Amicus Curiae Brief — Nike, Inc. v. Kasky
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MOTION FIL‘
NOV 1 2 Ae
Ow Petition For « Wait of CERTIORARI
TO THE SUPREME COURT OF CALIFORNIA
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE BRIEF 4M/C/ CURIAE
AND BRIEF AM/IC/ CURIAE ON BEHALF OF THE
COUNCIL OF PUBLIC RELATIONS FIRMS, THE ARTHUR
W. PAGE SOCIETY, THE PUBLIC RELATIONS SOCIETY
OF AMERICA, THE PUBLIC AFFAIRS COUNCIL AND THE
INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC RELATIONS IN SUPPORT OF
GRANTING A WRIT OF CERTIORARI
THOMAS H. CLARKE, JR Bruce P. KELLER
Ropers, MAJESKI, KOHN & BENTLEY Counsel of Record
333 Market Street, Suite 3150 MICHAEL R. PoTENZA
San Francisco, CA 94105 CHRISTOPHER W. DyBwap
(415) 543-4800 DeBevoise & PLIMPTON
919 Third Avenue
New York, NY 10022
(212) 909-6000
Attorneys for Amici Curiae
177349 g
COUNSEL PRESS
(800) 274-3321 + (800) 359-6859
—
Oe a we re WL beter k
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE
BRIEF AMICI CURIAE
Pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37; the Council of
Public Relations Firms, the Arthur W. Page Society, the
Public Relations Society of America, the Public Affairs
Council and the Institute for Public Relations, through their
undersigned counsel, hereby respectfully move for leave
to file the following brief amicus curiae in this case
The petitioners have filed with the Court a letter consenting
to filing of all amicus briefs in support of either party.
Respondents have refused to consent.
Because this brief would materially assist this Court
in its consideration of the petition for a writ of certiorari,
amici respectfully request leave to file the attached brief.
Respectfully submitted,
THOMAS H. CLARKE, JR. Bruce P. Ketter
Ropers, MAJeSKI, KOHN & BentLey Counsel of Record
333 Market Street, Suite 3150 MICHAEL R. POTENZA
San Francisco, CA 94105 CHRISTOPHER W. DyBwaD
(415) 543-4800 - DeEBEVOISE & PLIMPTON
919 Third Avenue
New York, NY 10022
(212) 909-6000
Attorneys for Amici Curiae
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Table of Cited Authorities 1
Interests of the Amici Curiae
Introduction 3
Summary of Argument 3
' Argument s
| l Factual Corporate Communications Are A
Vital Component Of Unfettered Debate On
Matters Of Public Concern \
Il. Public Relations Campaigns That Make
Important Contributions To Public Debates
Will Be Chilled By Kash 9
ll. An Enormous Amount Of Protected
Corporate Speech Will Be Chilled 16
[V. The Aasky Test Represents A Sea-Change
‘ That Restricts Previously Protected Speech
sean 16
PD Saeéuducecees , | 19
|
|
|
il
ll
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES Cited Authorities
Federal Cases: Page Page
Board of Trustees v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469 (1989) 1] cree
. “ 2002, Pub.L. No. 107-204
Central H ai . Sarbanes-Oxley Act of ;
‘iene ae an ctric Corp. v. Public COO . ov ccckteccedcosessoccecessccessces §
" ion of , ork 7 1T ~
(1980) f New York, 447 U.S. §§
. reeeesveneeees eo 18 State Statutes:
Garris —
on v. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 64 (1964) __. 7 Cac. Bus. & Pror. Cope § 17200 ef seg.......--. 7
Joseph B _
11989) urstyn, Inc. v. Wilson, 343 U.S. 495 Cat. Bus. & Pror. Cope § 17500 ef seg........-. 7
Ee Pee a op Sipe, Soy 17
-. Other Authorities:
— oa & Elec. Co. v. Public Utils Comm 'n
75 US. 1 ” ,
(1986)... 2... eee, 17 AEI Conference on Productivity & the American
RAV - Economy - Part 1 (C-Span television broadcast,
v. St. Paul, S05 U.S. 377(1992) .......... 19 Octaboer 23. 2002) ....ccccccccccccccccccess 4
Riley v. Nat’ , , ——
(1988) atl Fed'n of the Blind, 487 U.S. 78] EpMUND M. Burke, Corporate COMMUNITY RELATIONS
+o 6eUtCnaseheeeubetsdwlweeneucs<. 1] COO... ccccvvescescevsscecesscoverseeses 8
In re RMJ, 455 U
55 U.S. 191 (1982) ....00. 18 Columbia’s School of International and Public
Virginia Shase Beard Affairs Course Catalog, INAF U9178.001 “Human
2 oar of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Rights and Corporate Responsibility” ......... \
onsumer Council, 425 U.S. 748 (1976) . 18
_ - § Die After Taking Tylenol Believed to Contain
United _ :
States Constitution: Cyanide, New York TIMEs, Sept. 30,1982 ..... 12
First Am ; '
PD ovecucessccesessccaveawcecc passim Bonnie Harris, Jn Fast Food, Some See Fast Track,
Fourteenth Amendment .......___ ‘ Los ANGeLes Times, Mar. 12, 2001 .........--- 10
Harvard’s John F. Kennedy School of Government
Course Catalog, KSG BGP-232 “Business as a
8
Dalittash Rate”... ccccccccscccccsceseseees
iv
Cited Authorities
Gregg Hillyer, Monsanto Makeover, PRoGRESSIVE
Farmer, Feb. 2002
http: www.awpage.com/public/about/apabout/htm!
