Amicus Curiae Brief — Olmstead v. LC

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98-536 3 — ~ , See

IN THE

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

October Term, 1998

TOMMY OLMSTEAD, Commissioner of the

Department of Human Resources of the State of Georgia,

et al.,

Petitioners,

v.

L. C. and E.W., each by JONATHAN ZIMRING, as

guardian ad litem and next friend,

Respondents.

On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals

for the Eleventh Circuit

BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE PEOPLE FIRST OF

GEORGIA, SELF-ADVOCATES BECOMING

EMPOWERED AND ITS CONSTITUENT PEOPLE

FIRST AND SPEAKING FOR OURSELVES

ORGANIZATIONS IN THE SEVERAL STATES,

AUTISM NATIONAL COMMITTEE, NATIONAL

DOWN SYNDROME CONGRESS AND

VISION FOR EQUALITY, INC.

IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS

Thomas K. Gilhool*

Judith A. Gran

Max Lapertosa

Public Interest Law Center

of Philadelphia

125 S. 9th Street, Suite 700

Philadelphia, PA 19107

*Counsel of Record (215) 627-7100

March 15, 1999 Counsel for Amici Curiae

BEST AVAILABLE COPY

CONSTITUENT STATE ORGANIZATIONS

JOINING AS AMICI

PEOPLE FIRST OF ALABAMA

PEOPLE FIRST OF ALASKA

PEOPLE FIRST OF ARIZONA

PEOPLE FIRST OF CALIFORNIA

PEOPLE FIRST OF COLORADO

PEOPLE FIRST OF CONNECTICUT

PEOPLE FIRST OF DENVER

PEOPLE FIRST OF ILLINOIS

SELF-ADVOCATES OF INDIANA

PEO: LE FIRST OF LOUISIANA

MA" \CHUSETTS ADVOCATES STANDING STRONG

AD — *ATING CHANGE TOGETHER IN MINNESOTA

PEOPLE FIRST OF MISSOURI

PEOPLE First OF NEW HAMPSHIRE

PEOPLE FIRST OF ALBUQUERQUE (NEW MEXICO)

THE SELF-ADVOCACY ASSOCIATION OF NEW YORK, INC.

PEOPLE FIRST OF OHIO

PEOPLE FIRST OF OKLAHOMA

SPEAKING FOR OURSELVES (PENNSYLVANIA)

ADVOCATES IN ACTION {RHODE ISLAND)

PEOPLE FIRST OF TENNESSEE

TEXAS ADVOCATES

PEOPLE FIRST OF SALT LAKE CITY/PEOPLE FIRST OF

OGDEN/PEOPLE First OF CASH VALLEY (UTAH)

VERMONT PEER SUPPORT NETWORK

PEOPLE FIRST OF WASHINGTON

PEOPLE FIRST OF DANE COUNTY (MADISON, WISCONSIN )

PEOPLE FIRST OF WYOMING

oo

li

EDITOR'S NOTE

THE FOLLOWING PAGES WERE POOR HARD COPY

AT THE TIME OF FILMING. IF AND WHEN A

BETTER COPY CAN BE OBTAINED, A NEW FICHE

WILL BE ISSUED.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

__B. The Act Prohibits the Arbitrary Quality

I ee 7

C. The Act Seeks to Disestablish the Regime

of State-Imposed Segregation and Isolation

and to Remedy Its Effects ............. 11

Il. Petitioners Mistake the Purport of the Act and

Its Effects, Misstate Its Language, Ignore

Judicial Application of Section 504 to Remedy

Unnecessary Segregation and Overlook Availability

of Title XIX Funds to Provide Services in

Most Integrated Settings. .................. 15

A. The Act Establishes No Per Se Duty,

But Prohibits Only Unnecessary Segregation. 15

B. “Handicap Services” Are Not Peculiar or

Unique, But in the Main Are Services

Commonly Provided by Governments to

Non-Disabled Citizens. ................. 19

C. Section 504 Had Been Held by Courts to

Prohibit Unnecessary Segregation. ....... 21

D. The Medical Assistance Statute Is in No

Way Contrary to the Act, but Itself Contains

a Parallel Prohibition on Unnecessary

Utilization of Institutions and Nursing Homes

and Provides Substantial Federal Funds

Ill. For Amici, the Act Has Been a Doorway to

Freedom, Citizenship, and Productive,

Participating and Contributing New Lives. .... . 28

CONCLUSION

APPENDIX A Conpendium of Purposeful State Action

for the Segregation and Exclusion of

Retarded Persons in the Fifty States and

the District of Columbia

APPENDIX B_ The Cleburne Ordinance is Part of a

Pattern of State-Imposed, Life-Long

Segregation of Purposeful Unequal

Treatment and is Parallel to the

Treatment of Black Persons.

APPENDIX C Compendium of Materials and Statements

of Amici People First and Speaking for

Ourselves

BD 2 eg Oe PO ae —* ~~ a

APPENDIX E

APPENDIX F

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

FEDERAL CASES

Alexander v. Choate, 469 U.S. 287 Raa 7, 18,21

(8th Cir. 1991)

942 F.2d 1235

C.A.No. Al-80-141 (D.N.D. Apr. 29, 1992)

Bogard v. Duffy, C.A. No. 88-C-2424(N.D.IIL) .... 21. 26

Bogard v._ Kustra, C.A. No. 88-C-2414(N.DII)..___. 24

Bragdon v. Abbott, 524 U.S. 624 Ba eo S

Buck v. Bell, 274U.S.200(1927)....s—t™ 7

473 US. 432(1985) 2, 6,9, 10, 11, 12.18

Garrity v. Gallen, $22 F. Supp. 171 (D.N.H. 1981) _. 21. 22

Garrity v_ Gallen, 697 F.2d 452 (Ist Cir. 1983)... 22

610F. Supp. 1221(1985) 21

612 F.2d84(3dCir.1979) ...... 22

446 F. Supp. 129S(E.D.Pa. 1978)...” 2)

iv

784 F. Supp. 215 (E.D. Pa. 1992), aff'd,

oN ES EE eee 22

21, 22

Helen L. v. DiDario, 46 F.3d 325 (1995), cert.den. sub nom.,

Pennsylvania Sec. of Pub. Welfare v_ Idell S.

Hobson v. Hansen, 269 F. Supp. 401 (D.D.C. 1967) ... II

Homeward Bound vy. Hissom Mem. Center,

1987 WL 27104 (N.D.Okla.) ................ 21, 22, 26

Homeward Bound vy. Hissom Mem. Center,

CA. No. 85-C-437-E (May 20, 1988) .............. 23

757 F. Supp. 1243 (D.N.M. 1988)

rev'd in part on other grounds,

964 F.2d 980 (10th Cir. 1992) .... 6... eee 21, 23, 26

lack Fort § Hospital and Training Schoo!

No. 87-839 (Oct. 5, 1988) . 2... 66. eee 26

510 F.Supp. 1233 (W.D.Ky. 1980)

aff'd 674 F 2d 582 (6th Cir. 1982)

cort, den. 459 U8. 1041 (1982) ..............-55- 24

L.C. and E.W. v. Olmstead,

1997 US. Dist. LEXIS 3540 (N.D.Ga. March 25, 1997) 28

Liovd v. Transit Authori

$48 F.2d 1277 (7th Cir. 1976) .... 2... eee 22

Lynch v. Maher, 507 F. Supp. 1268 (D.Conn. 1981) . 21, 22

916 F. Supp. 133 (D.Conn. 1996)

= a 26

Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390(1923) ............. 7

$51 F. Supp. 1165(EDNY.1982)........ soa

p lvania Ass'n for Retarded Child

Commonwealth of Pennsylvania,

343 F. Supp. 279 (E.D. Pa. 1972) ................. 12

118 S.Ct. 1952, $24 U.S. 206(1998) .............. 5

Pennsylvania Sec. of Public Welfare y. Idell S,

FO Das SONNE i ove dade ath otk kk ies. 21

Richard C.v. White

C.A. No. 89-2038 (W.D.Pa) ................ 21, 24, 26

ok | RR ars rere ane 8,9

School Comm. of Burlington v_

Mass. Dept. of Educ., 471 U.S. 359(1985) 12

Traynor v. Turnage, 485 U.S. 535(1998) ss 23

LEGISLATIVE MATERIALS

113 Cong. Res. 19417 (1967) .................. 25, 26

137 Comp. Ree. QSRGR CISPED wg oo ccc 7

117 Cong. Rec. 45974-75 (1971) .................. 8

117 Cong, Rec. 42293-94005... e seer reese eee 8

118 Cong, Rec. 525 (1972) ...-..-+.0see reese eee 8

118 Cong, Rec. 9495 (1972)... 2... 00eese cere 8

118 Cong, Rec, 9495-9501 (1972) ..... 06.2.0 seee 8

135 Cong, Rec, $4984 (May 9, 1989) 6.6... 5

135 Cong, Rec. $4986 (May 9, 1989) 0.6.00... 24

136 Cong, Rec. $9688 (Jul. 13,1990) 0... 5

HLR. Rep. 101-485 (II), (111),

Some TY a Ge 17, 20, 25, 28

S. Rep. No. 744, 90th Cong., 2nd Sess.,

os area uiin es dhe hs bas) 26

FEDERAL STATUTES

20 U.S.C. §1412(aNS) .. 2... c eee eee ees 12

28 CFR. §5.130(d\ 1991) 00. 6

PO CPR GBSAIE) occ cece cece e beeen ee eees 16

28 CFR. Pt. 35 App. A(I991) 0.0.0... 6

28 CFR. §35.130(b\IMfiv.) oes 23

RR cer ivcescsseseveceeene’ 25

42 U.S.C. §12101 ef 969. 66... eee eee 4,5

42 U.S.C. §1396a (a)(30)(A) et seq. ............... 25

GE UEC Se io kb 8 oo od ccs be aauewos 6, 18

GR EG th thin bal a ihaed as ie As ook Rc cee 5

Te Ui. SE SU eb webs hie pda es 5, 18

eae EE ie als, oe, Paani ples oases 6, 21

Ge es EN Kak shes ee eck oo Hed Oackees 19

42 USC§1751 AOR UE BARN SRR ie ep er es 19

F a TE NOEL © yoni OTA Chee ees 19

Title XIX, 42 U.S.C. §§1396 et seq. .......... 19, 20, 26

STATE STATUTES

SORT GG RII x oe ons dev £ 04K aed eas 14

S.J. Res.44, 1918 Ga.Gen. Assembly Ann. Sess.,

OGG Gk, BIOS © hiv o's vv elnienesausaeen ve tena. 13

ook: BY} SP ee, ne eae 13

BOOKS AND ARTICLES

American Academy of Pediatrics,

MEDICAID STATE REPORTS -- FY 1996 (1998) ......... 27

AMMO ok SN eaten Hes ee 30

vill

DAVID BRADDOCK et al.,

THE STATE OF THE STATES

IN DEVELOPMENTAL DISABILITIES (1998) ...... 18, 27, 29

EDWARD J. LARSON, SEX, RACE AND SCIENCE:

EUGENICS IN THE DEEP SOUTH (1995) ........ 14, 14n.14

H.H. GODDARD, THE KALIKAK FAMILY:

A STUDY IN THE HEREDITY

OF THE FEEBLEMINDED (1912) ..................--. 14

PY oS 80 G OV i o-5 vec CRS wae Cave Es 30

Karst, Zhe Supreme Court, 1976 Term --

Forward: EqualCitizenship Under the

Fourteenth Amendment, 91 HARV. L. REV.1,6(1977) .. 3

NATIONAL ASS’N OF STATE DIRECTORS

OF DEVELOPMENTAL DISABILITIES SERVICES,

THE HCB WAIVER AND CSLA PROGRAMS:

AN UPDATE ON MEDICAID'SROLE ................. 28

STEVEN NOLL, FEEBLE-MINDED IN OUR MIDST (1995) . 14

UNITED STATES CIVIL RIGHTS COMMISSION, ACCOMMODATING

THE SPECTRUM OF INDIVIDUAL ABILITIES (1983) ...... 15

ee eel ae .

