Amicus Curiae Brief — Smith v. Doe
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QUESTION PRESENTED
Does the Alaska Sex Offender Registration Act violate
the prohibition against ex post facto laws set forth in Article I,
$10 of the United States Constitution”
1 ill
TABLE OF CONTENTS C. Information on longer term recidivism
rates is extremely limited ................. 12
TABLE OF AUTHIORITEES ...cscsceesus seen iv
EE 13
INTEREST OF THE MASSACHUSETTS
COMMITTEE FOR PUBLIC COUNSEL SERVICES ... 1 | i) Colieenia ...................0eee. 14
ARGUMENT (iii) Hanson and Bussiere Meta-Analysis ... 15
l. EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE DOES NOT
SUPPORT THE CLAIM OF ALASKA AND
ITS AMICI CURIAE THAT SEX OFFENDERS
Il. EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE SUGGESTS THAT
DISSEMINATION OF SEX OFFENDER
REGISTRY INFORMATION MAY UNDER-
RELEASED FROM INCARCERATION ARE CS EEE co ccccccccccccoccce 18
AT UNUSUALLY HIGH RISK OF COM-
MITTING A NEW SEX OFFENSE ............ 2 en ood cee ee ececes 19
A. A imat S% (ii) Washington Study ................. 20
rearrested for a new rape during the
three years following their release Tee 21
(iv) U.S. Department of Justice Study
of Notification in Wisconsin ......... 21
Report cocesseces Sccecedosseeeeseer 4
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TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases
Doe v. Attorney General,
SR, DGG: cucectdiceeesckbaveane bonus 17
Doe v. Otte,
259 F.3d 979 (9th Cir. 2001),
cert. granted, 122 S. Ct. 1062 (2002) ........... 2,3, 18
Kennedy v. Mendoza-Martinez,
te: Pn ci neuenaneé oeeteeueeeea 3, 18
McKune v. Lile.
Ch Pee ..cancncetecnceuess 14
Constitutional Authority
United States Constitution,
REINS, GED cc nccccccccccccsccccsseccccensees: i
Statutes
Alaska Admin. Code tit.13, §09.050(2000) ............. 2
ee eB cc occuccccoucsecencetesse 2
1994 Alaska Sess. Laws 41 §1 .............50005- 17, 18
1994 Alaska Sess. Laws 41, §12(a) ..... 2... 6... e eee 2
Alaska Stat. §12.63.010(5)(1) ... 2.2... eee eee ee ee eee 2
Vv
Alaska Stat. §§12.63.020, 12.63.100 .................. 2
Mass. G.L. c.6, §178C-P
er eee l
TD. vcecesdatdcekscanuckoucet l
Other Authorities
Bureau of Justice Statistics,
Bureau of Justice Statistics,
National Conf. On Sex Offender
Bureau of Justice Statistics,
Recidivi Pri Rel
a 6, 7, 8,9
Bureau of Justice Statistics,
Sex Offenses and Offenders (February 1997) .... 4,5, 8,
Bureau of Justice Statistics,
Sexual Assault of Young Children as
R 1 to Law Enfi - Victi
i istics (July 2002) .... 10
v1
B. Schwartz and H. Cellini, Sex Offender
Recidivism and Risk Factors in the Involuntary
Commitment Process, in Schwartz, ed., The Sex
Offender: Theoretical Advances, Treating Special
Populations and Legal Developments III (1999) ... 16, 17
Center for Sex Offender Management,
Recidivism of Sex Offenders 7 (May 2001) ......... 16
C. Wells and E. Motley, Reinforcing the
Myth of the Crazed Rapist: A Feminist
Critique of Recent Rape Legislation,
Bp es Es SE OE awh eeseccéivescoeeve 23
D. Schram & C. Milloy, Community Notification:
s Study of Offender Cl ———
Recidivism (October 1995) ..........0-02.00000:. 20
G. Adkins, D. Huff, & P. Stageberg,
J. Comparet-Cassani, A Primer on the Civil
Trial of a Sexually Violent Predator,
37 San Diego Law Review 1057 (2000) ............. 8
N.J. Dept. of Correction, Report - 1990
ee
Vii
R.K. Hanson and M. Bussiere, Predicting Relapse:
A Meta-Analysis of Sexual Offender Recidivism
Studies, 66 Journal of Consulting and Clinical
Papemeeesy SOB (ISGS) 2... ccc ce cccccccvccces
R. K. Hanson et at., Long-Term Recidivism
of Child Molesters, 61 J. of Consulting and
clinical Psychology 646 (1993) ................
l
INTEREST OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COMMITTEE FOR
PUBLIC COUNSEL SERVICES.