(last visited Nov. 11, 2002) .................
http://www.bp.com/centres/press/hornchurch
media_resources/press_release/index.asp
(last visited Nov. 11, 2002)
Interview by PBS Frontline with Hugh Grant, CEO
of Monsanto, (Dec. 2000), at http: ‘www.pbs.org
wgbhvharvest/interviews/grant.html (last visited
PP MED -wcbedeiscecuncséadsoceus 13
Anthony Krulwich, Recalls: Legal and Corporate
Responses to FDA, CPSC, NHTSA, and Product
Liability Considerations, 39 Bus. Law. 757 ....
Let Nike Speak for Itself, USA Topay, Oct. 14, 2002
Tamar Lewin, Tylenol Posts an Apparent Recovery,
New York Times, Dec. 25, 1982 :
MacNeil/Lehrer Report: Cyanide Investigation
(PBS television broadcast, Oct. 1, 1982).......
Meredith May, Teachers Sizzle Over Fast Food
Fund-Raiser, San Francisco CHRONICLE, Oct. 15,
2002
Page
14,
10
Cited Authorities
McDonald’s Social Responsibility Report, available
at http://www.mcdonalds.com/corporate/social/
report/index.html (last visited Nov. 11, 2002) ..
Monsanto Company 2001 Annual Report, available
at http://www.monsanto.com. ............+.:
Monsanto Welcomes U.N. Report on Biotech’s
Benefits for Developing World ar http://
www.monsanto.com/monsanto/layout/media 01,
07-09-01 .asp (last visited Nov. 11, 2002) ......
Leo Mullin, Delta Airlines, Chairman & CEO
(C-Span television broadcast, September 25,
DT -<cccvdadebewesdbsesededdeasccbeness
Newshour with Jim Lehrer: Bridging the Gap
(PBS television broadcast, March 20, 1996) ....
Newshour with Jim Lehrer: Megamerger Masters
(PBS television broadcast, January 12, 2000) ...
Newshour with Jim Lehrer: Newsmaker: Phillip
Knight (PBS television broadcast, May 13, 1998)
eeseeeveeseeeeeseeeaeaeseeeeeaeeenaeeeeaeeaeeeeeean een eae eee
Newshour with Jim Lehrer: Return of Thalidomide
(PBS television broadcast, August 4, 1998) ....
Newshour with Jim Lehrer: High-Tech Workers
(PBS television broadcast, Apr. 3, 1998) ......
Page
1]
14
14
vl
Cited Authorities
Page
Pharmaceutical Innovation: the enabling conditions,
at http: /www.merck.com/overview/98ar/p6.htm
(last visited Nov. 11, 2002) 7 6
Harvey L. Pitt & Karl A. Groskaufmanis, When Bad
Things Happen to Good Companies: A Crisis
Management Primer, 1149 PLI/Corp 307 | 13
Precious Cargo, available ar http gm.com/ company
gmability/safety/child passenger safety
precious cargo/index.html (last visited Nov. 11.
2002) .
Milford Prewitt, Critics Slam Best-Seller Critique
of OSR, Nation’s RESTAURANT News, Jun. 11.
as
Speech by James Robbins, President and CEO.
Cox Communications (C-Span television
broadcast, October 22, 2002) ........ Pa wawot 4
Eric ScHLosser, Fast Foop NaTION (2001) ....... y
Regina Schrambling, Catching America With Its
Hands in the Fries, New Yor Times, Mar. 21,
2001 10
eee #@ © @
eeeespeeeaeseeeeaeeaneeneeeeaneneeneenbe
Michael Specter, The Pharmageddon Riddle,
THe New Yorker, April 10, 2000
Therapeutic Cloning Under Fire at http://www. lef.org/
magazine/mag2002/mar2002_cover west 01.html
EE isco civencddeive suns niaaas 15
l
INTERESTS OF THE AMICI CURIAE '
The Council of Public Relations Firms represents the
business of public relations and corporate communications.
Its 120 member firms include all of the ten largest firms and
over three quarters of the top 50 firms (measured by revenue)
in the world. Together, amici and its members represent every
facet of the public relations and corporate communications
industry. The mission of the Council of Public Relations Firms
is to build the business of public relations and corporate
communications by advocating to business professionals the
value of public relations as a strategic business tool, promoting
the benefits of careers in public relations to prospective
employees and assisting members and their clients in setting
the standards for the profession.
The Arthur W. Page Society, founded in 1983, 1s a
professional organization with approximately 300 members
consisting of chief corporate public relations officers of major
companies, as well as other leaders in the public relations
profession who are closely related to corporate public relations.
Its goals are to strengthen the management policy role of the
corporate public relations officer; develop knowledge of
corporate management issues; educate the public about the role
of public relations management, encourage research that leads
to improvement in the corporate public relations function and
to introduce these concepts to scholars, teachers and students.
