet himself characterized his statement simply as an
assurance that the Oneidas would not be compelled to
remove without selling their land to New York. Respondents’
Brief in Opposition, at 7a.
Accordingly, respondents can find no comfort in the canons
of treaty interpretation. As this Court concluded in Yankton,
“(t]he principle according to which ambiguities are resolved
13. In Fellows v. Blacksmith, 60 U.S. 366 (1857), this Court
held that only the United States could forcibly remove the Senecas
from their reservations pursuant to Buffalo Creek. See also New York
ex rel. Cutler v. Dibble, 62 U.S. 366, 371 (1859) (same); The New
York Indians, 72 U.S. 761, 770 (1867) (New York could not tax the
Seneca lands “[u)ntil the Indians have sold their lands, and removed
from them in pursuance of the treaty stipulations”). Similarly, the
Second Circuit’s earlier reference in Boylan to the “reservation” as
in existence at the time of the Oneidas’ 1842 treaty with New
York, see Sherrill, 337 F.3d at 162-63, at most indicated that the
“reservation” continued after Buffalo Creek to the extent that the
Oneidas continued to occupy land in New York.
28
to the benefit of Indians tribes is not. . . ‘a license to disregard
clear expressions of tribal and congressional intent.’” 522 U.S.
at 349, citing DeCoteau, 420 U.S. at 447; see also Rosebud,
430 U.S. at 587 (canon “does not command a determination
that reservation status survives in the face of congressionally
manifested intent to the contrary”). This Court must give effect
to the Buffalo Creek Treaty’s terms as agreed to by Congress
and the Oneidas: “Congress and the tribe spoke clearly. Some
might wish they had spoken differently, but we cannot remake
history.” DeCoteau, 420 U.S. at 449.
2. The Second Circuit’s other arguments in support of its
interpretation are likewise meritless. The court erred in relying
heavily on the absence of explicit language of cession and
payment in the treaty to support its conclusion that the treaty
did not terminate the Oneida reservation. See Sherrill, 337 F.3d
at 159-61. The underlying fee to the Oneida lands was held by
New York State, which was not a party to the Buffalo Creek
Treaty, rather than by the United States. See Oneida Indian
Nation v. County of Oneida, 414 U.S. 661, 670 (1974) (original
13 states held the fee title or preemptive right to Indian lands
within their boundaries). Instead of ceding their New York lands
to the United States, which had no right to them, the Oneidas
agreed in Article 13 to remove to the new reservation “as soon
as” they sold their remaining New York lands to the State.'
14. The Court erroneously contrasted the Oneidas to the Senecas
and the Tuscaroras, who in the Buffalo Creek Treaty expressly ceded
lards to Ogden and Fellows, the holders of the right of preemption
to those Tribes’ lands in western New York. 7 Stat. at 557-61.
See Sherrill, 337 F.3d at 161. Unlike New York State, Ogden and
Fellows were parties to the Treaty, and thus the Treaty contained a
cession directly to them. Because New York was not a party to the
Treaty, the most the Oneidas could agree to was removal following
separate sales of their remaining lands to New York. 7 Stat. at 554.
29
3. Finally, the court below mistakenly held that the
New York Oneidas were not intended to share in the Kansas
lands because they “had a permanent residence in New York
State.” Sherrill, 337 F.3d at 162 n.17. Article 2 of the Treaty,
read as a whole, refutes that finding. The Buffalo Creek
Treaty set apart an amount of land in Kansas more than
sufficient to provide 320 acres to each of the New York
Indians enumerated in the census set forth in Schedule A to
the treaty, including the 620 New York Oneidas specifically
identified in Schedule A. See Sch. A, 7 Stat. at 556; New
York Indians, 40 Ct. Cl. at 458. The treaty expressly provided
that the Kansas lands were “intended as a future home” for
the Oneidas residing in the State of New York, with the land
to be divided equally according to the numbers set forth
in Schedule A. 7 Stat. at 551-52. Moreover, the New
York Oneidas shared in the recovery in New York Indians.
Accordingly, the only viable conclusion is that the Oneidas
agreed in the Buffalo Creek Treaty to remove from New
York, and the Treaty disestablished or nearly entirely
diminished the Oneidas’ 1788 reservation.
30
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, amicus curiae State of New
York respectfully urges this Court to reverse the judgment
of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit
and declare that the lands at issue are not “Indian country,”
because the Oneidas’ 1788 reservation was disestablished
or almost entirely diminished by the Buffalo Creek Treaty.
Respectfully submitted,
Dwicut A. HEALY Eiot SPItzeER
Wuite & Case LLP Attorney General of the
1155 Avenue of the Americas _ State of New York
New York, NY 10036 CaIrTLin J. HALLIGAN*
Solicitor General
DANIEL SMIRLOCK
Deputy Solicitor General
Peter H. ScuHIFF
Senior Counsel
ANpREW D. BING
Assistant Solicitor General
120 Broadway
New York, NY 10271
* Counsel of Record (212) 416-8016
Attorneys for Amicus Curiae
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