The Massachusetts Committee for Public Counsel
Services (CPCS) is the Massachusetts agency charged with
representing indigenf parties in a variety of criminal and civil
matters. CPCS is statutorily mandated to provide counsel to
indigent former sex offenders who are subject to the
registration and notification provisions of the Massachusetts
Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act. Mass.G.L. c.6,
§$178C-P (2002 edition). The instant case, which raises a
question concerning the constitutionality of the Alaska sex
offender registration and notification act, is likely to have
important ramifications for the rights and interests of
Massachusetts former sex offenders subject to the
Massachusetts act.
CPCS also represents indigent defendants charged with
sex offenses. Sex offender registration and notification has
dramatically changed the consequences of a conviction for a
sex offense. This Court's opinion in the instant case is likely to
have considerable impact upon the future handling and
disposition of sex offense charges.
CPCS submits this amicus brief to challenge the validity
of certain empirical claims by petitioners and its amici United
States and Attorneys General of Forty-One States, including
Pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37.6, counsel for the
Massachusetts Committee for Public Counsel Services (CPCS) states that
no part of this brief was written by counsel for any party. No person,
agency, or organization other than CPCS has made a monetary contribution
to the preparation and filing of this brief. All parties have consented to the
appearance of CPCS as amicus curiae in this matter. Letters of consent
have been filed with the Clerk.
2
claims regarding the rate of recidivism of sex offenders and the
usefulness of public notification in preventing sex offender
recidivism.
ARGUMENT
I. EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE DOES NOT
SUPPORT THE CLAIM OF ALASKA AND
ITS AMICI CURIAE THAT SEX OFFENDERS
RELEASED FROM INCARCERATION ARE
AT UNUSUALLY HIGH RISK OF
COMMITTING A NEW SEX OFFENSE.
The Alaska sex offender registration act, 1994 Alaska
Sess. Laws 41 (hereinafter "the act"), provides that every sex
offender, regardless of whether he or she has been rehabilitated,
must register with law enforcement authorities either for a
period of fifteen years from the date of unconditional discharge
or, in the case of two or more sex offenses, for his or her
lifetime. Alaska Stat. §§12.63.020, 12.63.100. Doe v. Otte, 259
F.3d 979, 982-983 (9th Cir. 2001), cert. granted, 122 S. Ct.
1062 (2002). The act applies retroactively to persons, such as
John Doe I and John Doe II, convicted before its enactment.
1994 Alaska Sess. Laws 41, §12(a).
Regulations implementing the act require that
registration information, which includes, inter alia, offenders’
names, home and work addresses, photographs, and description
of convictions, be made available on the internet at a state-
maintained web site. Alaska Stat. §12.63.010(b)(1); Alaska
Admin. Code tit.13, §09.050 (2000). As a consequence, not
only persons in the Does' home towns may obtain access to
their registry information, but also persons elsewhere in Alaska,
3
in New York, Paris, Tokyo or in any location where there is
internet access.
The Court of Appeals held that the Alaska act, as
applied to the Does, violates the ex post facto clause of the
United States Constitution. Doe v. Otte, supra, 259 F.3d at 995.
Reviewing the act through the lens of the seven factors set forth
in Kennedy v. Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U.S. 144 (1963), the
Court found that the act was excessive in relation to its purpose
of protecting public safety. Doe v. Otte, supra, 259 F.3d at 991-
993. Broad, world-wide dissemination of registry information
for all offenders, including those who have been rehabilitated,
the Court concluded, is "unquestionably punitive." Id. at 993.
Alaska and its amici Attorneys General? and Solicitor
General respond that world-wide dissemination of registry
information, even for rehabilitated offenders, is an appropriate
response to what they characterize as the dramatically high rate
at which convicted sex offenders commit new sex offenses. A
closer inspection of the sources they cite for this proposition
regarding sex offender recidivism, however, reveals that the
"once a sex offender always a sex offender" mantra is in fact a
myth.