)

)

j

INTERESTS OF AMICI

Amici are grass roots organizations of Americans with

disabilities, People First, whose initial chapters were

established in 1974, now number more than 900 with nearly

20,000 active members in 46 states and who in this decade

have joined together nationally as Self-Advocates Becoming

Empowered.’ Some three-quarters of the members were once

segregated into institutions and now are not.

To this network of citizens:

Self-advocacy is about independent groups of people with

disabilities working together for justice by helping each

other take charge of their lives and fight discrimination. ...

It teaches us about our rights, but along with learning

about our rights, we learn responsibilities. The way we

learn about advocating for ourselves is supporting each

other, and help each other gain confidence in themselves

to speak out for what they believe in.

Self-Advocates act together in friendship to extend

welcome, practical assistance and mutual support to people

coming from institutions into community, to teach teachers,

care-givers, bureaucrats, political leaders, family, friends, one

another, and the public to listen and to hear what people with

disabilities believe they need and to take the benefit of what

people with disabilities have learned. As next friends to still-

institutionalized persons and organizational plaintiffs, self-

advocates have directed the conduct of litigation As

monitors, as well as friends and supporters, self-advocates

have acted to assure that planned and ordered moves to

community are well done and that no one is lost.

Although professional opinion, research findings, and the

experience of people with disabilities consistently favor non-

institutional services, some institutionalized professionals,

policy makers and parents continue to support segregated

long-term care. For example, service providers continue to

' The parties have consented to the filing of this bref. No counsel for a

party has authored this brief in whole or in part, and no person other than

amici and its counsel made any monetary contribution for its preparation.

exercise a great deal of control over the lives of self-advocates,

some parents favor institutionalization, and many policy-

makers fiscally support large congregate care facilities.

Believing that individuals with disabilities can no longer wait

for others to change the long-term care system, self advocates

resolved to become more active in changing the system which

does not work for them: “We believe that all institutions, both

private and public, should be closed. All people regardless of

the severity of their disabilities should live in the community

with the support they need.” Materials from Self-Advocates

Becoming Empowered’s Close the Doors: Campaign for

Freedom are attached hereto in Appendix C.

People First of Georgia has more than 350 members in 14

chapters throughout the State engaged in the friendship and

work common everywhere to Self-Advocates. Its members

“were so happy when the 11th Circuit decided that L.C. and

E.W. had been discriminated against by being confined in a

state institution,” because “we believe that forcing people to

live in institutions instead of their own houses in their own

communities violates their human rights and is against the

principles of the Americans with Disabilities Act.”

Established in 1972 and 1974, respectively, as

organizations of families and professionals, the Autism

National Committee and National Down Syndrome Congress

are increasingly devoted to empowering people with Autism

and Down Syndrome, including as officers and directors and

fully as citizens. Vision for Equality is an organization of

people with disabilities, their families and friends, and rooted in

Philadelphia. It seeks to give another strand of meaning to the

Independence and Equal Citizenship annually celebrated at the

nation’s Independence Hall.

Many Amici here were amicus also in City of Cleburne,

Texas v. Cleburne Living Center, 473 U.S. 432, 461 (1985).

What is at stake for Amici here is what was there at stake:

“human freedom and fulfillment -- the ability to form bonds

and take part in the life of a community.” As the citizens they

are, Amici and many members participated in the formulation

and enactment, by a near unanimous Congress, of the statute

whose efficacy or not depends upon this Court’s decision in

this case.

Amici write to put before the Court desegregation as they

have experienced it, the weight of the invidious history as they

have suffered it, and a sense of the freedom and responsibility

of citizenship as they now live it.

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

The Act assures to Americans with disabilities the benefits

of “the principle of equal citizenship [that] presumptively

insists that the organized society treat each individual as a

person, one who is worthy of respect, one who ‘belongs.’

Stated negatively, the principle presumptively forbids the

organized society to treat an individual cither as a member of

an inferior or dependent caste or as a non-participant.””

The Act prohibits unnecessary segregation into institutions

and nursing homes. Whether segregation is unnecessary --

whether a person’s needs can be met in a more segregated

setting -- is to be determined thoughtfully, based in knowledge

and free of ignorance, prejudice or stereotypes.

The regime of state-imposed segregation and degradation

has continued its impositions into the lives of Respondents and

many other individuals with disabilities. The Act seeks and

requires its disestablishment.

The Attorney General’s regulation (1991) faithfully

implements the controlling Congressional direction to prohibit

unnecessary segregation, faithful alike to integration provisions

in both of the Act’s other titles and to the specified 1978 co-

ordinating regulation, and faithfully applying a standard no less

than that judicially applied under Section 504. Implementation

of the integration imperative, far from affronting the medical

assistance program (Title XIX of the Social Security Act)

*Karst, The Supreme Court, 1976 Term -- Forward: Equal Citizenship

Under the Fourteenth Amendment, 9\ HARV. L. REV. 1,6 (1977)

3

which contains its own independent prohibition of unnecessary

utilization of institutions and nursing homes, can be funded by

Title XIX, variously with a 50% to 82% federal financial

share, as far as a state chooses.

What Amici People First and Speaking for Ourselves

Organizations seek in this Case is nothing less than what one

of their first members sought after twenty years segregated

into a Massachusetts institutions on the eve of his move into

Massachusetts’ community: “I want to be a citizen. I want to

do what every citizen can do. Citizenship means voting.

Citizenship means working, it means helping others. It also

means that we are able to make important decisions for

ourselves. Our families and the people who work with us can

help us, but if citizenship is to mean anything we must make

the final decision.” CHERINGTON & DYBWAD, PRESIDENT’S

COMM. ON MENTAL RETARDATION, NEW NEIGHBORS: THE

RETARDED CITIZEN IN QUEST OF A HOME 198 (1974),

ARGUMENT

I. The Americans with Disabilities Act Unmistakably

Prohibits Unnecessary Segregation, Disestablishes a

Regime of State-Imposed Segregation and Isolation,

and Requires that State Actions with Respect to

People with Disabilities Be Based Not in Ignorance,

Prejudice and Stereotype, but in Knowledge and

Thoughtfulness.

A. With Unmistakable Clarity, the Act Prohibits

Unnecessary Segregation.

The Congress of the United States, subscribed by the

President, purposefully “invoke[d] the fullness of its powers

including the power to enforce the Fourteenth Amendment...

in order to address the major areas of discrimination faced day-

to-day by people with disabilities."’ Foremost among the

mee a ko cteetee? on be somedied. C pli

ranked the historical “isolat{ion] and segregat[ion) of

. vid Is with di biliti ™

ae eames Cateny tat of Op Agnemeens wee

Disabilities Act.” Pa_D Cc Yes! '

S.Ct. 1952, 1956 eer.

omulgate regulations and, respect to state

government services, directs that the regulations “shall be

consistent with this Chapter and with the co-ordination

> 42 USC. § 1210164).

* 422U SC §12101(aX2) - a cone Nara a

managet ime sponsor, closing debate in the Senate, said:

AToday Congres apane the ocr tool Americans with desbilsies

today we say no to fear, . we say no to ignorance, and .. ‘we say no to

prejudice. The ADA is, indeed, the 20th century Emancipation

Proclamaton for all persons with disabilities. Today, the US Senate will

say to all Americans that the days of segregation and inequality are over

136 Cong. Ree. $9688 (Jul. 13, 1990). At introduction of the bill, see 135

Cong. Rec. $4984 (May 9, 1989). H.R. Rep. 101-485(II1)(Educ. and Labor

Comm.) at 50, 1990 U.S.C_C_ALN. at 332, concluded

[T}here is a compelling need to provide a clear and comprehensive

national mandate for the elimination of discrumination and for the

mainstream of Amencan life

H.R. Rep. 101-485(1I1)Uudiciary Comm.) at 26, 1990

att ehites hat caniahenes tea dente tag in 1973

civil nights protections provided to women and minonties beginning in

1964. This year, 1990, 1s an histone one in the evolution of this nation's

public policy towards persons with disabilities The ADA is 4

comprehensive piece of civil nghts legislation which promises a new

future a future of inclusion and integration and the end of exclusion and

segregation

regulations”*..and that the Act shall not “be construed to

apply a lesser standard than the standards applied under Title

V of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 or [its] regulations.”

The Attorney General promptly and faithfully complied

with what is under the Fourteenth Amendment “controlling

jonal direction.” City of Cle I Cel

Living Center, 473 U.S. 432, 439 (1985). His regulation, 28

C.F.R. §35.130(d)(1991)(emphasis supplied), requires with

unmistakable clarity that:

a public entity shall administer services, programs and

activities in the most integrated setting appropriate to the

needs of qualified individuals with disability.’

*42 U.S.C. §12134. The Act ~ “this chapter” -- at §302(b), 42 U.S.C

§12182(b)(1)(B), entitled “Integrated Settings,” requires: “Goods, services,

facilites, pnvileges, advantages, and accommodations shall be afforded to an

individual with a disability in the most integrated setting appropriate to the

needs of the individual.”

At §102(b), 42 U.S.C. §12112(6)(1), entitled “Discrimination” --

segregating in a way that adversely affects the opportunities or status of {a

person] because of... disability.”

As to these provisions, H.R. Rep. (II) at 84; 1990 U.S.C. CAN at 367

instructed: “The Committee intends . . . that the forms of discrimination

prohibited by section 202 be identical to those set out in the applicable

provisions of titles I and III of this litigation. Thus, for example, the

construction of “discnmination” set forth in section 102(b) and (c) and section

302(b) should be incorporated in the regulations implementing this title ”

The co-ordination regulation to which §12134 directs the Attorney

General, requires. “Recipients shall administer programs and activities in the

most integrated sctting appropriate to the needs of qualified handicapped

persons.

* 42 USC. §12201(a).

. Petitioner's attempt to insinuate that a per se requirement--no

segregation under any circumstances, ever-- is at issue in this case thus defies

the Acts’ plain language. It is “ummecessary segregation” which is

prohibited. This is Respondents’ position and was so below. It was the

holding of the Courts below, and also of the other courts which have enforced

the integration imperative under this Act and under 504. See Argument IL A,

6

a —— ~~.

Of this regulation, the Attorney General, at 28 C.F.R. Pt. 35,

App. A at 478 (1991) comments: y ’

and activities in the most integrated setting appropriate to

the needs of qualified individuals with disabilities, 1.¢. in a

setting that enables individuals with disabilities to interact

with non-disabled persons to the fullest extent possible.

B. The Act Prohibits the Arbitrary Quality of

Thoughtlessness.

disabilities’ has identified the values which Congress has

legislated consistently to achieve. These Congressionally

chosen and plainly legislated values determine the outcome of

Ue ain els He each ences Come

287, 300, 299 (1985). “{T]houghtlessness and indifference”

* The century, non-statutory cases include, at the poles, Meyer v.

eter EUS 390, 401-02 (1923) and Buck v. Bell, 274 U.S. 200

(1927).

* Both Sponsors had unnecessary institutional segregation in mind

Congressman Vanik’s full statement was:

7

In School Bd. of Nassau Co.. Florida v. Arline, 480 U.S.

273 (1985), the Court applied Congress’ legislated intention to

forbid “discriminatory practices .. which stemmed .. from

stereotypical attitudes and ignorance about the handicapped”

and to protect “the handicapped against discrimination

stemming not only from simple prejudice, but also from

‘archaic attitudes and laws’ and from ‘the fact that the

American people are .. unfamiliar with and insensitive to .

individuals with handicaps.”” Id. at 279 n.3, 279. Given the

many sources of harmful error about people with disabilities, a

central requirement, the Court writes in Bragdon v. Abbott.

118 S.Ct. 2196 (1998), is that decisions reached by the Act

must be based upon facts, upon “objective facts” and upon the

“objective reasonableness” of the “assessment of the objective

facts.” Id. at 2210.

“[T}he basic purpose of §504 is to ensure that

The masses of the handicapped live and struggle among us, often shunted

aside, hidden and ignored How have we as a nation treated these fellow

citizens? In this country we still have the snakepit mental institutions for

confinement without treatment, where brutality and unexplained deaths are

common. 117 Cong. Rec. 45945 (1971).