The Public Relations Society of America is the world’s
largest organization for public relations professionals.
Its nearly 20,000 members, organized into 117 chapters,
represent business and industry, technology, counseling firms,
government, associations, hospitals, schools, professional
services firms and nonprofit organizations. Chartered in 1947,
its primary objectives are to advance the standards of the public
relations profession and to provide members with professional
development opportunities through continuing education
1. Counsel for the Amici were the sole authors of this brief. No
person or entity other than Amici made a financial contribution to this bnef
2
programs, information exchange forums and research projects
conducted on the national and local levels.
Formed in 1954 at the urging of President Dwight D.
Eisenhower, the Public Affairs Council is one of the leading
associations for public affairs professionals. It provides unique
information, training and other resources to its members to
support their effective participation in government, community
and public relations activities at all levels. Nearly 600 member
corporations, associations and consulting firms work together
to enhance the value and professionalism of the public affairs
practice, and to provide thoughtful leadership as corporate
citizens.
The Institute for Public Relations, established in 1956 bya
senior group of public relations professionals, is devoted to
advancing the professional knowledge and practice of public
relations through research and education. It has supported more
than 200 research projects, ranging from what students of public
relations must study in order to understand the profession to
how new technologies affect the public relations profession, as
well as sponsored numerous competitions and awards to reward
excellence in the field.
Amici are in the business of advising and assisting
corporations regarding public communications. Amici assist
companies of all types to gather and disseminate information
related to their businesses and communities on all conceivable
topics, from investor relations, to philanthropic and community
outreach programs, to corporate crisis communications.
For decades, amici have relied on the First Amendment
protections available to all speakers, regardless of their identity,
to engage in robust public debate about issues of public concern
free from the risk of strike suits. This protection has become
even more vital over the last several decades, because, as Arthur
Page’ put it, it has become increasingly true in our information
2. Arthur Page, who was the first chief corporate communications
officer to sit on the board of directors of a major U.S. corporation
(Cont'd)
3
age that “all business in a democratic country begins with
public permission and exists by public approval.” http://
www.awpage.com/public/about/apabout/html (last visited
Nov. 11, 2002). Because the California Supreme Court’s
decision will have an unfair, unprecedented and materially
chilling impact on the ability of companies and amici to speak
on issues of public concern, amici urge the Court to grant
certiorari and decide this matter on the merits.
INTRODUCTION
Amici support Nike’s argument that the California Supreme
Court’s holding that Nike’s responses to allegations that it
engaged in unfair labor practices abroad amount to commercial
speech conflicts with this Court’s precedents. Amici submit this
brief to make the Court aware of the importance of the decision
below and the way it has chilled, and will continue to chill,
vigorous debate on a wide range of public issues.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The California Supreme Court incorrectly held that claims
asserted under California’s unfair competition and false
advertising laws on the basis of letters to the editor, press releases
and other corporate communications may, consistent with the
First Amendment, give rise to strict liability. It based this
conclusion on its sui generis, three-part definition that
“commercial speech” is any “representation{] of fact”: (1) made
by “commercial” speakers “engaged in commerce”; (2) to an
audience that may include potential purchasers or that may report
on the issue to potential consumers; (3) about a topic related to
“business operations.” Kasky v. Nike, Inc., 45 P.3d 243, 247,
256 (Cal. 2002).
This is a test of astonishing breadth that, because it expressly
singles out factual representations, amounts to an Orwellian
(Cont'd)
(AT&T), is credited with having established the profession of corporate
communications.
4
preference for debate without the benefit of facts. That cannot
be squared with the First Amendment because this new test
sweeps within its scope amy factual statement, including letters
to the editor and opinion editorials; statements published on
web sites; media presentations; press releases; television
appearances; appearances on the Newshour with Jim Lehrer’;
C-Span appearances‘; indeed, any public statement made by a
company about a topic related to what that company does. As a
result, the press as a whole—from a newspaper’s business
section to CNN’s Lou Dobbs and CNBC—will suffer a dearth
of information because silence will become the prudent course
of action for business executives and spokesmen.
This will result in the compelled self-censorship of an
enormous amount of protected speech on important matters of
3. See, e.g., Newshour with Jim Lehrer: Newsmaker: Phillip Knight
(PBS television broadcast, May 13, 1998) (Phillip Knight, CEO of
Nike, discussing Nike and globalization); Newshour with Jim Lehrer:
Return of Thalidomide (PBS television broadcast, August 4, 1998)
(John Jackson, CEO of Celgene, on the FDA’s decision to give limited
approval to Thalidomide, and Celgene’s possible marketing of the drug);
Newshour with Jim Lehrer: Bridging the Gap (PBS television broadcast,
March 20, 1996) (Aaron Feurstein, CEO of Malden Mills, discussing
corporate responsibility and the wage-profit gap; using examples from
Malden Mills); Newshour with Jim Lehrer: Megamerger Masters (PBS
television broadcast, January 12, 2000) (Steve Case, CEO of America
Online, and Gerald Levin, CEO of Time Warner, discussing the
impending AOL Time Warner merger and how the consolidation was in
the public interest).