A. Approximately 2.5% of rapists are
rearrested for a new rape during the
tendon Genie on
from prison.
The Bureau of Justice Statistics of the United States
Department of Justice (hereinafter "BJS") has issued two
. Amici curiae Attorneys General of Forty-One States are referred
to throughout this brief as "Attorneys General." Amicus curiae United
States is referred to "Solicitor General."
4
reports within the last decade addressing recidivism by rapists.
The most recent of these reports, issued in 2002, indicates that
the rate of rearrest of rapists for a new rape in the three years
following release from prison is 2.5%.
(i) 1997 Bureau of Justice Statistics Report
In 1997, the BJS issued a report on rape and sexual
assault, which included a review of recidivism statistics for
persons convicted of rape.’ BJS, Sex Offenses and Offenders
(February 1997) (hereinafter "Sex Offenses” or "1997 BJS
study").* The study followed 2,214 convicted rapists from 11
States for a period of 3 years after their release from prison in
1983, during which time they were on probation. Sex Offenses
25-26. The BJS recorded the following results with regard to
rearrest (not reconviction) of these offenders:
1. 51.5% were rearrested and charged
with a new crime
2. 27.5% were rearrested and charged
with a new violent crime
3. 7.7% were rearrested and charged
with rape
. "Rape" and "sexual assault" are broadly defined, and include most
offenses requiring registration under the Alaska statute. See BJS, Sex
Offenses and Offenders (Sex Offenses) 1 n.1 (1997). The report included
statistics for recidivism by rapists, but no statistics for recidivism by
persons convicted of sexual assault.
. All BJS studies may be found at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs.
5
4. 10.7% were rearrested and charged
with nonsexual assault
~n
8.5% were rearrested and charged with
robbery
6. 2.8% were rearrested and charged with
murder
Sex Offenses 26, figure 27.
Fewer than | of 10 rapists was rearrested and charged with a
new rape.
The rate of rearrest of rapists for a new felony is low,
relative to the rearrest rate of other violent offenders. The 1997
BJS study reported that:
...rapists had a lower rate of re-arrest for a new
felony and a lower rate of re-arrest for a violent
felony than most categories of probationers with
convictions for violence. While about 41% of
violent probationers were re-arrested within 3
years of placement on probation for a new
felony offense, an estimated 19.5% of rapists
were re-arrested for a new felony within 3 years.
Sex Offenses 25-26.
Rapists were rearrested and charged with a new felony
less than half as frequently as other violent offenders.
6
(ii) 2002 Bureau of Justice Statistics Report
A larger, and much more current,’ study was conducted
by the BJS in 2002. BJS, Recidivism of Prisoners Released in
1994 (June 2002) (hereinafter "Recidivism" or "2002 BJS
study"). This study tracked recidivism rates for 272,111 former
inmates for a period of 3 years following their release from
prison in 1994. The persons included in the pool represented
two-thirds of all persons released from prison in 15 States, and
included 3,138 rapists. Recidivism 1, 8-9.
The 2002 BJS study found that rapists were rearrested
for a new rape at an even lower rate than was reported in the
1997 BJS study. During the 3 years following release from
prison in 1994:
1. 46% of rapists were rearrested and
charged with a new offense
2. 18.6% were rearrested and charged
with a new violent offense
3. 2.5% were rearrested and charged
with rape
4. 11.2% were rearrested and charged
with a drug offense
5. 8.7% were rearrested and charged with
a nonsexual assault
’ The 2002 study collected statistics on inmates released 11 years
after the inmates for whom statistics were collected in the 1997 study.
7
6. 14.8% were rearrested and charged
with a property offense
Recidivism 9, table 10.
See also ibid. ("of the 3,138 released rapists, 78 were arrested
for rape and the remaining 3,060 were either rearrested for
something else or not rearrested").°
The Solicitor General and the Attorneys General are
incorrect in asserting in their amicus briefs that sex offenders
"are the most likely to reoffend,"’ "have a dramatically higher
recidivism rate for their crimes than any other type of violent
felon," and "have an abnormally high rate of recidivism." Brief
of the Solicitor General (hereinafter Br.SG) 2. The claim that
° The 2002 BJS study presents data on the rates of rearrest of violent
felons, in addition to rapists. Recidivism 9, table 10. Unlike the 1997 BJS
study, however, it does not include a direct comparison of the rearrest rate
for violent felonies of rapists with the rearrest rate for violent felonies of
other violent felons. The rate of rearrest of all violent felons (including
rapists) for a new violent felony is reported as 27.5%, as compared to a rate
of 18.6% for rapists. Recidivism 9, table 10.