Senator Humphrey's:

I am calling for public attention to three-fourths of the Nation’s

institutionalized mentally retarded, who live in ... facilities .. more than

50 years old, functionally inadequate and designed simply to isolate these

persons from society _ These people have the night to live, to work to the

best of their ability -- to know the dignity to which every human being 1s

entitled _ But too often we keep children, whom we regard as ‘different’

or a ‘disturbing influence’ out of our schools and community activities

altogether ... Where is the cost-effectiveness in .. consigning them to

‘terminal’ care in an institution? 118 Cong. Rec. 525 (1972).

See also 118 Cong. Rec. 9495 (1972), (Senator Humphrey).

differential access by disabled to schooling, armed services training, Job

Corps, vocational training, family services), Jd at 42293-94 (schooling, job

traning, family services, foster care, recreation), 118 Cong. Rec. 9495-950]

(1972) (schooling, job training public employment services, pre-school

programs, group homes)

handicapped individuals are not denied jobs or other bene

[or otherwise discriminated against] because of the prejudiced

attitudes or the ignorance of others.” 480 U.S. at 284 (bracket

Congress sought to prevent.” Id. at 284-85. gt

By prescribing that any services, programs, or activities

which a state undertakes to provide to a disabled individual

must be provided in the most integrated setting appropriate to

the needs of qualified individuals with disabilities, the Act

ires two things: thoughtful judgment, free alike of

ith disabilities can be met in an integrated setting--i.c.,

wcarepation is unnecessary-- then itis in such a setting that the

individuals cannot be grouped together as

Sea aalanansauaed pamangtedly unfit to live in a

community.” Id. at 455. oe

All members of the Cleburne Court joined unanimously to

establish “the principle that mental retardation per se cannot be

a proxy for depriving people of their rights and interests

without regard to variations in individual ability. The Equal

Protection Clause requires attention to the capacities and

needs of retarded people as individuals.” Id at 455-56

Opinion of Marshall, J.). ries

’ At issue in Cleburne was the constitutionality of an

ordinance rooted in the early century which required an annual,

special use permit for homes for “the insane or feebleminded.”

Id at 436 n3. The Court accepted findings below that

“without group homes... the retarded could never hope to

integrate themselves into the community.” Jd. at 438, 439 n.6

(White , J.).

Although three Opinions differed in the Equal Protection

standard each said it was applying, each reached the same

conclusion. The Opinion of the Court per Justice White

concluded: “The short of it is that requiring the permit in this

case appears to us to rest on an irrational prejudice against the

mentally retarded...” Id. at 450."°

Five members of the Cleburne Court found that the

historical treatment of persons with disabilities entered into the

unconstitutional application, and adoption, of the City’s

ordinance. For Justice Stevens and the then Chief Justice, the

questions were: Has the class disfavored by the ordinance

“been subjected to a ‘tradition of disfavor’ by our laws? What

is the public purpose that is being served by the law? What is

a That Opimon analyzed and rejected six distinct grounds actually

profiered by the City, finding some to be “based on... vague undifferentiated

fears” and some to be “mere negative attitudes, or fear, unsubstantiated by

factors which are properly cognizable in a zoning proceeding, and [which] are

not permissible bases for treating a home for the mentally retarded differently

" |d. at 448, 449. “The question,” Justice White wrote ,“is whether it is

rational to treat the mentally retarded differently. It 1s true that they suffer

disability not shared by others, but why this difference warrants a density

regulation that others need not observe is not at all apparent .. At least this

record does not clarify how __ the characteristics of the intended occupants of

the Featherston home rationally justify denying to those occup ‘$s what would

be permuted to groups occupying the same site for different purposes.” Id at

449-50 (emphases added)

Although segregation in institutions presents the contra-positive of the

Cicbume situation (putting disabled people somewhere no one else 1s put ys

disallowing disabled people from residing where others reside), if it is

unnecessary segregation--1.¢, not justified by any difference arising from

retardation--then, it would appear, unnecessary segregation into institutions

would, on Justice White's analysis, also fall before the Equal Protection

Clause

10

the characteristic of the disadvantaged class that justifies the

disparate treatment?” Id. at 453. They found that “through

ignorance and prejudice the mentally retarded have been

to a history of unfair and often grotesque

mistreatment,” that the real purpose of the ordinance Is to

satisfy “the irrational fears of neighboring property owners,

rather than for the protection of mentally retarded persons...

and that justification for the disparate treatment 1s wholly

unconvincing.” Id. at 453-55.

The tied opinion in Clebume set out the “history of

unfair and grotesque mistreatment” to which Justice Stevens

adverted and the history of “irrational prejudice” found in

Justice White’s Opinion to be at the root of Cleburne’s

clusionary ordinance. Id. at 454, 450.

= The arbitrary quality of thoughtlessness,'' which the Act

C. The Act Seeks to Disestablish The Regime of State-

Imposed Segregation and Isolation and to Remedy Its

Effects.

Justice Marshall, joined by Justices Brennan and

Biackmun, described the “lengthy and tragic history of

segregation and discrimination that can only be called

grotesque” in part as follows: }

“During much of the 19th century, mental retardation was

viewed as neither curable nor dangerous and the retarded were

largely left to their own devices. By the latter part of the

century and during the first decades of the new one, however,

social views of the retarded underwent a radical

transformation. Fueled by the rising tide of Social Darwinism,

the ‘science’ of eugenics, and the extreme xenophobia of those

years, leading medical authorities and others began to portray

the ‘feeble-minded’ as a ‘menace to society and civilization ...

'! See Hobson v. Hansen, 269 F. Supp. 401, 497 (D.D.C. 1967) (Wnght,

CJ).

responsible in a large degree for many, if not all, of our social

problems.’

“A regime of state-mandated segregation and degradation

soon emerged that in its virulence and bigotry rivaled, and

indeed paralleled, the worst excesses of Jim Crow. Massive

custodial institutions were built to warehouse the retarded for

life; the aim was to halt reproduction of the retarded and

‘nearly extinguish their race.’ Retarded children were

categorically excluded from public schools, based on the false

stereotype that all were ineducable and on the purported need

to protect nonretarded c¢ ildren from them.’ State laws

deemed the retarded ‘unfit for citizenship."” 473 U.S. at 461-

463 (citations and footnotes omitted).

The regime of state-mandated segregation and

degradation extended throughout the States."’ The invidious

actions of the States not only established the pattern of

segregation which Respondents here have so recently escaped-

- thirty-three years ago, when she was 14 years old, E.W. was

sent to the very state institution which had been created by law

in 1919 as the “Georgia Training School for Mental

Defectives,” J.A. 106 -- but they constituted State

? The unanimous Opinion in School Comm. of Burlin gton v. Mass. Dept.

of Educ., 471 U.S. 359, 373 (1985), observed that in the Education of all

Handicapped Children Act of 1975, “Congress was concerned about the

apparently wide-spread practice of relegating handicapped children to ...

institutions or warehousing them in special classes.” See PARC v.

Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 343 F. Supp. 279, 293-297 (E.D. Pa. 1972).

The Education Act contains an integration imperative parallel to that here. 20

U.S.C. §1412(a)(5).

" “A Compendium of Purposeful State Action for the Segregation and

Exclusion of Retarded Persons in the Fifty States and the District of Columbia”

which sets forth the enactments of the states and official materials surrounding

them is attached to this Brief as Appendix A. The Compendium was originally

submitted to the Court in the Cleburne Case in an Amici Curiae Brief filed

there by organizations who appear as Amici here. Secondary sources

concerning the pervasive state action and Amici’s analysis thereof, also drawn

from their Clebume Brief, are set forth here as Appendix B.

12

ee a ee ee —

confirmation and perpetuation of the very stereotypes,

prejudice and ignorance which had driven the States’ invidious

actions. As Justice Marshall wrote: “Prejudice, once let loose,

is not easily cabined... .[L]engthy and continuing isolation of

the retarded has perpetuated the ignorance, irrational fears,

and stereotyping that long have plagued them.” 473 U.S. at

404.

i ici in this regime of segregation. In

cineaeneaacomt found that: “there are many

persons in Georgia, minor and adults, who are feeble-minded

and as such are a menace to the schools and to the

communities in which they reside” and“More than three

fourths of the States in the United States make special

provision for the care, detention and training of the feeble-

minded and for the prevention of the evils resulting from their

neglect and their being allowed at large to marry and

perpetuate and increase the serious tendencies of their unhappy

Oe requested that before the next session the

Governor: “appoint a committee ... to investigate fully and ...

to make recommendations ... to relieve the State of the

menace of the uncared-for feeble-minded who are such a fertile

source of crime, poverty, prostitution and misery not only to

themselves, but to all with whom they are brought into

contact.” S.J. Res. 44, 1918 Ga. Gen. Assembly Ann. Sess.,

1918 Ga. Laws 921. On June 26, 1919, the Governor

transmitted the Report of the Commission on the Feeble-

minded to the legislature and urged that “steps be taken

immediately along the lines suggested.” Journal of the Ga.

House, June 30, 1919 at 205. a

In the ultimate sentence of tae yg Sager d yo

the Commission recommended enactment

meg the Commitment of the Feebleminded ... making so

visions for the protection, care, traiming

pce ni of mental defectives.” Journal of the Ga. House,

June 30, 1919, 205-264 at 264; Journal of the Ga. Senate, July

2, 1919, 142-201 at 201 (emphasis supplied).

13

Eight days after receiving the Report, the Georgia House

approved the bill “establishing ... an institution to be known as

the “Georgia Training School for Mental Defectives,’” by vote

of 149-19. Id at 630. The Senate followed suit, by vote of

36-0 on August 1, 1919. Journal of the Ga. Senate, 1919 at

833. The Act, 1919 Ga. Laws 377 required “thoroughly

scientific .. management,” the admission of “any person with

mental defectiveness ... so pronounced that he or she is unable

to ... manage his affairs with ordinary prudence, and ..

constitutes a menace to the happiness of himself or of others in

the community” and “preference in admission ... to children

and women of child-bearing age.”

Georgia's statute closely followed the national pattern.

The animus was everywhere the same. “Each of the new

institutions was expressly and exclusively created to segregate,

train, and care for a class of persons identified as feeble-

minded.” EDWARD J. LARSON, SEX, RACE AND SCIENCE:

EUGENICS IN THE DEEP SOUTH, 83, 40-84 (Johns Hopkins

Univ. Press, 1995), STEVEN NOLL, FEEBLE-MINDED IN OUR

MIDST: INSTITUTIONS FOR THE MENTALLY RETARDED IN THE

SOUTH, 1900-1940, 13-26 (Univ. of N.C. Press, 1995).

None of this was done quietly. H.H. GODDARD, THE

KALIKAK FAMILY: A STUDY IN THE HEREDITY OF THE

FEEBLEMINDED (1912) outsold the Bible in 1912 and, at least

as late as the 1950s, was taught in three grades in public and

* The Georgia statute, like others (see App. B. at 13), authorized health

officers, school officials and “any reputable person” to override family

resistance “when the relatives .. either neglect -- or refuse -- to place a said

person in the Georgia Training School for Mental Defectives.”

In 1957, three years after Brown, Georgia passed an Act “to establish a

facility for Negro children [at] the Georgia Training School for Mental

Defecuves at Gracewood |,} distinct and separate .. for Negro children only.”

1957 Ga. Laws 306. Until then, as in most southern states, institutions took

only whites. The Jum Crow segregation of African Americans “allowed” the

states to focus institutional segregation exclusively on “‘preserving’ the White

race “LARSON at 93, NOLL at 26, 39

14

private schools in most states. Through the medical journals

and doctors “knowledge” of “the menace of the feeble-

minded” was disseminated deeply into every community. Their

“dangerousness,” “incurability,” the “social and moral costs”

they imposed upon communities and the propriety, even

necessity, of segregation were prominently “reported” in

leading newspapers everywhere. In nearly every state,

pamphleteering, and “stumping” also, was widespread. One of

the champions of segregation, A.A. Johnson, for example,

lectured in 350 cities and towns -- 1,100 lectures between

1915 and 1918 to two hundred fifty thousand people in all

parts of the country, 95 lectures between 1913 and 1918 to

some twenty thousand university students in 72 cities in 28

states.”

It is this regime of segregation and isolation, ignorance

and thoughtlessness, established by force of state law, which

Congress formulated and enacted the Americans with

Disabilities Act to disestablish oe at

to remedy. See Appendix E. hereto

ne ghow mretaxnes tig the United States Civil Rights

Commission found (1983 Report at 20), and the enacting

“a momentum of their own.” From this encompassing

momentum, Amici wish to be -- and the Act provides that they

should be -- free.