4. See, e.g., Leo Mullin, Delta Airlines, Chairman & CEO (C-Span
television broadcast, September 25, 2002) (Mr. Mullin discussed the
financial well-being of the airline industry and what must be changed in
order for airlines to survive); Speech by James Robbins, President and
CEO, Cox Communications (C-Span television broadcast, October 22,
2002) (discussing the cable industry); AEI Conference on Productivity
& the American Economy—Part | (C-Span television broadcast, October
23, 2002) (a panel discussion on the economy including Dick Davidson,
Chairman & CEO, Union Pacific Corporation; Marilyn Carlson Nelson,
Chairman & CEO, Carlson Company).
5
public concern because the issues also happen to touch upon
the speaker’s “business operations”:
* Johnson & Johnson’s swift public response to Tylenol
cyanide tampering in 1982 would, under Kasky, expose it
to strike suits, see pp. 11-13, infra;
* McDonald’s would no longer respond to its critics, such
as Eric Schlosser and his book Fast Foop Nation,
see pp. 9-11, infra;
* Monsanto and other companies would no longer add their
perspective to the debate regarding crop modification,
see pp. 13-15 infra;
¢ Advanced Cell Technology and other companies would risk
suit by entering the public debate on cloning, see p. 15,
infra;
¢ General Motors and other companies would no longer
comment on the pros and cons of airbags for child safety.’
* Technology companies would no longer comment on the
need for “green card” quota increases to bring specialists
into the United States.°
5. See, e.g., Precious Cargo, available at http://gm.com/company/
gmability/safety/child_passenger_safety/precious_cargo/index.html
(last visited Nov. 11, 2002) (“Another reason to restrain children
properly, in a rear seat, is the vehicle’s frontal air bags, which are designed
to restrain adults. Air bags have to inflate very quickly, faster than a
person can blink an eye, and with great force. Serious injury, and even
death, can result for anyone—especially a child—who is up against, or
close to, a frontal air bag when it inflates.”).
6. See, e.g., Newshour with Jim Lehrer: High-Tech Workers (PBS
television broadcast, Apr. 3, 1998) (T.J. Rodgers, CEO of Cypress
Semiconductor, stating “We hire ail the Americans we can get” but that
green cards still needed for foreign engineers and specialists because
there are not enough American engineers to keep pace with the demand
for expansion. Rodgers also stated: “I promise that every time I get one
of those engineers I will create five more jobs right here in America for
Americans to build and sell those products”).
6
¢ Drugand biotech companies would no longer comment on
the effect of the Food and Drug Administration approvals
process on the flow of their new products to the market.’
* British Petroleum would no longer claim that its solar and
wind powered service station was “the world’s most
environmentally friendly service station” for fear that
because it sells gasoline, it would not be deemed sufficiently
sensitive to the environment for activist groups.*
This list is by no means exhaustive of the potential ill effects of
the California Supreme Court’s new take on the First
Amendment. Because the Kasky test covers any utterance where
consumers might be present or might be expected to receive the
information through media outlets, corporate speech will
disappear from every medium of communication with the public.
This new and sweeping test, when coupled with the
concededly broad scope of California’s unfair competition and
false advertising law, will reverberate far beyond California’s
borders. The Kasky test applies to speech made outside of the
state whenever the speech is reported—by third parties, the press,
or otherwise—in-state. See Kasky, 45 P.3d at 256 (liability
attaches even when speech directed to “reporters or reviewers”
who repeat the message to potential buyers). Other aspects of
California’s broad unfair competition and false advertising law
virtually guarantee that companies doing business in
California—and their agents—will face potentially costly strike
suits. California law allows any citizen, without even a showing
7. See, e.g., Pharmaceutical Innovation: the enabling conditions,
at http://www.merck.com/overview/98ar/p6.htm (last visited Nov. 11,
2002) (“It is critical that the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approve
safe and effective new medicines in a timely fashion, so that people
who need them will get them as quickly as possible”).
8. See http://www.bp.com/centres/press/hornchurch
media_resources/press_release /index.asp (last visited Nov. 11, 2002)
(describing its service station in Hornchurch, England as “the world’s
most environmentally friendly service station”).
7
of reliance or deception, to bring “private attorney general”
actions for restitution and injunctive relief. The challenged
statement need not even be false as long as consumers are
“misled” by it. Cat. Bus. & Pror. Cope § 17200 et seq. and id.,
§ 17500 et seq. The remedies available to these “private attorneys
general” —making restitution to consumers and a Court-ordered
“corrective” speech campaign—further chill protected speech.
All of this strikes amici particularly hard. As a USA Today
editorial reported, “if the Kasky reasoning stands, then the
public-relations industry . . . might as well shut down.” Let Nike
Speak for Itself, USA Tobay, Oct. 14, 2002. As troubling as the
Kasky decision may be for advertisers and advertising agencies,
at least there is a well-developed body of law (federal and state)
that provides guidance regarding when advertising is false and
subject to litigation. No such rules exist for the corporate speech
that amici help create and disseminate because, prior to the
California Supreme Court’s decision, that speech correctly was
considered to be fully protected, core speech regarding matters
of public concern. This makes it difficult, if not altogether
impossible, for amici and their clients to anticipate where the
California courts will draw the line between “misleading” and
non-actionable statements.