. In its amicus brief, the Solicitor General claims that sex offenders
are "'the least likely to be curec’’; '[]the most likely to reoffend’; and ‘[]prey
on the most innocent members of our society." Br.SG 2. These sweeping
conclusions are quotes from a political speech delivered by Texas State
Senator Florence Shapiro at a conference on sex offender registries. See
BJS, National Conf, On Sex Offender Registries 93 (April 1998). State
Senator Shapiro cites no sources in support of these claims.
8
"{rjapists have a recidivism rate of 49.4% to 63.8%,"* Brief of
Attorneys General (hereinafter Br.AG) 10, is strikingly at odds
with the statistics set forth in the 1997 and 2002 BJS reports.
(iii) The "Odds" that a Rapist Will Reoffend
Although amici Solicitor General and Attorneys General
both cite to the 1997 and 2002 BJS reports on recidivism by sex
offenders and by criminal offenders, neither acknowledges the
very low rate of recidivism for rapists reported in those studies.
Instead, they make much ado over the difference between the
odds that a former sex offender will commit a new rape and the
odds that a former felon, not convicted of rape, will be arrested
for rape. Br.AG 10.
An individual rapist released from prison is more likely
than an individual nonrapist released from prison to commit a
rape during the three years following his release. According to
the 2002 BJS report, a rapist's odds are 4.2 times a nonrapist's
odds of being rearrested for rape. Recidivism 10. The 1997
BJS study reports that the odds differ by a factor of 10.5. Sex
Offenses 27.
. The amicus brief of the Attorneys General cites as authority for
this statistic J. Comparet-Cassani, A Primer on the Civil Trial of a Sexually
Violent Predator, 37 San Diego Law Review 1057, 1072 n.80 (2000). The
Comparet-Cassani article reports only general recidivism rates of sex
offenders, i.e., rearrest rates of sex offenders for any new crime, and is not
limited to rearrest rates for new sex offenses. The California study upon
which Comparet-Cassani relies for her statistical claims in fact reports that
over a 15 year follow-up period, "19.7% of [sex offenders] went on to
oe with a worn gd sex ape offense.” R oe
Offenders 7 (1988). “This California study i is dovened infra at 14-15.
9
This, however, does not mean that former rapists are
highly likely to commit new rapes. Fewer than 3 of 100 former
rapists were rearrested for rape in the three years following
release from prison. Recidivism 9, table 10. The 2002 BJS
study indicates that a smaller percentage of nonrapists than of
rapists were rearrested and charged with rape during the three
year period. It also indicates, however, that the absolute
number of nonrapists arresved for rape was substantially larger
than the absolute number of rapists rearrested for rape.
Recidivism 9, table 10.
1. rapists arrested and charged with rape:
2.5% (number - 78)
2. drug offenders arrested and charged
with rape: .3% (number - 266)
3. burglars arrested for rape: .8%
(number - 330)
4. offenders against public order arrested
for rape: .4% (number - 104).
Ibid.”
Of the 778 felons arrested for rape after release from
incarceration, only 78 had a prior rape conviction.
’ These numbers were derived by multiplying the rate of arrests for
rapes by the number of inmates released for each category of prior offense.
For example, 41,257 burglars (Recidivism 9, table 10) were released from
prison at the outset of the study period. The percentage arrested for rape
during the following three years was .8%. ibid. When multiplied, these two
numbers indicate that 330 former burglars were arrested for rape during the
three year period.
10
B. Most offenders against children are
family members rather than prior
frend ae .
Meany victims of rape and sexual assault are persons
under 18 years of age. Sex Offenses iii ("44% of rape victims
were under the age of 18"). Their stories of abuse are often
horrific. Worldwide dissemination of the registry information
of former sex offenders cannot, however, reasonably be judged
an effective deterrent to future sex crimes against children.