Il. Petitioners Mistake the Purport of the Act and Its

Effects, Misstate Its Language, Ignore Judicial

Application of Section 504 to Remedy Unnecessary

Segregation and Overlook Availability of Title XIX

Funds to Provide Services in Most Integrated Settings.

A. The Act Establishes No Per Se Duty, But Prohibits

’ See the matenals collected in Appendices A and B, the histoncal works

cited above, and the works cited in the bibhographic note to Amic:’s Clebume

bnef.

1S

Only Unnecessary Segregation.

Petitioners throughout attribute to the Act duties which

are not there, ¢.g., a duty to integrate per se, every time,

everywhere, a per se prohibition on segregation; in their words

“an unyielding preference for one type of ... care over

another.” Br. at 30 (emphasis supplied).

The Act prohibits only unnecessary segregation, exactly

what the courts below held and exactly what Respondents

have sought, below and here. The duty is only “to administer

services, programs, and activ'ties in the most integrated setting

appropriate to the needs of qualified individuals with

disabilities.” 28 C.F.R. §35.130(d)."*

Once Petitioners’ misstatement of the duty is in focus, it

readily can be seen that their assertion that

“institutionalization” in the Congressional finding’ is

“discrimination-neutral,” Br. at 36-37, while correct, has

exactly the opposite implication from the one Petitioners

imply. Each of the critical areas is “discrimination-neutral.”

The prohibited discrimination with regard to

institutionalization arises where it is unnecessary

institutionalization: i.e., where institutional segregation is

unnecessary, i.e., the needs of the person with disabilities can

'© Petitioners’ statement of the question presented does not contest, but

takes it as a given, that decisions about whether needs can be met in particular

settings can be sensibly made. The district court found that the parties agreed

that the needs of Respondents can be met in a community setting, that the

institution was for Respondents, unnecessarily segregated, and that the settings

sought and ordered were the most integrated settings appropriate to the needs

of Respondent. 1997 U.S. Dist. LEXIS at *8, *15. Contrary to the assertion

in the statement of question here, namely, that Respondents’ needs can be met

in “a State Hospital,” there was no such finding below nor was such a fact

agreed to by the parties.

'” “The Congress finds that -- discrimination against individuals with

disabilities persists in such critical areas as employment, housing, public

accommodations, education, transportation, communication, recreation,

institutionalization, health services, voting, and access to public services.”

16

be met in a more integrated setting. i

Similarly, to see that the Act prohibits unnecessary

segregation dispels the inference Petitioners recurrently seek to

draw from such correct statements as, Br. at 26, “nothing ‘

require[s] States to provide [community services to disabled

people] simply because it [is] possible, appropiate, or even

better than institutional treatment (sic).” The “simply” makes

the statement true. There is in this Act no right to community

services per se, no right at all to community services as such

whether they be “possible,” “appropriate,” “better” or

whatever. The right secured by the Act is the right, whenever

a state should undertake to provide services to a disabled

person, that the services not be provided in unnecessarily

segregated settings but instead in the most integrated setting

where the needs of the person with disabilities can be met.

Petitioners invoke, Br. at 39, a paragraph of the House

Report which-- in the portion they omit by elision -- is telling:

The Committee intends ... that the forms of discrimination

prohibited by Section 202 be identical to those set out in

the applicable provisions of Titles I and III of this

a eae

In an apparent explanation of why Petitioners profess they have

unable to find clear meaning in the Act, Petitioners in their Bnef to the Court

thirty-three times use a phrase which appears nowhere in the Act, nor in its

regulation, nor in the Committee Reports commending the Act to the entire

Congress, nor at any time in the floor debate, and which also appears nowhere

in the claims made by plaintiffs below, in their argument there, or here, or in

either of the opinions of the courts below--namely, “least restrictive

In contrast -- and apparent acknowledgment of the unmistakable difficulty

of the actual statutory language to their position here -- Petitioners use the

word “segregation” just twice, Br. at 38, 41, and the phrase unnecessary

segregation” never at all, except in quoting the district court’s holding. Br. at

12. Four times Petitioners quote the entirety of the phrase which is in the

statute and in the regulation which determines this case, but never do they

analyze or address its meaning. Instead Petitioners repeatedly address a

concept which is not in this case, would be of dubious relevance if it were, and

would implicate a multidimensional inquiry (least restrictive of what?) with no

calculus for weighing dimensions. In contrast, integration or segregation has

but a single dimension: interaction.

17

Legislation. Thus, for example, the construction of

‘discrimination’ set forth in Section /02(b) and (c) and

Section 302(b) should be incorporated into the regulations

implementing this title.

H.R. Rep.(II) at 84; 1990 U.S.C.C_AN. at 367 (emphases

supplied). Section 302(b), which by this explicit direction is to

“be incorporated into the regulation implementing title [II],”

itself expressly construes the discrimination prohibited, at

§302(b)(1)(B), to include, and to be: “Goods, services

facilities, privileges, advantages and accommodations shall be

afforded to an individual with a disability in the most

integrated setting appropriate to be needs of the individual.”

42 USC. §12182(b)(1)(B)."” In Section 102(b)(1), the

discrimination that is prohibited is expressly construed to

include and to be: “ ... segregating ... in a way that adversely

affects the opportunities or status of [a person] because of ..

disability.” 42 U.S.C. §12112(b)(1).

Thus, with unmistakable clarity, the Act prohibits

unnecessary segregation, and only” unnecessary segregation.

In promulgating the integration regulation, the Attorney

General was following “controlling congressional direction.”

City of Cleburne, Texas v. Cleburne Living Center, 473 U.S.

'? The minority of States Amici supporting Petitioners here write in their

Bnef at 15 thatCongress knows very well how to enact an explicit integration

mandate .. and it did so in Title II] of the ADA. See 42 USC

§12182(6)(1)(B).” They thus concede the point, and the case.

» This is one of the particulars in which the Act differs from Title VI of

the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and disability discrimination, from race

discrimination. The difference reflects, and fulfills, Choate’s caution that “too

facile an assimilation” of the two “must be resisted.” 469 U.S. at 293 n.7. Just

such an assimilation plagues Petitioners’ position here. That the Act’s bar

upon segregation 1s Uius limited does not exclude the possibility that when a

State carnes out its duty thoughtfully to look to see whether a person’s needs

can be met in a more integrated setting, it may find that all of the persons .t has

segregated are unnecessarily segregated’ New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode

Island, New Mexico and Michigan (but for at this date 362 persons) have so

found. BRADDOCK ET AL, at 27.

at 439 (1985) (Justice White’s Opin. for the Court).

B. Handicap Services” Are Not Peculiar or Unique, But

in the Main Are Services Commonly Provided by

Governments to Non-Disabled Citizens.

Petitioners seem to argue that the State is free, as once it

was (see Argument I.C. supra), whenever it provides services

“only” to “the handicapped,” to do to them and with them

whatever it may wish. That defies sense as well as the text and

history of the Act. |

Moreover, it is incorrect. By and large, the services

provided in institutions are a set of familiar generic services

provided in a setting that is for “handicapped” people only.

“Treatment” services or, as they sometimes are called for

people with developmental disabilities, “habilitation” services,

are, in their elements: teaching and learning services, job

training or retraining, recreation, companionship, sometimes

homemaker services; “case management,” housing and food

a Seana pe

services are regularly provided by government to --

albeit without exacting the isolation and surrender of freedoms

entailed by institutional segregation ”

* Nothing here is to suggest anything about the quality of institutionalized

“services” Amici’s experience and the findings of every tnal court (except

one) bei. whom a record of institutional life has been made during the last

three decades are that life there is nasty and brutish and “services”

problematical

” For example, respectively the public schools, adult education,

community colleges, job taming, retraining, employment development and job

referral services (see virtually all of Title 29, United States Code), municipal

recreation programs and parks, state parks, national parks, companionship and

homemaker services, ¢.g., under Title XIX of the Social Security Act, 42

U.S.C. §1396d(a)(7), or to elders under Medicare or the Area Agency on

Aging Act, Title 42 U.S.C. ch 35A, case management services under 1 itle

XIX, 42 U.S.C. §§1396d(a) & 1396n(g)(2), Section 8 housing, public

housing, housing vouchers, 42 U.S.C. ch 8, and food stamps, surplus food

19

Medical and dental services are provided alike to people

with disabilities and those without disabilities under Medicare

or Medical Assistance, including pharmaceuticals and

psychotropic medicines, mobility and communication devices,

the therapies, and rehabilitation services. See e.g. Title XIX,

42 USC. §1396d(a)(11)(12)(13). So are public utilities,

police and firefighting serv :es, and protective services for

people at risk of being hur: or harmed by others.

Unnecessary segregation into institutions excludes people

with disabilities from receiving these services -- different from

those received by non-disabled people only by a reasonable

accommodation and frequently requiring no accommodation at

all -- in the community as do all other citizens. The nature of

the services to people with disabilities themselves is not

mysterious, arcane, peculiar, or, in any meaningful use of the

word unique to disabled people. Like those non-disabled

people, the needs of people with disabilities can usually be met

with services deliverable, and delivered, in the community.

Wherever that is so and a state has undertaken to provide

those services, they must under the Act be provided in the

most integrated setting »

distnbutions, school breakfast, school lunch, and Summer food programs, 7

U.S.C. §§1431, 2011 et seg, 42 U.S.C. §1751. In federally funded community-

based services the person typically pays for “room and board,” either from SS!

payments, which are not available to persons in public institutions, or from

wages. See IID. infra

* In this Act “solely” was removed from the phrase “by reason of such

disability” not merely to “avoid unanticipated results,” Pet Br. at 29, but, as the

nee epoen Ses came gag, Oat Sn eiasnat nee Gen ates

_ decision does not immunize [it},” that “the fact that the covered entity

its o quer of totes fer Gattaaaniieatiod in addition to the disability

is not dispositive.” H.R Rep. 101-485 (Il) at 84,1990 US. CCAN. Thus,

state decisions unnecessary to segregate may not be insulted from the Act's

prohibition by asseruons of admunstrative or fiscal convenience or “tradition.”

Burden is not undue, the House Judiciary Committee instructs, if.

considering all “available,” resources it 1s “only a small part of the overall

budget of the state agency” and “slight compared to the societal conse-

quences.” H.R Rep. (II) at 51, 1990 US.C.C ALN at 474. See Argument

20

C. Section 504 Had Been Held by Courts to Prohibit

Unnecessary Segregation.

The Act explicitly requires that “nothing in [it] shall be

construed to apply a lesser standard than the standards applied

under Title V of the Rehabilitation Act ... or the regulations

issued [thereunder].” 42 U.S.C. §12201.

As to construction and application of Section 504 by

federal courts to prohibit unnecessary segregation in

institutions or nursing homes and to require that services be

provided in the most integrated setting consistent with the

needs of individuals with disabilities, Petitioners assert: “None

did.” Br. at 26. Petitioners are wrong.

First, they must reckon with the plain statement by the

na fein me wr ore aaron: Ae aiaghon

to be integrated into society.”

Second, many lower courts did so construe and apply Section

504. Not all did. Indeed, part of the Congressional

recognition in the late 1980's that then current laws were

“inadequate” to combat “the pervasive problems of

discrimination that people with disabilities are facing” was, as

the Third Circuit has noted, that Section 504 had been given

“erratic judicial interpretations.” Helen L. v. DiDario, 46 F.3d

325, 331 (1995), tinea” Pa. Sec. of Pub. Welfare

v. Idell S., 516 U.S. 813

Among the judicial decisions which have so construed and

applied Section 504 are: Lynch vy. Maher, 507 F.Supp. 1268,

1278-1280 (D.Conn. 1981)(nursing home), Garrity v. Gallen.

$22 F.Supp. 171 (DNH. 1981)(institution); Homeward

Bound v. Hissom Mem. Center, 1987 WL 27104 at *19

D.Okla)(institution); Jackson v. Fort Stanton Hosp. and

veisie Sch. 757? Suv. 1243, 1296-1299 (D.N.M. 1988)

(institution) rev'd in part on other grounds, 964 F.2d 980

(10th Cir. 1992), Bogard v. Duffy, C.A. No. 88-C-2424, Opin.

of May 4, 1990 (N.DIIl (nursing homes), Richard Cv.