The Kasky decision inevitably will stymie public relations
professionals’ ability to assist corporations maintain an open
dialogue with the public and engage in the “uninhibited, robust
and wide-open” public debate that was previously thought to
be protected by the First Amendment. Garrison v. Louisiana,
379 U.S. 64, 75 (1964). This Court should issue a writ of
certiorari and reverse the California Supreme Court’s erroneous
decision.
8
ARGUMENT
I. FACTUALCORPORATE COMMUNICATIONS ARE
AVITAL COMPONENT OF UNFETTERED DEBATE
ON MATTERS OF PUBLIC CONCERN
Corporate speech is vitally important to a functioning
democracy. As corporations and the communities in which they
reside have become more closely linked over the past two
decades, the public has come to expect a new level of civic
engagement from corporations. See EpMuNnD M. Burke,
CorPORATE COMMUNITY RELATIONS xiv (1999) (“The public
environment in which companies operate today ... is far
different than it was just 20 years ago. There are dramatic and
far-reaching changes in the expectations of communities and
societies today that define and influence how a company can
operate”). Public relations professionals facilitate this interaction
between the public and companies by providing factual
information on topics of interest to both groups.
Indeed, the public has made clear that its preference is for more
openness and communication from companies, not less.
See, e.g., Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, Pub. L. No. 107-204
(instituting several measures designed to increase corporate
transparency). —
Just as with other participants in public affairs, corporate
speech and advocacy plays a significant role in informing public
debate and shaping public opinion and policy. As a result,
government school curricula recognize the increased role
(and expectations) of business in American democracy.
See Harvard’s John F. Kennedy School of Government Course
Catalog, KSG BGP-232 “Business as a Political Actor”
(describing course designed to analyze the important role that
“(bJusinesses play . . . in the public policy processes of capitalist
democracies”); see also Columbia’s School of International and
Public Affairs Course Catalog, INAF U9178.001 “Human
Rights and Corporate Responsibility” (describing course
9
designed to analyze the “complex questions arising out of the
interaction of business activities and human rights . . . ”’).
Il. PUBLIC RELATIONS CAMPAIGNS THAT MAKE
IMPORTANT CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUBLIC
DEBATES WILL BE CHILLED BY KASKY
For decades, corporate and non-corporate speech on the
same topics have appeared together in all of the media
traditionally associated with First Amendment purposes:
(a) editorials and letters to the editor, (b) paid-for advertised
editorials in newspapers, magazines, and other publications,
and (c) appearances on news shows and at other public forums.
Often, as is the case here, corporations speak in response to
speech critical of them. That critical speech, whether by design
or because of lack of access or resources fully to research the
issue, often leaves out important facts vital to a comprehensive
presentation of the issues involved.
For example, in 2001, Eric Schlosser released Fast Foop
Nation, a best-selling social-cultural critique of the fast food
industry. The book criticized several aspects of the fast food
industry, such as: its contribution to low-wage, unskilled jobs;
its role in the dramatic increase in rates of obesity, and,
its role in the homogenization of American neighborhoods.
See Eric Schlosser, Fast Foop Nation 3-10 (2001). Although
the book criticized the industry as a whole, it focused in
large part on the practices at McDonald’s. Faced with a
damning critique of all facets of its business, McDonald’s
vigorously argued the book provided an incomplete picture.
See, e.g, Milford Prewitt, Critics Slam Best-Seller Critique
of QSR, Nation’s Restaurant News, Jun. 11, 2001, at 4
(“The real McDonald’s bears no resemblance to anything
described in that book. The author is wrong about our people,
wrong about our jobs and wrong about our food. He also
completely ignores our values, which is not surprising since
he never contacted us for any information whatsoever”).
Other reviewers also questioned the accuracy of the account.
10
See Regina Schrambling, Catching America With Its Hands in
the Fries, New York Times, Mar. 21, 2001, at Fl (“Some
reviewers have accused Mr. Schlosser . . . of playing fast and
loose with the facts”).
In order to fill-in the gaps that it felt were missing,
McDonald’s engaged in the traditional response — counter
speech of its own — to present a fuller account of its business.
See, e.g., Bonnie Harris, Jn Fast Food, Some See Fast Track,
Los ANGELES Times, Mar. 12, 2001, at Cl (describing how
many Latinos view McDonald’s and other restaurant chains as
a key to long-term financial security, and quoting McDonald’s
spokesman Walt Riker as stating, “We’ve always disputed the
idea that fast-food jobs are dead-end jobs, and our Hispanic
workers are evidence of that. We value their work, and we’re
continuing to encourage their advancement through training and
other programs”); see also Meredith May, Teachers Sizzle Over
Fast Food Fund-Raiser, SAN Francisco CHRONICLE, Oct. 15,
2002, at Al (in response to criticisms that McDonald’s
encourages obesity, McDonald’s spokeswoman pointed out that
it was the first major fast food restaurant to introduce salads
and reduce the fat content of its products).