In 2000, the BJS collected and analyzed data concerning
the sexual assault of persons under 18 years of age (hereinafter
“children"). — Sexnel_Anmmlt_of- Young {Sean 20
Characteristics "Guly, 2000) (hereinafter Sexual Assault of
or "2000 BJS study"). The study reviewed the
case files of 118,753 children who were victims of rape or
sexual assault between 1991 and 1996." Id. 1. Data was
gathered from 12 states. Ibid. The following statistics were
reported:
1. for victims under the age of 6, 49% of
the perpetrators were family members
2. for victims between the ages of 6 and
11, 42% of the perpetrators were
family members
3. for victims under the age of 6, 3% of
the perpetrators were strangers
= “Rape” and "sexual assault" are broadly defined, but exclude
statutory rape. Sexual Assault of Young Children 13.
11
4. for victims between the ages of 6 and
11, 5% of the perpetrators were
strangers
Sexual Assault of Young Children 10.
The 1997 BJS study likewise reported that in 90% of the
rapes of children younger than 12, the child knew the offender.
Sex Offenses iii. In 43% of these cases, the offender was a
family member. Id. 11.
No recidivism statistics were available for the BJS
studies, and none were included in any of the three reports. The
absence of statistics on rearrest of persons convicted of sex
offenses against children is a major impediment to determining
their rate of recidivism.
The Solicitor General claims that those who commit sex
offenses against children present an even higher risk of
recidivism than sex offenders generally. Br.SG 4. The
authorities cited do not support this proposition. BJS, Child
Victimizers: Violent Offenders and Their Victims 9-10 (1996)
(hereinafter Child Victimizers), for example, does not report
recidivism statistics for child molesters, but rather addresses
characteristics of violent offenders against children generally.
It notes that "[o}ffenders with multiple child-victims were most
likely to be serving time for robbery, aggravated assault,
negligent manslaughter, or murder." Id. 9.
R. Karl Hanson et al., Long-Term Recidivism of Child
Molesters, 61 J. of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 646
(1993), cited at Br.SG 4, n.3, studied a group of 197 Canadian
child molesters released between 1958 and 1974. Id. 648.
Hanson did not report statistics on the recidivism rate of child
12
molesters for new instances of child molestation, but only for
violent offenses. Id. at 648. Even so, Hanson found that:
1. the rate of reconviction of child
molesters for a new sexual or violent
offense during the first five years of
the study was 5.2%
2. the rate of reconviction of child
molesters for a new sexual or violent
offense during each following year
was approximatly 1.8% per year
Id. at 648.
This means that ten years after release, approximately 12.9%
of child molesters were convicted for either a new sexual or
violent offense.
Statistics aside, it is highly unlikely that internet
disclosure of registry information will be of particular use in
protecting many of these children, given the large percentage of
offenders who are family members. Consulting a registry of
convicted offenders will at best provide a false sense of security
based on an uninformed assumption that the most likely child
molesters have been included on the list.
C. ; sales
Information on longer term reeidis sm ty limited
Amicus Solicitor General urges that long term
recidivism rates must be considered when assessing recidivism
by sex offenders because sex offenders continue to reoffend
13
many years after release from prison. Br. SG4 n.3. This is
easier said than done.
The BJS appears to have published no long-term study
of recidivism by sex offenders. Two states have completed
studies that track sex offense recidivism rates in their
jurisdictions for more than three years after release from prison.
These studies, although limited by the small number of subjects
studied, are nevertheless of some interest. In addition, two
Canadian researchers have published a meta-analysis'' which,
although not a long term study, is worthy of notice because of
the very large number of offenders included.
(i) New Jersey
In 2002, the New Jersey Department of Corrections
issued a study, which tracked 79 offenders released from the
Adult Diagnostic and Treatment Center in 1990. N.J. Dept. of
Correction, Report - 1990 Recidivism Study” (January 21,
2002)(hereinafter "New Jersey Study"). All had been found to
be repetitive and compulsive sex offenders. The offenders were
tracked for a period of ten years. The following results were
reported.
1. 26.5% were reconvicted for nonsexual
offenses
. A meta-analysis is a study which collects and analyzes statistics
reported in other studies.
= This study in included in materials lodged by the New Jersey
Public Defender et al. along with its amicus brief in support of
respondents .
14
2. 3.8% were reconvicted for sexual
offenses
New Jersey Study 3.