ILD. infra.

21

White, C.A. No. 89-2038, Opin. of Oct. 3, 1991 (W.D.Pa.)

(institution).

In addition, in Halderman v. Pennhurst State School and

Hospital, the district court rested its initial decision in part in

Section 504, 446 F.Supp. 1295, 1321-24 (E.D.Pa. 1978),

approved a settlement based in part thereon, 610 F Supp.

1221, 1225 (1985), denied a Rule 60 Motion in part thereon,

784 F Supp. 215, 224 (1992) aff'd. 977 F.2d 568 (3d Cir.

1992). The court of appeals spoke to 504 also at 612 F.2d 84,

107-08 & n.30 (3d Cir. 1979). See also

$51 F.Supp. 1165, 1184-1185 (E.D.N.Y. 1982); Lloyd vy.

Transit Auth., 548 F.2d 1277, 1284 n.20 (7th Cir. 1976).

Lynch v. Maher, supra (1981) limns exactly the holding in

Helen L.., supra (1995). The Lynch « wrt denied a motion to

dismiss and for summary judgment and granted a preliminary

injunction requiring Connecticut to provide home care rather

than “care in an institution” for a 35-year old quadriplegic

man”

for retarded persons” the court held in Hissom Mem. Center,

1987 WL 27104 at **20-21, and ordered that services be

™* Gamnity v Gallen, 522 F Supp. 171, 213-218 (D NH. 1981) appealed

and aff'd on other grounds, 697 F 2d 452 (ist Cir. 1983) rejected an

argument that 504 requires deinstitutionalization per se and forbids

segregation per se, but held, at 214 that the State violated 504 because

Defendants have often made placements and disbursed services based not

on an individual assessment of the abilities and potentials of each resident

but on the generalized assumption that certain groups of people (c.g ,

profoundly retarded or non-ambulatory people) are unable to benefit from

certain activities and services. This kind of blanket discrimination against

the handicapped, and especially against the most severely handicapped,

is unfortunately firmly rooted in the history of our country, and more

particularly in the history of Laconia State School.

The court, at 215, further held:

As a final example of the discrimination practiced at LSS against the

severely retarded, we note that until recently only the mildly and

moderately retarded were considered for community placement, although

the evidence at tnal convinced the Court that severely and profoundly

retarded individuals are capable of benefitting from such placements.

22

provided in integrated community settings for all residents of

the Hissom Center whose needs could be met there. Before

any transfer of services and persons from “segregated settings”

to “more integrated settings” (at *21), the court required

“individual assessment ... of the appropriateness of the new

environment” (at *22), “The underdevelopment of a

community services system,” the Hissom court found (at *21),

“ constitutes a continuation of the original and continuing

discrimination practiced by the State against retarded people.”

Subsequently in an unpublished opinion (C.A. No. 85-C-437-

E, May 20, 1988) at 67-70, 72 the court denied a stay, and

at 1297, 1299, the court first acknowledged “that Section 504

does not afford .. an affirmative right to placement in a

residential, non-institutional facility” as such and “does not

prohibit the existence of separate services” as such (see

Argument II. A. above), but, to the point, held

that the law is violated when certain residents of [Fort

Stanton] are excluded from qualitatively different facilities

which are being provided to their less severely

community programs can be made, defendants ’ failure to

integrate severely handicapped residents into community

programs which presently serve less severely handicapped

residents violates §504. Id. at 1299. (emphases

supplied)”

* Traynor v. Tumage, 485 U.S. 535, 549 (1998), stands only for the

proposition that differentiation between “categones of handicapped

ey can Unjustified differentiation, however, falls, as

it did in Fort Stanton See regulation under Act prohibiting discrimination

between “any class of individuals with disabilities.” 28 CFR §

35.130(b)\(1 Kv). In Fort Stanton, since the needs of the particular residents

could be met in the community, the differentiation was unjustified, and

23

In a previous, unpublished opinion denying a motion to dismiss

(Civ. No. 87-0839 JP, October 5, 1988 at 6), the Fort Stanton

court had held:

while Section 504 does not affimatively mandate

deinstitutionalization for all mentally handicapped

residents of state institutions, Section 504 prohibits

placing [or keeping] mentally retarded persons in

institutions based on stereotypical general opinions about

the needs or abilities of that class of persons. ‘The

Rehabilitation Act forbids discrimination based on

stereotypes about a handicap, but it does not forbid

decisions based on the actual attributes of a handicap.’

In a phrase, Section 504 prevents unnecessary segregation.

In Bogard v. Kustra, C.A. No. 88-2414, May 4, 1990

(N.D. Ill.) at 26-29, the court sustained, against a motion to

dismiss, a 504 claim by developmentally disabled persons

whose needs could be met in community settings based upon

generalized assumptions about their handicaps. In Richard C.

y. White, C.A. No. 89-2038, October 3, 1991 (W.D. Pa.) at 3,

7 the court sustained against a motion to dismiss a 504 claim

challenging defendants’ “policies of segregation” which

included “failure to” provide community services “to

[institutionalized persons] not in need of institutionalization.”

In ARC v. Sinner, (D.N.D., C.A.No. Al-80-141, April

29, 1992, at 6-7) after the appeals court on authority of

Pennhurst II had set aside previous relief based in state law,

942 F.2d 1235 (8th Cir. 1991), the district court rested its

decision prohibiting unnecessary segregation on 504. In Ky.

ARC v. Conn, the district court similarly found Section 504 to

prohibit institutionalization when a person’s individual

treatment team decided segregation was unnecessary. 510 F.

Supp. 1233, 1249-50 (W.D.Ky 1980), aff'd, 674 F.2d 582

(6th Cir. 1982), cert. denied, 459 U.S. 1041 (1982).

Far from “none,” these court decisions, many of them well

known to the Congress, did construe and apply Section 504 to

defendants’ failure to integrate them was held to violate 504.

24

prohibit unnecessary segregation. However diverse other

courts may variously have construed or applied Section 504,

the Act was formulated in part to resolve such varying

construction. See 135 Cong. Rec. $4986 (May 9, 1989)

(Harkin) (“ensure once and for all that no Federal agency or

integrate people with disabilities into the mainstream”). By its

clear instruction, the Act Legislates a one-way ratchet:

“nothing in this [Act] shall be construed to apply a lesser

standard than the standards applied under Title V ... or [its]

regulations.” “Section 504,” the Judiciary Committee Report

found, “has served not only to open up public services and

programs to people with disabilities, but has also been used to

end segregation.” HRRep. 101-485(III) at 49, 1990

U.S.C.C.AN. at 472 (emphasis supplied).

D. The Medical Assistance Statute Is in No Way

Contrary to the Act, But Itself Contains a Parallel

Prohibition on Unnecessary Utilization of Instit: tions

and Nursing Homes and Provides Substantial Federal

Funds for Services Provided in Integrated,

Community Settings.

Petitioners write about Title XIX of the Social Security

Act (the medical assistance program) as if it were contrary to

the Americans with Disabilities Act. Br. at 30-32. It is not.

Rather, in independent provisions entirely consistent with the

Act, Title XIX itself prohibits “unnecessary utilization” of the

services thereunder 42 USC. §1396a(a)(30)A).

Furthermore, with pointed particularity, Title XIX also

requires that “admission[s] to a hospital, intermediate care

facility for the mentally retarded (ICF/MR) or hospital for

mental diseases” be independently reviewed and evaluated. /d

ai §1396a(a)(30(B), With an vege org sete ire

expressly requires, and uniquely as to “prior to

admission or authorization of benefits in such facility” and

“periodically,” state and independent “review [of each

25

person’s] meed for such services. §1396a(aX(31). The

regulation thereunder provides, for example, that for each

person “whose needs could be met by alternative services that

are currently unavailable, the facility must .. look for

alternative services.” 42 C.F.R. §456.371.

These provisions, enacted just two years into Title XIX

were intended to “provid[e] suitable alternatives to

institutional care.” 113 Cong.Rec. 11417 (1967). The chief

sponsor explained, “Federal medical assistance programs have

been criticized... for emphasizing institutional services to the

extent that a bias is produced tending to promote institutional

confinement.” Jd. at 1416. The Committee Report stressed

“assuring that patients are receiving appropriate care in an

appropriate setting -- frequently in a lower cost facility or

setting.” S.Rep. No. 744, 90th Cong., 2nd Sess. (1967), 1967

U.S.C.C.A.N. 2866, 3029.

This prohibition on unnecessary institutionalization has

been enforced in Homeward Bound v. Hissom Mem. Center,

1987 WL 27104 at *18-19 (N.D.Okla), as well as its Opinion

of May 1988, No. 85-CV-437-E, 67-70, and Jackson v. Fort

Stanton Hosp. and Training Sch., No. 87-839, Opin. of

October 5, 1988, commented on in final opinion, 757 F.Supp.

at 1299-1302, 1315-17 (D.N.M. 1990), Bogard v. Duffy,

N.D.Ill., No. 88-C-2424, Opin. of May 4, 1990; Richard C. v.

White, No. 89-2038, Opin. of October 3, 1991 (W.D. Pa.),

and Messier v. Southbury Training Sch., 916 F.Supp. 133,

142-146 (D.Conn. 1996).

When states in accordance with Title XIX “must look for

alternative services,” supra, they are not far to find. They are

right at hand in the very same Title XIX. For persons with

retardation or other developmental disabilities as well as for

persons with chronic mental illness or other disabilities, Title

XIX has provided since 1981 for home and community based

services. To wit, 42 U.S.C. §1396n(c):

The Secretary may by waiver provide that a State plan

approved under Title XIX ... may-include ... the cost of

home or community-based services (other than room and

26

board) ... which are provided pursuant to a written plan of

care to individuals [as] to whom there has been a

determination that but for the provision of such services

the individuals would require the level of care provided in

a hospital or a nursing facility or an intermediate care

facility for the mentally retarded the cost of which could

be reimbursed under the State plan.”

It is under this provision that Respondents are now being

served by Georgia in the most integrated setting appropriate to

their needs, rather than being unnecessarily segregated.”

Title XIX home and community based services must be

“cost-effective,” ie. the average per person cost of the

community-based services can not exceed the average cost of

institutional services for which the participants would be

*® Georgia's federal medical assistance percentage reimbursement rate is

61.9%. For Mississippi, it is 78.1%; Montana, 64.4%; Indiana, 64%; Texas,

62.3%, me tee Colorado, 52.4%; for, South Carolina 70.8%; and

Hawau, MEDICAID STATE REPORTS -- FY 1996 (American Academy

Pediatrics, 1998). .

77 In 1946, when this case was before the district court, Georgia had

approved but unused Title XIX authority for and home community based

services to 763 people with disabilities who were then segregated in Georgia’s

institutions. U.S. H.C.F.A., Ga. Compliance Review, Home and Community-

Based Waiver Program (June, 1996), in the district court record at R-79.

In 1996, Georgia’s per capita federal home and community-based

spending was less than half the national average. In 1996 Georgia ranked 50th

in the country, ahead of Mississippi, in the number of people with retardation

or other developmental disabilities served in community residential settings on

a per capita basis (per citizen in general population).

In 1996, Georgia was 9th highest in percentage of total residential

placements in congregate facilities. Its per capita nursing home utilization rate

for retarded and other developmentally disable people was nearly twice the

national average and 10th highest in the nation. Georgia was one of only 7

states spending more on institutional “services” than on services in the

community. BRADDOCK at 173-180 (Georgia) and passim (Sth Ed. 1998).

27

eligible* Nor is it necessary that a State “retire” an

institutional bed for each community place created, or even

that a state have any institutional beds. It is enough that the

average cost of the community services not exceed the average

cost of institutional “services,” if the state provided any. The

“cold bed” rule was eliminated in practice in 1991 and by

regulation in 1994. “With [its] elimination a state may self-

determine the number of individuals with disabilities it will

service in its home and community based services program.”

Under Title XIX, the federal government will approve

whatever number a state requests, and will provide federal

reimbursement therefor. NATIONAL ASS’N OF STATE

DIRECTORS OF DEVELOPMENTAL DISABILITIES SERVS., THE

HCB WAIVER AND CSLA PROGRAM at 83 & B-9 (1994).