Until the California Supreme Court’s decision, a corporation
like McDonald’s right to defend itself and its shareholders from
criticism and to present a complete record was grounded on the
same unfettered First Amendment protection that the critic
enjoyed. In granting critics First Amendment protection in
attacking a company while simultaneously denying that same
protection to the company in responding to those allegations,
the Kasky decision impermissibly favors speech from a particular
viewpoint. See R.A.V. v. St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377 (1992). Indeed,
McDonald’s response to Fast Foop Nation dramatically
illustrates the unworkability of the Kasky test; literally every
statement McDonald’s made in response—no matter what the
issue—concerned its “business operations,” because that is
li
precisely what the book attacked.’ Under the Kasky regime,
however, McDonald’s would be forced to make the Hobson’s
choice of either staying silent in the face of this criticism, or
risking a potential suit for defending itself publicly.
The Kasky decision also creates a false dichotomy between
fact and opinion and suggests that corporate statements on
issues of public concern can receive First Amendment protection
only if they are pure opinion. This false dichotomy between
fact and opinion makes the decision even more unworkable.
See, e.g., Board of Trustees v. Fox, 492 U.S. 469 (1989);
see also Riley v. Nat'l Fed'n of the Blind, 487 U.S. 781,
796 (1988). This element of the Kasky decision strikes at
the heart of amici’ business because companies look to
amici to maintain open lines of communication with the public.
Amici assist in researching fully the facts surrounding a given
issue and design strategies efficiently to deliver this information
to the public. The importance of this free flow of information
cannot be overstated.
It is difficult to think of a more stark example of the public
benefits that can flow from the free flow of corporate speech
than Johnson & Johnson’s response to the Tylenol cyanide crisis.
In the fall of 1982, seven people who had taken Tylenol died
from cyanide contained in the capsules. In the hours following
the first news of the crisis, Johnson & Johnson made the crucial
decision to communicate everything it knew to the public.
As George Frazza, Johnson & Johnson’s General Counsel at
the time, stated: “[w]e decided we were going to communicate,
to be active... We were determined to find out what the facts
were, and whether we liked them or not, communicate them
9. In responding to the concerns raised by Fast Foop Nation,
McDonald’s has made numerous factual statements concerning its
“business operations.” See, e.g., McDonald’s Social Responsibility
Report, available at http://www.mcdonalds.com/corporate/social/report/
index.html (last visited Nov. 11, 2002) (“Employees are respected and
valued”; “Employees receive work experience that teaches skills and
values that last a lifetime”; “Pay is at or above local rate in marketplace”).
12
without gloss to all of our constituencies.” See Anthony
Krulwich, Recalls: Legal and Corporate Responses to FDA,
CPSC, NHTSA, and Product Liability Considerations,
39 Bus. Law. 757, 767 (1984). As a result, Johnson &
Johnson maintained an open dialogue with the press and
public throughout the crisis. See, e.g., 5 Die After Taking
Tylenol Believed to Contain Cyanide, New York Times,
Sept. 30, 1982 at Al2 (Lawrence Foster, a Johnson & Johnson
spokesman, describing what information had been learned from
authorities and Johnson & Johnson’s method of distribution);
see also MacNeil/Lehrer Report: Cyanide Investigation
(PBS television broadcast, Oct. 1, 1982) (Dr. T.N. Gates, medical
director of Tylenol, appearing as one of the guests and discussing
the manufacturing and distribution of Tylenol in the context of
the cyanide crisis).
Johnson & Johnson’s forthrightness with the public not only
saved the Tylenol brand and perhaps even Johnson & Johnson
itself, it contributed to the way American consumer goods are
packaged and labeled to be tamper-resistant. See Tamar Lewin,
Tylenol Posts an Apparent Recovery, New York Times,
Dec. 25, 1982 at A30 (quoting a market researcher’s conclusion
that Johnson & Johnson’s recovery due to “forthright manner”
in dealing with the public during the Tylenol crisis).
Kasky’s regime of strict liability, however, would inhibit this
open communication. Under Kasky, if a company makes a broad
statement or unintentionally publishes incorrect information
concerning its distribution practice (undeniably part of its
“business operations”), the prescribed corrective action is so
punitive that it may dissuade companies from communicating
in the first place.'° The harsh results of suppressing this openness
10. During the cyanide crisis, Johnson & Johnson made many
Statements about its “business operations” that would potentially be a
basis for liability under Kasky. See, e.g., McNeil/Lehrer Report: Cyanide
Investigation (Dr. Gates’ comments that “We are confident . . . that our
security, our quality assurance procedures «/e such that this — _
(Cont'd)
13
are difficult to overstate: Johnson & Johnson’s swift public
communications literally are credited with saving human life.
Of the eight million capsules recalled after Johnson & Johnson
began its campaign, seventy-five were found to contain cyanide.
See Harvey L. Pitt & Karl A. Groskaufmanis, When Bad Things
Happen to Good Companies: A Crisis Management Primer,
1149 PLI/Corp 307, 309.
Debates on some of the most important issues of our time
have been shaped and influenced by corporate speakers and
public relations professionals such as amici. To illustrate the
_ importance of corporate speech, and without purporting to be
exhaustive, amici provide the following additional examples
of campaigns that would be chilled, if not squelched altogether,
under the Kasky regime.