One of the three reconvictions for a sexual offense occurred
during the first five years after release, and two more during the
second five year period. Id. 5.
(ii) California
In 1988, the California Department of Justice issued a
report on the effectiveness of its sex offender registration
statute. The report inc'uded recidivism statistics for a group of
1,362 sex offenders released in 1973 and tracked for a period of
15 years. Lewis, R., Effectiveness of Statutory Requirements
for the Registration of Sex Offenders (1988) (hereinafter
"California Study")” 1, 7. The following results were reported.
1. 19.7% of sex offenders were
arrested for a new sex offense“
" This study may be found on the internet at
http://caag.state.ca.us/cjsc.
- The higher rates found in California as compared to New Jersey
may reflect not only the five-year difference in the follow-up period, but
may also reflect the fact that the New Jersey offenders received sex
offender treatment while incarcerated. See McKune v. Lile, 2002 U.S.
LEXIS 4206, *19 (2002) ("[t}herapists and correctional officers widely
agree that clinical rehabilitative programs can enable sex offenders to
manage their impulses and in this way reduce recidivism"). It is also
significant that the California study reports rates of rearrest as opposed to
reconviction, and that the California study was conducted twelve years
before the New Jersey study.
EONS TO IT CN DOL LEE LEI LIO LNA. 5 MO A EN A Se RE
OT OE EE
15
2. although the percent of nonsexual
offenders arrested for a sex offense
was lower than 19.7%, the actual
number of violent offenders, of
property offenders and of each other
category of nonsexual offenders
(excluding drug offenders) arrested for
a sex offense was significantly higher
than the actual number of sex
offenders arrested for a sex offense’
California Study 8, table 2.
(iii) Hanson and Bussiere Meta-Analysis
In 1998, two Canadian researchers published a meta-
analysis of numerous previously published studies, addressing
the recidivism rates of sex offenders. R.K. Hanson and M.
Bussiere, Predicting Relapse: A Meta-Analysis of Sexual
Offender Recidivism Studies, 66 Journal of Consulting and
Clinical Psychology 348 (1998) [hereinafter "the meta-
analysis"]. Hanson and Bussiere gathered information from 61
studies of sex offender recidivism, which cumulatively reported
recidivism statistics for 28,972 sex offenders. Id. at 349-351.
a The actual number of offenders is derived by multiplying the rate
of arrests for sex offenses by the number of persons released for each
category of offense. For example, former property offenders were arrested
for a sex offense at the rate of arrest 2.7%. California Study 8, table 2. The
number of property offenders released in 1973 was 22,417. Ibid. When
multiplied, these two numbers indicate that 605 property offenders were
arrested for sex crimes during the 15 year study.
16
The studies surveyed were conducted in six North
American and European countries, as well as Australia. Thirty
studies were of American sex offenders. Ibid. Adult and
adolescent offenders, and offenders against children and adults,
were included. Ibid. Recidivism was measured by
reconvictions, arrests, self-reports and parole violations for a
new sex Offense. Ibid.
The meta-analysis found that the recidivism rate of sex
offenders for new sex offenses in the 4 to 5 years following
release from incarceration was 13.4%. Although the follow-up
period was not lengthy, the meta-analysis is of particular
interest because of the large number of sex offenders it
encompassed.
EEE
Many researchers on sex offender recidivism have noted
substantial inconsistencies among studies, both as to rates of
recidivism and as to factors that predict recidivism. Center for
Sex Offender Management,'* Recidivism of Sex Offenders 7
(May 2001). B. Schwartz and H. Cellini, Sex Offender
Recidivism and Risk Factors in the Involuntary Commitment
Process, in Schwartz, ed., The Sex Offender: Theoretical
Advances, Treating Special Populations and Legal
Developments III 8-4 (1999). Some of the variation has been
attributed to differences in the quality of the studies. Schwartz
and Cellini 8-4 (recidivism studies differ widely in the quality
of the research design, including criteria for success or failure,
presence of control group, length of follow-up time, and
correctness of statistics used in analyzing time at risk).
= Publications of the Center for Sex Offender Management may be
found at www.csom.org.
17
A second important factor, however, is the pool of
offenders studied.
One possible reason for the amount of
disagreement in these studies is that they may
use a heterogeneous group of sex offenders in
their analysis. Mixing an antisocial rapist with
a socially skilled fixated pedophile with a
developmentally disabled exhibitionist may
indeed produce a hodgepodge of results.