In Georgia, the district court found, on average,

institution costs per person are twice community costs. 1997

U.S.Dist. LEXIS 3540, at *12 n.4 (N.D.Ga. March 25, 1997).

The cost ratio, similar in all states, is set forth in Appendix F.

Georgia can secure authorization and federal reimbursement at

61.9% of cost, for as many community-based placements as

they elect to provide persons like L.C. and E.W., whom

Georgia now unnecessarily segregates in violation of the Act.

Ill. For Amici, the Act Has Been a Doorway to Freedom,

Citizenship, and Productive, Participating, and

Contributing New Lives.

The results of formerly institutionalized people with

disabilities moving into integrated community settings have

been profoundly affirmative. Congress expected that “while

the integration of people with disabilities will sometimes

involve substantial short-term burdens, both financial and

28 Needing the “level of care” that an institutional facility provides does

not mean the person’s needs can only be met in the segregated institutional

setting or even that they will be met there. As the statute plainly affirms, a

needed level of care can be provided in home or community based settings.

28

administrative, the long-range effects of integration will benefit

society.” H.R. Rep. 101-336 (II) at 50.

Both the personal experience of former institution

residents” and meticulously documented, longitudinal studies

of the experience, before and after, of people who left

institutions and moved into communities show: there is

significant growth along every dimension of skill; the people

with the most severe disabilities gain the most; gainful

employment increases significantly, as does income; actual

To illustrate, an Oklahoma study of 382 former residents

of the Hissom Center concluded their “enhancements in life

style and quality have been dramatic” once in the community.

Conroy et al., THE HISSOM OUTCOMES STUDY: A REPORT ON

SIX YEARS OF MOVEMENT INTO SUPPORTED LIVING 64 (1995).

Similar longitudinal studies around the country, cited in

Appendix D, show respectively that moving into the

community significantly increased people’s involvement with

their families, development, and employment and educational

experiences.

Illustratively, in an article co-authored by Amici Self-

Advocates,” former institution residents from across the

country clearly articulated the inseverable bond between

community integration and Congress’ gc als in the Act:

Well, what is it like to live in the community? ... You

don’t feel like you’re an animal in a cage. You can go see

a play and movie and go to the shopping centers ... You

feel more independent, like you’re useful.

* In 1996, 199,890 people with developmental disabilities lived in | to

6 person homes and received Title XIX-funded services in integrated settings.

In 1996 59,726 lived segregated into public institutions (down from some

228,000 in 1969) and 38,438 in nursing homes. BRADDOCK at 24-27.

*° As to self-expressed, self-reported experiences of people with

disabilities, see Appendix C for a bibliography of speaking for ourselves

publications and see Appendix D for findings of people with disabilities.

29

Another person stated:

I enjoy working as a janitor five days a week. I enjoy

working [at one place] better because of pay and benefits.

I am now looking for a roommate to be friends with and

share the expenses.

STORIES FROM THE BELLY OF THE BEAST: TESTIMONY FROM

SURVIVORS OF INSTITUTIONALIZATION 18-22 (Sept. 23, 1996).

See also Impact (Vols. 1-12), a publication of the Center for

Community Integration. The pride with which former

institution residents describe seemingly mundane activities

most others take for granted betrays the harsh and debilitating

effects of unnecessary segregation. Perhaps the shortest

statement is also the most descriptive: one former institution

resident said simply, “I like my freedom.” Id. at 18.

CONCLUSION

John W. Davis, counsel to South Carolina, opened

Argument in Brown v. Board of Education, saying:

May it please the Court, I think if the appellants’

construction of the Fourteenth Amendment should prevail

here ... , I am unable to see why a state would have any

further right to segregate ... on the ground of sex or on

the ground of age or on the ground of mental caracity.

ARGUMENT 51 (1989). Rooted in the Equal Protection Clause

and a thoughtful understanding of disabilities and history, the

Congress has acted to prohibit the unnecessary segregation of

people with disabilities. For all of the above-stated reasons,

Amici respectfully request the Court affirm the judgment of the

11th Circuit in favor of Respondents.

Respectfully submitted,

Thomas K. Gilhool

Public Interest Law Center Judith A.Gran

of Philadelphia Max Lapertosa

125 S. 9th Street, Ste.700

Philadelphia, PA 19107 Counsel for amici curiae

30

APPENDIX A

ti lh othe ete en ee ee ~—

——s ee ee

“In addition to the 50 states. the federal law enacted bv the

-United States Congress to segregate retarded people found in the

District of Columbia is set out at A-76-81.

**For a sampling of state actions affecting retarded people in

other areas. ¢.g.. restrictions on marriage. voting. and education. see

Appendix B to the Amici Brief of the American Association of Mental

Deficiency. et ail.

A-i

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a

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Northeastern States

Connecticut. The first recorded provision of a spe-

cialized facility for retarded people in this country oc-

curred in Connecticut when the American Asylum for

the Deaf and Dumb, located in Hartford, in 1818 counted

among its students a few “idiot children.” REPORT OF

THE COMMISSIONERS ON IDIOCY TO THE GENERAL AS-

SEMBLY OF CONNECTICUT 62 (1856). Later, the Con-

necticut legislature provided some funding for a private

school in Lakeville. After the turn of the century, though,

that facility began receiving a sharply increased number

of residents, and it soon became a custodial institution.

In 1906 the Director was already reporting that “remov-

als are almost unknown.” REPORT OF THE DIRECTORS

AND SUPERINTENDENT OF THE CONNECTICUT SCHOOL

FOR IMBECILES 6 (1906).

By 1908 the operators of the facility claimed they had

“a wide knowledge of the imperative need of providing

permanent custodial care for the safeguarding of girls

and women of feeble mind, and a growing appreciation

of the preventive value of equal custodial care for the

male of evil tendencies. Backed by effective legislation

the care of the defective has resolved itself into a com-

paratively simply matter... .” REPORT OF THE DIREC-

TORS AND SUPERINTENDENT OF THE CONNECTICUT

SCHOOL FOR IMBECILES 12 (1908). “[T]he surest. most

humane and most economical solution of the problem of

prevention lies in providing custodial care for the feeble

minded of every condition and for a lifetime.” Id. at 13.

In 1911, the General Assembly enacted a statute pro-

viding that “imbecile[{s|" could be admitted to the

Lakeville facility by application of the “selectmen”™ of any

town. 1911 Conn. Pub. Acts 1493, ch. 211. In 1913 the

state formally took control of the institution by enact-

ment of a statute specifying that its “object” would hence-

forth be the “custody” of any “imbeciles resident of this

state.” 1913 Conn. Pub. Acts 1765, ch. 160, §1.

A-1

A-2/Connecticut

The following year, state officials reported that they

were “of the opinion that the problem of the feeble-

minded in the State of Connecticut urgently demands a

much more adequate provision for these unfortunate in-

dividuals than is now supplied. It has been estimated that

there must be at least three thousand feeble-minded in

_ the State, and at the present time, provision is made for

only three hundred. It is anow recognized fact that feeble-

mindedness is to a much greater extent than insanity an

inheritable condition and it is known that this class is

particularly prolific. The criminal, the alcoholic, and the

prostitute are all recruited from the ranks of the feeble-

minded. ‘he only practicable way to restrict the growth

of the feeble-mindedness in the state is to segregate the

feeble ‘ninded and particularly feeble-minded women

during the child bearing-period. The question to be de-

cided is really this: Shall we of this generation accept the

burden of this care, or shall we hand on to the next gen-

eration a much larger share? Undoubtedly failure to now

segregate the feeble-minded will result in an increasing

prevalence of the condition as time goes on.” STATE OF

CONNECTICUT, BIENNIAL REPORT OF CONNECTICUT

SCHOOL FOR IMBECILES. LAKEVILLE. CONN.. FOR Two

YEARS ENDED SEPTEMBER 30, 1913-14, at 8 (Pub. Doc.

No. 15, 1915). The report also recommended that the

“insutution should not be situated in the midst of a pop-

ulous village. While it should be convenient to railroad

communication, it should be somewhat remote from the

centers of population for reasons that are obvious.” Id. at

#

In order to gain public support for the new facility.

Superintendent Charles T. LaMoure and the Board of

Trustees of the School for Imbeciles published and dis-

tributed widely a pamphlet in which they claimed an ur-

gent need to “|s}top the supply of the vicious, the weak.

the no-willed people who cannot support themselves in

the community — of the criminals and prostitutes and

paupers, by cutting off the supply at its source. namely

The Northeast/A-3

— by providing adequate custodial care for the feeble-

minded of the State.” THE CONN. SCHOOL FOR IMBE-

CILES, THE MENACE OF THE FEEBLE-MINDED IN CON-

NECTICUT 9 (1915). These “feeble-minded” people.

“though really children, are allowed to go about through

the community as though they were adults. They have

an impaired sense of right and wrong, weak will power

and no power of realizing the future. . . .

“Moreover, the feeble-minded are unusually prolific.

Therefore the longer the State of Connecticut delays in

making adequate provision for the feeble-minded, the

greater the burden of feeble-mindedness she will have to

bear in future [sic].” Id. at 3. But they proposed a solu-

tion: “The State has the opportunity of buying for this

institution a large tract of forest and arable land — be-

tween six and seven hundred acres. . . . This property is

in the central part of the State, remote from centres of

population ... and there is room for the institution to

grow indefinitely.” Id. at 13. For this purpose, “[t)he trus-

tees of the Connecticut School for Imbeciles are asking

the General Assembly for authority to sell the present

plant, and to use the proceeds and $200,000 to be ap-

propriated by the State in the purchase of this property,

and in equipping it for the needs of the institution. This

would provide, aside from the necessary alterations to

buildings, etc., sufficient cattle and farming implements.

so that the institution could produce its own milk and

vegetables, using for the most part the labor of its high

grade patients.” Id. at 14.

On February 25, 1915, a hearing was held before the

state legislature's Committee on Humane Institutions.

One witness testified that “hardly a week goes by but

what we have a case of a feeble-minded girl or boy called

to our attention. We have no way of getting rid of these

kinds of cases.” Connecticut School for Imbeciles: Hear-

ings on H. B. No. 644 Before the Joint Standing Com-

mittee on Humane Institutions 20 (tvped transcript. Feb.

25, 1915) (statement of Mr. Kerner of Waterbury). An-

A-4/Connecticut

other thought it necessary for “every feeble-minded child

in the school [to be] eliminated or placed in a special

class.” Id. (statement of Miss Wright of Stanford). Su-

perintendent Alexander Johnson of New Jersey's insti-

tution at Vineland brought to the Committee's attention

“this book called, ‘The Menace of the Feeble-Minded in

Connecticut,’ which was gotten up by the Board of Trus-

tees for the School of Imbeciles, and I would recommend

anyone who has any doubt as to the proper care of that

class to read this book very carefully.” Id. at 2 (statement

of Dr. Johnson).

On May 20, 1915, the Connecticut legislature fol-

lowed the recommendations of the state officials and the

witnesses at the hearing and appropriated the $200,000

requested for an ambitious construction project on state-

owned land at Mansfield Depot, an isolated railway stop

sixty miles northeast of Hartford.

By the time he wrote his 1916 Biennial Report. Su-

perintendent LaMoure thought that “|t}he dangers as-

sociated with allowing the feeble-minded to remain at

large among the general population have been so fre-

quently discussed that it is not necessary to do more than

refer to them.” STATE OF CONNECTICUT. BIENNIAL RE-

PORT OF THE CONNECTICUT TRAINING SCHOOL FOR

FEEBLE-MINDED, LAKEVILLE. CONN.. FOR THE TWO

YEARS ENDED SEPTEMBER 30, 1915-16, at 7 (Pub. Doc.

No. 15, 1917). He looked forward to the completion of

the new institution, where. he noted. “{m]jany of the male

inmates... are capable of doing a considerable amount

of satisfactory farm work under supervision. and. with a

proper farm we should be in a position to improve the

quality of our food and save the State a considerable

amount of money by raising vegetables. producing our

own milk and eggs. and using rather than wasting our

garbage by the keeping of pigs.” Id.