In the last several decades, advances in biochemistry and
genetics have created the ability to modify crops genetically.
A wide-ranging debate regarding the wisdom of genetic
engineering has taken place in the press, in academic circles
and in Congress. See Michael Specter, The Pharmageddon
Riddle, Tut New Yorker, April 10, 2000 (describing the
worldwide debate over biotechnology in agriculture).
Among other things, critics of the practice argue that
genetically modified agriculture, or “Franken-food,” will have
environmental consequences—such as gene migration and the
build-up of resistance to insecticides. See Interview by PBS
Frontline with Hugh Grant, CEO of Monsanto, (Dec. 2000),
at http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/harvest/interviews/grant.htm|
(last visited Nov. 11, 2002).
(Cont'd)
have happened in the process of the packaging—manufacture and
packaging of the product”; “We do have cyanide in our analytical
laboratories because it is required for certain tests . . . But it would not
be in any way accessible to the manufacturing process”, “Well, we're
shocked, we're dismayed, we've learned that medications can be
tampered with at the, we believe at the retail level”).
14
Corporate America has contributed its unique viewpoint to
this important debate. The Monsanto Company, a leading
provider of agricultural products (such as seeds genetically
engineered to be resistant to herbicides) with net sales of $5.46
billion in 2001,"' has taken perhaps the most public stance on
the issue. For example, in an interview on PBS’ Frontline,
Monsanto’s CEO Hugh Grant spoke both about the worldwide
benefits of agricultural biotechnology, such as reducing the
world’s use of harmful pesticides and the ability to provide foods
to developing nations, as well as the potential concerns about
~ genetic modification, such as gene migration and pest resistance.
See Interview by PBS Frontline with Hugh Grant, at http://
www.pbs.org/wgbh/harvest /interviews/grant.html.
Monsanto provides to the public a breadth of
scientific information that might not otherwise be available.
See, e.g., “Monsanto Welcomes U.N. Report on Biotech’s
Benefits for Developing World” az http://www.monsanto.com
/monsanto/layout/media/01/07-09-01 .asp (last visited Nov. 11,
2002) (sharing “fundamental scientific data” Monsanto and
others have developed using genetic modification).
Even Monsanto’s critics have applauded Montsanto’s
willingness to engage in this important debate and share its
perspective and knowledge on the issue. See Gregg Hillyer,
Monsanto Makeover, PROGRESSIVE FARMER, Feb. 2002 (praising
Monsanto’s “transparency’”); see also The Pharmageddon Riddle
(describing how Greenpeace invited Monsanto’s CEO to its
annual gathering to debate an opponent of genetic modification,
an invitation that Monsanto’s CEO accepted).
The Kasky decision, however, creates a strong incentive
for Monsanto to disengage from the debate. In debating with its
critics, Monsanto’s representations about its genetically modified
products would no longer be part of a fully protected exchange
of information on an issue of public concern, but rather
11. See Monsanto Company 2001 Annual Report, available
—at http://www.monsanto.com.
15
statements about “business operations” that could give rise to
liability. See, e.g., Interview with Hugh Grant (“From a food
safety point of view . . . these are technologies that have been
more widely tested than any other food product that came before
them in history . . . they are moving through the scientific
regulatory system in Europe with flying colors at the moment”).
Issues of great public debate also encompass scientific
advances in the field of medicine, and the ethical issues such
advances may raise. One such area is the science of cloning and
the possible medical uses for the technology associated with it.
As such advances came to the public’s attention, a vigorous
debate ensued concerning the ethical implications of
these scientific discoveries. See “Therapeutic Cloning
Under Fire” at http://www. lef.org/magazine/mag2002/
mar2002_cover_west_01.html (Mar. 2002) (“when he
[Advanced Cell Technology’s (“ACT”) CEO Dr. Michael West]
announced recently that ACT had taken the first step towards
human therapeutic cloning, he was suddenly criticized by
everyone from President Bush to the Pope”’).
Once again, corporations that have a financial interest in
cloning technologies have joined the public debate to add a
unique perspective on the issue. ACT, which initially made the
scientific breakthrough making cell cloning possible, has entered
the debate on these issues, taking a diametrically opposed view
to cloning’s critics. See id. (“No serious ethicist or embryologist
believes that a pre-implantation embryo is a human being.
We are not talking about creating a pregnancy. We are talking
about making a microscopic ball of cells with no body cells of
any kind”). It is precisely these representations about ACT’s
cloning process, especially in the form of the robust analogies
used by Dr. West, that would become fodder for strike suits
(as well as suits brought by political advocacy groups opposed
to human cloning).
16
iil. AN ENORMOUS AMOUNT OF PROTECTED
CORPORATE SPEECH WILL BE CHILLED
The public relations campaigns above demonstrate just a
few examples of campaigns that have communicated vital
information to the public on matters of importance. As disparate
as all of the campaigns and public statements described above
may be, they all share characteristics that illustrate why this
Court should grant certiorari: (1) all concern issues of great
public moment; (2) all involved the dissemination of facts related
to the company’s “business operations” and (3) the corporations
involved all stood to benefit financially as a result of the speech.