Schwartz and Cellini 8-6.
Alaska has made no attempt to distinguish subgroups of
sex offenders or individual sex offenders who may be at much
lower risk of reoffending from other subgroups or individuals
who pose a higher risk. It has instead opted for the
"hodgepodge" approach, with the result that even
incontrovertibly rehabilitated former offenders are subject to its
harsh provisions.
eEEEE
The Alaska sex offender registration act is grounded on
the legislative finding that "sex offenders pose a high risk of
reoffending after release from custody." 1994 Alaska Sess.
Laws c.41, §1. This finding is not supported by empirical
evidence. The fact that the legislature has declared it to be so
does not transform its "finding" into fact. "Where government
must show an interest of more than the usual degree of urgency
to justify imposition on the individuai, the simple invocation of
its legislative judgment, buttressed perhaps by a showing of a
rational basis for that judgment, will not do." Doe v. Attorney
General, 426 Mass. 136, 150 (1997) (Fried, J., concurring)
(holding that Massachusetts sex offenders have state
18
constitutionally protected liberty and privacy rights in avoiding
registration and dissemination and are entitled to due process
prior to encumbering those rights). Because of the importance
of the interests of sex offenders in avoiding the highly
damaging consequences of public dissemination of registry
information, actual empirical evidence that sex offenders pose
a high” risk of reoffending by committing a new sex offense is
required.
Il. EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE SUGGESTS THAT
DISSEMINATION OF SEX OFFENDER
REGISTRY INFORMATION MAY
UNDERMINE PUBLIC SAFETY.
The Alaska sex offender registration and notification act
was also premised on a finding that "release of certain
information about sex offenders to public agencies and the
general public will assist in protecting the public safety." 1994
Alaska Sess. Laws 41, §1. It is far from obvious that this
premise is valid. In fact, available evidence, while limited,
suggests that dissemination has the opposite effect.
Without evidence that the act serves a legitimate public
safety purpose, and without evidence that it is not excessive in
relation to the need to protect public safety, the legislature’ s
declaration that the act is regulatory and not punitive is suspect.
Doe v. Otte, supra, 259 F.3d at 991, citing Mendoza-Martinez,
supra, 372 U.S. at 169.
a The Alaska act does not define what is meant by a "high" risk of
reoffending.
19
(i) lowa Study
In December, 2000, lowa published a report comparing
the recidivism rates of sex offenders subject to the notification
law to the recidivism rates of sex offenders convicted of
comparable sex crimes, but not subject to the notification law
because their release date was prior to the effective date of the
statute. G. Adkins, D. Huff, & P. Stageberg, The lowa Sex
Offender Registry and Recidivism (December 2000)
(hereinafter lowa Study)."*
The notification group consisted of 233 sex offenders
released from prison and placed on the registry during 1995-96.
Iowa Study 2. The group not subject to notification consisted
of 201 sex offenders released from prison or discharged from
probation during 1995-96, who would have been required to
register if the registry law had been in effect at the time of their
offenses. The study followed these offenders for 4.3 years.
During the 4.3 year follow-up period:
1. 3% of the notification offenders were
reconvicted of sex offenses
2. 3.5% of the group not subject to notification
were reconvicted of sex offenses
Iowa Study 10.
This difference in reconviction rates is not statistically
significant. lowa Study 19. Notification appears to have had
no effect on recidivism by sex offenders.
- This study is available on the internet at
http://www state.ia.us/government/dhr/cjjp/pdfs/SexOffenderReeport.pdf.
20
(ii) Washington Study
In 1995, a study was published assessing the effect of
public notification of sex offender registration on sex offender
pence in the state of Wertuagee. D. Schram & C. Milloy,
tificati tudy of Offender teristi
and Recidivism (October 1995) (hereinafter Washington
Study).’* The recidivism rate of 90 adult offenders subject to
the highest level of notification was compared with the
recidivism rate of 90 offenders released prior to the effective
date of the law.
After 4.5 years,
1. 19% of the group subject to
notification were rearrested for a sex
offense
2. 22% of the group not subject to
notification were rearrested for a sex
offense
Washington Study 3. This difference is not statistically
significant. Ibid. "[T]he findings suggest that community
notification had little effect on recidivism as measured by new
arrests for sex offenses or other types of criminal behavior."