Delaware. On March 21, 1917. the Delaware Gen-

eral Assembly established the state's first home for “the

feeble-minded.” 1917 Del. Laws 597. ch. 172. The in-

The Northeast/A-5

stitutionalization of such persons could be sought by “any

reputable citizen of the State,” which was to be ordered

by the county judge “when by reason of such mental

condition, or of existing social conditions, it would be

detrimental to any community of this State to allow such

person to remain at large.” Id. §9.

The legislature also adopted “AN ACT to provide for

the sterilization of certain mental defectives,” 1923 Del.

Laws, ch. 62, authorizing the surgery for those at the

state home for whom a “physician, alienist and superin-

tendent unanimously determine that procreation is

unadvisable.” Id.

Maine. In 1907, the Legislature of Maine established

the “Maine School for Feeble Minded.” 1907 Me. Acts

42, ch. 44. A special committee chaired by Governor Wil-

liam T. Cobb “{a]fter careful consideration,” located the

institution “on an area of farmland... . The plan called

for a large tract of land, which should be removed from

any large town....” Hood, Pineland Observer, in

PINELANDS, 60 YEARS: 1908-1968 (L. Moore, ed. 1968).

In 1921, the lawmakers extended those eligible for

commitment to “idiotic and feeble-minded males. be-

tween the ages of six years and forty vears. and females.

between the ages of six years and forty-five years.” 1921

Me. Acts 65, ch. 60. Four years later. the legislature au-

thorized sterilization for all those for whom that surgery

“may be indicated for the prevention of the reproduction

of further feeble-mindedness.” 1925 Me. Acts 198. ch.

208.

Maryland. On March 31. 1888. the General Assem-

bly of Maryland passed “AN ACT to establish an asylum

and training school for the feeble minded of the State of

Maryland.” 1888 Md. Laws 268, ch. 183. In 1906, the

lawmakers mandated that the institution “receive. care

for and educate. free of charge. all idiotic. imbecile and

feeble-minded persons in this state” approved by the

board of visitors of the facilitv. 1906 Md. Laws 653. ch.

362. The law required that “all such persons shall re-

A-6/Maryland

main in the care, custody and control of the visitors of

said institution, and the visitors of said institution are

hereby authorized to retain all such persons in their care,

custody and control at said institution, until such time as

in the judgment of said visitors, or a majority of them, the

welfare of such persons and the public interest shall jus-

tify or call for their release. .. .” Id. at 653-54.

The Board of Visitors campaigned vigorously for in-

creased admissions. These reports revealed the

insutution’s segregating purposes: “One of the sad fea-

tures which hangs as a black cloud over the work, is the

fact that some hundreds of children. many of whom are

a burden to the family and a menace to the community

in which they live, are continuously knocking at our doors

for admission, but only a small number of these can be

received solely for want of funds to maintain them, though

we have empty beds awaiting their reception.” TWENTY-

FOURTH REPORT OF THE BOARD OF VISITORS OF THE

ROSEWOOD STATE TRAINING SCHOOL, OWINGS MILLS,

BALTIMORE COUNTY 5 (1936).

Massachusetts. As a result of a legislatively com-

missioned report authored by Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe

of the Harvard Medical School, S. G. HOWE, FIRST COM-

PLETE REPORT MADE TO THE LEGISLATURE OF MASS-

ACHUSETTS UPON IDIOCY 16, 30-55 (Mass. Sen. Doc. No.

91, 1848), the Massachusetts legislature, on May 8, 1848

appropriated $2,500 for an experimental school for idi-

otic children to be located in a wing of the Perkins In-

stitute for the Blind in Boston. Howe was named direc-

tor, and ten indigent “idiots” were selected as pupils.

THIRD AND FINAL REPORT ON THE EXPERIMENTAL

SCHOOL FOR TEACHING AND TRAINING IDIOTIC CHIL-

DREN 305 (1852).

With perhaps a premonition of the evils that lurked

in his creation, Howe stated in his final report: “Now the

danger of misdirection in this pious and benevolent work

is, that two false principles may be incorporated with the

projected institutions which will be as rotten piles in the

The Northeast/A-7

foundations and make the future establishments deplor-

ably defective and mischievous. These are. first, close

congregation; and, second, the life-long association of a

large number of idiots; whereas, the true, sound princi-

ples are: separation of idiots from each other; and then

diffusion among the normal population. . . . For these and

other reasons it is unwise to organize establishments for

teaching and training idiotic children, upon such prin-

ciples as will tend to make them become asylums for life.

_.. Even idiots have rights which should be carefully

considered! At any rate let us try for something which

shall not imply segregating the wards in classes, remov-

ing them from our sight and knowledge. ridding our-

selves of our responsibility as neighbors, and leaving the

wards closely packed in establishments where the spirit

of pauperism is surely engendered, and the morbid pe-

culiarities of each are intensified by constant and close

association of others of his class.” S. G. HOWE, REPORT

OF THE SUPERINTENDENT TO THE TRUSTEES OF THE

MASSACHUSETTS SCHOOL FOR IDIOTIC CHILDREN

1874).

‘ewes advice was forgotten and, by 1886. the Mas-

sachusetts legislature had established “a custodial de-

partment” for “custody of feeble-minded persons bevond

the school age or not capable of being benefited by school

instruction.” 1886 Mass. Acts & Resolves. ch. 298. §1.

After the turn of the century, commitment procedures

were modified to permit any person, not just relatives. to

seek the commitment of “feeble-minded™ persons to the

institution. See 1904 Mass. Acts & Resolves, ch. 459. §5:

1906 Mass. Acts & Resolves, ch. 508. §12. |

The superintendent of Massachusetts’ institution.

Dr. Walter E. Fernald, reported in 1908 that “|t)he ex-

istence of this large institution is largely due to the de-

mands of parents, physicians, clergymen. court officers,

social workers. and though’ful people generally. that

feeble-minded women shouu be permanently removed

from the community. In this State there is an urgent de-

— “

A-8/Massachusetts

mand for the commitment and permanent detention of

the higher grade cases of defect. where the social inca-

pacity and the moral weakness are more obvious than

the mental backwardness. These cases cannot support

themselves, and are most undesirable and troublesome

members of society.” SIXTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT OF

THE TRUSTEES OF THE MASSACHUSETTS SCHOOL FOR

THE FEEBLE-MINDED AT WALTHAM. FOR THE YEAR END-

ING NOVEMBER 30, 1908, at 22-23 (1909).

On June 12, 1912, Superintendent Fernald deliv-

ered an influential speech as the Annual Discourse be-

fore the Massachusetts Medical Society, printed and

widely distributed in pamphlet form by the Massachu-

setts Society for Mental Hygiene: “The past few vears

have witnessed a striking awakening of professional and

popular consciousness of the widespread prevalence of

feeble-mindedness and its influence as a source of

wretchedness to the patient himself and to his family,

and as a Causative factor in the production of crime, pros-

utution, pauperism, illegitimacy, intemperance and other

complex social diseases. .. . The social and economic

burdens of uncomplicated feeble-mindedness are only too

well known. The feeble-minded are a parasitic, preda-

tory class, never capable of self-support or of managing

their own affairs. The great majority ultimately become

public charges in some form. They cause unutterable sor-

row at home and are a menace and danger to the com-

munity. Feeble-minded women are almost invariably im-

moral, and if at large usually become carriers of venereal

disease or give birth to children who are as defective as

themselves. The feeble-minded woman who marries is

twice as prolific as the normal woman. .. . [S/egregation

carried out thoroughly for a generation would largely re-

duce the amount of teeble-mindedness. The high-grade

female imbecile group is the most dangerous class. They

are not capable of becoming desirable or safe members of

the community. They are never able to support them-

selves. They are certain to become sexual offenders and

The Northeast/A-9

to spread venereal disease or to give birth to degenerate

children. Their numerous progeny usually become pub-

lic charges as diseased or neglected children. imbeciles.

epileptics, juvenile delinquents or later on as adult pau-

pers or criminals. The segregation of this class should be

rapidly extended until all not adequately guarded at home

are placed under strict sexual quarantine. Hundreds of

known cases of this sort are now at large because the

institutions are overcrowded. Only 2000 feeble-minded

persons are now cared for in institutions in this State.

and over 1000 applicants are awaiting admission to the

institutions. There is an urgent demand for greatly in-

creased institutional provision for this class... .” W.

FERNALD, THE BURDEN OF FEEBLE-MINDEDNESS 3, 7,

10 (1912).

New Hampshire. On March 22. 1901, the New

Hampshire General Court enacted legislative to “estab-

lish and maintain” the “New Hampshire School for the

Feeble-minded Children.” 1901 N.H. Laws 597, ch. 102,

§1. Although that law limited admissions to “the idiotic

and feeble-minded, between three and twenty-one years

of age,” id., amendments added four years later made

for others “after they reach the age of twentv-

one, if in the judgment of the board of trustees their seg-

regation seems to be for the best interests of the commu-

nity. ...” 1905 N.H. Laws 413, ch. 23, §1. first for women,

id., and later for men as well, 1917 N.H. Laws 645. ch.

141, §1. Later, in 1917, the General Court adopted “AN

ACT PERMITTING STERILIZING OPERATIONS” for

those for whom that surgery “may be indicated for the

prevention of the reproduction of further feeble-

mindedness.” 1917 N.H. Laws 704, ch. 181, §2. In 1929.

the law was extended to permit the superintendent of the

institution, if “of opinion that it is for the best interests of

the inmate and of society” to authorize the surgery with-

out the consent of the “feeble-minded” resident. if after

a hearing the governing board of the institution finds that

the resident “is the probable potential parent of socially

+» = he . Ss

a eS A eee a LG

A-10/New Hampshire

inadequate offspring likewise afflicted.” 1929 N

162, 164, ch. 138, §§1, 6. as be a

New Jersey. The New Jersey General Assemblv i

1888 established the first New Jersey “home” ae tis

aa aceinael at Vineland. 1888 N.J. Laws. 267. ch.

By 1906, state officials were calling for perm

segregation: “It is a fact that the Secrrase ta in| my 0

sey for the care and training of the feeble-minded do not

begin in any way to cover the number of those who should

be in the Institutions, and it seems that the Governor. the

Legislature and the Commissioner of Charities in their

wisdom might hold a conference with the Boards of the

Feeble-Minded Institutions, looking towards the segre-

gation of all the feeble-minded who are now at large. The

feeble-minded belong to that class of defectives of either

hereditary degenerates or whose condition is of such a

character as should be treated like them, and for whom

the time has come for complete and permanent control.”

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE STATE HOME FOR THE CARE

AND TRAINING OF FEEBLE-MINDED WOMEN aT

VINELAND, 1906, at 6 (1907). The report indicated that

[t}he most celebrated authorities on the care and seg-

Fregation of the feeble-minded and other-defectives are

very much in favor of the colonization of all defectives

where the development of its

— Cree its members could be properly

The legislature began its response in 1911. by -

ing “An Act to authorize and die for the Medinemton

of feeble-minded (including idiots, imbeciles and mo-

rons). 1911 N.J. Laws 353, ch. 190. That law created a

“Board of Examiners of Feeble-minded,” which. upon a

find[ing] that procreation is inadvisable and that there is

no probability that the condition of such inmate so ex-

amined will improve to such an extent as to render pro-

creation by such inmate advisable,” was authorized “to

The Northeast/A-11

perform such operation for the prevention of procreation

as shall be decided by said board of examiners to be most

effective. .. .” Id. §§ 1, 3.

Two years after its enactment, the New Jersey Su-

preme Court ruled that New Jersey's law violated the right

to equal protection of the laws. Smith v. Board of Exam-

iners of Feeble-Minded, 85 N.J.L. 46, 88 A. 963 (1913).

The court noted that “the feeble-minded and epileptics

are not the only persons in the community whose elim-

ination as undesirable citizens would, or might in the

judgment of the legislature, be a distinct benefit to so-

ciety. . . . Racial differences, for instance, [also] might af-

ford a basis for such an opinion in communities where

that question is unfortunately a permanent and para-

mount issue.” 88 A. at 965. The court concluded that “it

is clear that the order with which we have to deal threat-

ens possibly the life, and certainly the liberty, of the

prosecutrix in a manner forbidden by both the state and

federal Constitutions, unless such order is a valid exer-

cise of the police power. . . . The general limitation of such

power to which the prosecutrix must appeal is that under

our system of government the artificial enhancement of

the public welfare by the forceable suppression of the

constitutional rights of the individual is inadmissible.”