If the Kasky decision stands, however, all of these
campaigns will be subject to strict liability. Monsanto, ACT,
and McDonald’s are all speakers “engaged in commerce.” Kasky,
45 P.3d at 311. Statements made during each of these campaigns
arguably concerned the “business operations” of each of the
companies. Finally, all of the campaigns—although some were
taken in part to affect legislation and other regulation—were
also in part to “promote . . . sales and profits.” Kasky, 45 P.3d at
247. In short, because a prudent CEO would no longer be willing
to risk speaking about any issue of public importance that also
touches upon the “business operations” or profitability of the
company the information flow to the public would be severely
circumscribed.
IV. THE KASKY TEST REPRESENTS A SEA-CHANGE
THAT RESTRICTS PREVIOUSLY PROTECTED
SPEECH
The broad language of the Kasky decision creates an illusory
distinction between “policy” discussion, and commercial speech
which the California Supreme Court now defines as any
statement about “actual conditions and practices” of the
business. This distinction is unworkable in practice. The end
result is that the test contains no limiting principles because it
falsely assumes that because a corporation always is, in part,
motivated by profits, that its speech is entitled to no First
17
Amendment protection. This is at odds with the Court’s
well-settled precedent. See, e.g., Joseph Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson,
343 U.S. 495, 501-502 (1952) (speech is entitled to full First
Amendment protection notwithstanding it is undertaken by
“large-scale business conducted for private profit”).
The amorphous nature of the test also means that, as a
practical matter, there is no guidance for amici or others to
determine what corporate speech is entitled to First Amendment
protection. The risks under the Kasky regime are even greater
because amici often do not control the final presentation of press
releases and other communications to the public, the media does.
Cf. Kasky, 45 P.3d at 256 (statements made to reporters that are
passed along to consumers can be commercial speech). Prudent,
risk-averse companies will have no option but to decline
speaking in order to avoid the possibility of strike suits.
Indeed, for those corporations who enter the public debate,
California’s broad remedies impose another, even more chilling
threat. That law provides as a remedy for speech that, even
though true on its face, may mislead some, a “Court-approved
public information campaign” to compel a corporation to
“correct” editorials and other speech on matters of public
importance. Kasky, 45 P.3d at 250. In other words, under the
California Supreme Court’s test, not only would the
corporation’s speech be subject to a stricter standard of liability
than the speech of its critics, but the Company could be
compelled to finance a “public-information campaign” entirely
against its interest to address potential “confusion” on the
public’s part.
This is fundamentally at odds with the governing principles
of the First Amendment. See, e.g., Pac. Gas & Elec. Co. v. Pub.
Utils. Comm'n, 475 U.S. 1 (1986) (California Public Utilities
Commission’s order that PG&E permit the “extra space” in its
envelopes sent to customers to be used by a public interest group
to voice a point of view PG&E did not agree with held to violate
PG&E’s First Amendment right not to speak). It inevitably will
18
result in a lopsided debate dominated by corporate critics,
bereft of facts that reside exclusively with corporations.
The consequences to a fully informed public are difficult to
overstate, as Johnson & Johnson’s life-saving Tylenol campaign
graphically demonstrates.
The Court has taken care to review rulings that
disrupt settled practices in the area of commercial speech.
See, e.g., Central Hudson Gas & Electric Corp. v. Public Service
Commission of New York, 447 U.S. 557 (1980) (holding that a
New York Public Service Commission regulation and a recently
released Policy Statement interpreting the regulation that had
the effect of completely banning electrical utilities from
advertising violated the First and Fourteenth Amendments);
Virginia State Board of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Consumer
Council, 425 U.S. 748 (1976) (holding that a newly-revised
provision of the Virginia Code that regulated a licensed
pharmacist’s ability to publish price information violated the
First and Fourteenth Amendments); Jn re RMJ, 455 U.S. 191
(1982) (holding that the newly-revised ethical rules of the
Supreme Court of Missouri regulating lawyer advertising
violated the First and Fourteenth Amendments). Because the
Kasky decision threatens to disrupt even a greater amount of
speech than the cases above—the decision affects every
corporation that does business in California—certiorari is
appropriate here.
In short, because corporations are entities whose decision
makers owe fiduciary duties to shareholders and owners, no
responsible corporate spokesman speaks on a company’s behalf
without being concerned about the effects the statements may
have on corporate sales and profits. Because all corporate speech
is, and should be, uttered in the interests of benefitting the
corporation in the eyes of potential consumers, the speech
restricting effects of the California Supreme Court’s test will
be enormous.
19
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the petition for a writ of certiorari
should be granted.
Respectfully submitted,
Tuomas H. CLarKE, JR. Bruce P. KELLER
Ropers, Maseski, KOHN & BENTLEY Counsel of Record
333 Market Street, Suite 3150 MICHAEL R. POTENZA
San Francisco, CA 94105 CHRISTOPHER W. DyBwAD
(415) 543-4800 DEBEVOISE & PLIMPTON
919 Third Avenue
New York, NY 10022
(212) 909-6000
Attorneys for Amici Curiae
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.