Ibid.
” This study may be found on the internet at
http://www. wsipp.wa.gov/crime/pdf/chrrec.pdf.
21
(iii) California Study
In 1988, California published a study which, in addition
to providing recidivism statistics for sex offenders, surveyed
criminal justice agencies, including law enforcement, probation,
parole and the district attorneys offices, concerning their views
of the effectiveness of offender registration in preventing sex
offender recidivism. R. Lewis, Effectiveness of Statutory
Requirements for the Registration of Sex Offenders 9-10 (1988)
(hereinafter California Study).” Researchers found that
"approximately half of the respondents do not believe that the
sex registration system is effective in preventing sex offenders
from committing sex offenses or other crimes." (emphasis in
original) California Study 10.
(iv) U.S. Department of Justice Study of
Notification in Wisconsin
In December, 2000, the National Institute of Justice, an
agency of the U.S. Department of Justice, issued a study of the
impact of the sex offender notification law in Wisconsin. See
R. Zevitz and M. Farkas, Sex Offender Community
Notification: Assessing the Impact in Wisconsin (December,
2000) (hereinafter Wisconsin Study).”" The study solicited
information from many sources concerning the effectiveness of
the act, including the impressions of sex offenders to whom it
is applicable. Personal interviews were conducted with thirty
"high risk" sex offenders.
= The internet site at which this study may be found as set forth in
footnote 8.
- This study may be found on the internet at http://www.ncjrs.org.
22
All but one interviewee stated that the
community notification process adversely
affected their transition from prison to the
outside world. Loss of employment, exclusion
from residence, and the breakup of personal
relationships were frequently cited
consequences of expanded notification actions
and ensuing detrimental publicity []. Seventy-
seven percent told of being humiliated in their
daily lives, ostracized by neighbors and lifetime
acquaintances, and harassed or threatened by
nearby residents or strangers. Although only
one interviewee was on the receiving end of
what might be described as vigilante action, all
expressed various degrees of concern for their
own safety.
Wisconsin Study 9.
The study notes that most of the thirty offenders
believed that the law would not prevent sex offense recidivism,
but "would have the opposite effect." Wisconsin Study at 10.
"Many drew from their own embittered experience with
community notification to suggest that the tremendous pressure
placed on sex offenders by the public and the media would
drive many of them back to prison." Ibid. See also id. 11 ("The
pressure placed on many of these individuals by community
notification needs to be further examined as a factor in their
success or failure under community supervision").
The negative repercussions for public safety of the daily
humiliation, ostracizing by friends and neighbors, and difficulty
in finding housing and employment predicted by sex offenders
in the Wisconsin study should not be ignored. A 1998 study of
dynamic factors affecting sex offender recidivism found that
23
sex offenders are at the highest risk of reoffending when they
show sharp increases in dysphoric moods, particularly anger."
R.K. Hanson and A. Harris,
Recidivism 1 (1998). Inflicting a high level of stress on a daily
basis through the operation of a public notification law is not a
sensible approach to reducing recidivism by sex offenders.
The declaration by the Alaska Legislature that its sex
offender notification act protects the public safety does not
make it so. A successful approach to sex assault prevention
must be guided by fact and not by fantasy.” Public notification
is not part of the solution to sex offender recidivism.
22
Even the most avid proponents of measures to reduce the incidence
of sexual assault have called for the repeal of sex offender notification laws,
on the ground that they ultimately undermine rather than serve the public
safety concerns that motivated them. C. Wells and E. Motley, Reinforcing
the Myth of the Crazed Rapist: A Feminist Critique of Recent Rape
Legislation, 81 B.U. Law Rev. 127, 130-135, 192-194 (2001).
24
CONCLUSION
For the reasons stated above, and for the reasons set
forth in the brief of petitioners John Doe I, Jane Doe and John
Doe II, and in the briefs of their amici curiae, this Court should
affirm the ruling of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.
Respectfully submitted,
CAROL A. DONOVAN
Counsel of Record
Special Litigation Director
COMMITTEE FOR PUBLIC
COUNSEL SERVICES
44 Bromfield Street
Boston, Massachusetts 02108
(617) 482-6212
Dated: August, 2002.
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.