Id. at 965.

In 1915, the legislature provided for more pervasive

of retarded people through the admission to

Vineland of “mentally defective men, women and chil-

dren, of all ages and grades... .” 1915 N.J. Laws 278.

ch. 151, § 2. By 1918, the lawmakers had authorized “the

location of additional colonies upon forest reserve or other

lands owned by the State.” 1918 N.J. Laws 410, ch. 147,

art. 6 § 636. It was in these institutions that the “in-

mates” were to be “kept.” Id. at 409, 410, §§ 631, 635. In

1919, the legislature required relatives “to waive all right

to remove either permanently or for a limited time” their

kin from any institution. 1919 N.J. Laws 508, ch. 217, §

3.

4 _—

A-12/New York

New York. On July 10, 1851, the Legislature of New

York adopted “AN ACT to establish an asylum for idiots.”

1851 N.Y. Laws 941, ch. 502.

It was not until 1894 that the New York legislature

established an institution in Oneida County purely for

the “custody of unteachable idiots,” designated as “the

Rome State Custodial Asylum.” 1894 N.Y. Laws 806. ch.

382.

The movement to segregate began most earnestly at

the same time as the citizenry began to express concern

about the “rising tide” of immigration. In 1905, for ex-

ample, an article in the New York Times typical of those

appearing during this period discussed the urgent need

for “remedying the evils which have too long been tol-

erated in the ‘dumping’ of undesirable immigrants into

this country.” Undesirable Immigration, N.Y. Times.

Feb. 10, 1905, at 6, col. 3.

In 1911, the first of many studies purporting to link

“feeblemindedness” with the new immigration was pub-

lished under the auspices of the State Charities Aid As-

sociation. The survey found that all but 40 of 317 “men-

tally defective” children selected “at random” from thirtv-

two ungraded classes in the New York public schools

were either foreign-born or the children of foreign par-

ents. A. MOORE, THE FEEBLE-MINDED IN NEW YORK: A

REPORT PREPARED FOR THE PUBLIC EDUCATION ASSO-

CIATION OF NEW YORK, N.Y. (1911).

By 1912, the New York Times was reporting a defi-

nite link between immigration and “feeble-mindedness.”

An article appearing on February 18, 1912 quoted “{a|n

important report of the special committee appointed by

the New York Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to

Children to investigate the subject of abnormal and

feeble-minded children. ...” Feeble-Minded Scholars

Make Up | Per Cent of the School Population, Investi-

gators Report, N.Y. Times, Feb. 18. 1912. at 8. col. 4.

The report stated that there were in New York C ity

“10,000 mental or moral defectives who now roam at large

The Northeast/A-13

in the community without any proper parental supervi-

sion or medical care. Recent census statistics show that

80 per cent of the feeble-minded children in the general

population of the United States are the progeny of aliens

or naturalized citizens. We may safely assume, there-

fore, that at least 8,000 of the 10,000 feeble-minded chil-

dren in the city today were brought here by or are the

offspring of the 9,000,000 aliens who have passed

through Ellis Island during the past ten years.” Quoted

in id. at cols. 4-5.

Three weeks later, the New York Times featured an

article on Henry H. Goddard, who was a state adminis-

trator for New Jersey's retardation institution at Vineland.

The report began: “From the army of 300,000 feeble-

minded persons in the United States come the recruits

that swell the ranks of the drunkards. criminals, pau-

pers, and other social outcasts. Twenty-five per cent of

the girls and boys in our reformatories are lacking in men-

tal fibre and are unable to discern the difference between

right and wrong or are too weak in character to do right

whenever there is any inducement to do wrong. Sixty-

five per cent of the feeble-minded children have a mother

or a father, or both, who are feeble-minded. This country

has so far taken no steps to segregate these irresponsible

parents, so the number of them is constantly increasing.

These facts, and many more equally startling, are set forth

in an article written for The Survey by Dr. Henry H.

Stoddard, |sic| director of the department of research of

the training school at Vineland. N.J. ‘Our Government

spends hundreds of thousands of dollars examining im-

migrants to see that none who are feeble-minded are ad-

mitted,’ writes Dr. Stoddard [sic]; ‘but here is a group

already in our country who are breeding a race of feeble-

minded people more dangerous than many barred by the

Immigration Inspectors.’ " Weak-Minded Fill Ranks of

Criminals: Dr. Henry Stoddard [sic] Says Social Prob-

lems Can Be Solved By Segregating Them, N.Y. Times.

Mar. 10, 1912. at 6. col. 3. Goddard urged. in language

A-14/New York

later quoted in some state statutes, “permanent care

where they will be happy and harmless,” for all those

“unable to compete with their fellows on equal terms. . . .

This army furnishes the recruits for the ranks of the crim-

inals, paupers, drunkards, the ne-er-do-wells, and others

who are social misfits.” Quoted in id. “[W]hat then is to

be done?” he asked. Dr. Goddard answered his own ques-

tion by proposing that “[a]fter these cases have been dis-

covered they must be removed from the environment in

which it has been proved they are incapable of living

normal lives in accordance with the conventions of so-

ciety. They must be colonized in groups where they may

be perfectly happy and somewhat useful. Only one lim-

itation needs be placed upon them in these places, and

that is they must never become parents.” Quoted in id.

Goddard concluded by emphasizing that “[{wle are dis-

cussing a possible State policy ... many parents are ei-

ther normal or of such a high grade of defectiveness that

they never get into court and yet have feeble-minded chil-

dren. We cannot touch these adults. We must somehow

get hold of their children. ... We may reasonably hope

that a policy of segregation, carefully followed, will in a

generation or two largely reduce our feeble-minded pop-

ulation and thereby solve our problems of criminals, dis-

ease, drunkenness, and crime.” Quoted in id. at cols. 3-4.

On Apri! 16, 1912, the legislature created a new state

board and empowered it to authorize the sterilization “bv

such operation for the prevention of procreation as shall

be decided by said board to be most effective,” “any” in-

stitutionalized person who, in the judgment of the board.

“would produce children with an inherited tendency” to

“feeble-mindedness, idiocy or imbecility.” 1912 N.Y.

Laws 924, 925, ch. 445, §351.

New York's special treatment of its “alien defectives”

during this period is evidenced by the response state of-

ficials gave to a survey form sent to each state on June

20, 1912 by a Pennsylvania commission gathering infor-

mation to assist the latter state in expanding its own in-

The Northeast/A-15

stitutions. New York's response indicated that the state

already had nearly 6,000 citizens segregated, noting spe-

cially that it “contributes towards the support of the alien

poor patients in these institutions.” REPORT OF THE COM-

MISSION ON THE SEGREGATION, CARE AND TREATMENT

OF FEEBLE-MINDED AND EPILEPTIC PERSONS IN THE

COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA 28, 31 (1913). No

other group was singled out by New York officials for

special support.

It was also about this time that the newly reknowned

Henry Goddard was invited by the United States Public

Health Service to administer Binet's I.Q. test to the south-

ern and eastern European immigrants arriving in steer-

age at Ellis Island. “(G]iv|ing] the immigrant the benefit

of every doubt,” he found that 79% of the Italians, 80%

of the Hungarians, 83% of the Jews, and 87% of the Rus-

sians he tested were “feeble-minded.” Goddard, Mental

Testing and the Immigrants, 2 J. DELINQUENCY 243,

249, 252 (1917).

The New York Times reported in an article entitled

Alien Defectives appearing on January 13, 1913 that since

“three-tenths of feeble-minded children are of alien or

naturalized parents, the problem of detecting defective

immigrants is very grave.” N.Y. Times, Jan. 13, 1913, at

10. The account cited a recommendation by Assistant

Surgeon C. P. Knight of the United States Public mealth

Service at Ellis Island, writing in the January 11 issue of

the American Medical Association Journal, for “control-

ling the procreation of the mentally defective by segre-

gating them.” Alien Defectives, supra. As Dr. Knight had

stated, “[t]here is scarcely a ship coming into the Port of

New York which does not carry among its passengers a

mental defective of some degree.” Id., quoting Knight.

The Detection of the Mentally Defective Among Immi-

grants, 60 A.M.A.J. 106 (1913).

In the A.M.A. Journal article. Dr. Knight explained

that he had “becom|[e] familiar with different races” so

he could “tell at a glance the abnormal from the normal.”

A-16/New York ~

id. at 107. “In studying the physical characteristics of

mental defectives, the various ethnologic types are easily

discerned: the dark skin, the curly hair and thick lips of

the Ethiopian, the prominent and high cheekbones and

deep orbits of the American Indian and the straight coarse

hair and peculiar cast of countenance of the Mongolian.”

Id. Even “more important in the determination of the

mental status of the alien,” according to Dr. Knight, was

“close application to the study of the race.” Thus, exam-

iners “should interpret the mental reaction of the alien

_only after having full knowledge of the different racial

characteristics, for that which is a defect in an individual

of a race of high mental attainment may be a normal

condition in the existence of other people who have not

attained the same grade of development. It is pertectly

normal for the southern Italian to show emotion on the

slightest provocation but should he show the stolidity and

indifference of the Pole or Russian. we would look on

him with suspicion and perhaps hold him for a detailed

examination.” Id. By the use of such techniques. Knight

hoped to “reduc/ie] to a minimum the entrance into this

country of the mentally and morally low type of alien.

Immigration largely contributes to the high percentage

of this class in the United States.” Id. at 106.

By 1914, the “defectives” were being expelled from

the public schools. As the New York Times editorialized:

“If the policy recommended by the Board of Education's

committee on ungraded classes had been sensiblv

adopted in the beginning a good deal of money might

have been saved for teaching sound-minded children that

has been wasted on mental defectives who could not be

helped. The report says: ‘Most imbeciles and all idiots

can in no way derive anv lasting benefits from atten-

dance at the public schcols. Their mental condition can-

not be improved either by the course of study or disci-

pline. The only practical and humane solution is insti-

tutional care.'" The Feeble-Minded in Schools, N.Y.

Times, Mar. 13, 1914, at 8, col. 4.

The Northeast/A-17

That same year, as a result of the public demand for

action, the legislature created a special State Commis-

sion to study the problem, as urged by the New York

Times. 1914 N.Y. Laws 772, ch. 272.

The Commission believed that “we are now in a po-

sition where it is © lg Parag tn ge

complete system of public provision that in a very

large saci eliminate the burden of feeble-mindedness

from the community.” Id. at 18.

Sterilization, according to the Commission, was no

panacea, since surgery prevented only parenthood, and

did not eliminate the other social menaces stemming from

permitting “defectives” to be at large. Moreover. such a

law might lead to “withdraw(I] from the influence of our

institutions large numbers of feeble-minded who other-

wise might be amenable to whatever advantages and

whatever custodial provision was made.” Id. at 19. STATE

OF NEW YORK, REPORT OF THE STATE COMMISSION TO

INVESTIGATE PROVISION FOR THE MENTALLY DEFI-

CIENT 19 (1915).

The major problem, according to state officials. was

that thousands of “mental defectives are at liberty in the

community today -... without restraint or public con-

trol.” Id. at 34. “To attempt reformation is a gross waste

of time and of money. The average cost per inmate in a

specially organized institution for defectives is half of the

average cost in our reformatory institutions.” /d. at 35.

The solution was to expand the institutions and to bring

more of the “defectives” under control.

Accordingly, the legislature enacted on Mav 14. 1919

“AN ACT in relation to mental defectives. .. .” 1919 N.Y.

Laws 1683, ch. 633. The law defined “mental detective”

to mean “any person afflicted with mental defectiveness

from birth or from an early age to such an extent that he

is incapable of managing himself and his affairs. who for

his own welfare or the welfare of others or of the com-

munity requires supervision, control or care, and who is

not insane or of unsound mind.” Id. at 1684. art. 1. § 2(5).

A-18/New York

The legislation established a procedure for certifying that

one’s mental defect was “of such a nature as to require

his supervision, control and care for his own welfare and

for the welfare of others or for the welfare of the com-

munity.” Id. at 1697, art. 4, § 26. This determination was

to be made by “qualified examiners.” Id. § 25.

As a result of this law, state cfficials were soon over-

whelmed with retarded peorie to segregate. The State

Commission for Mental Defectives indicated in 1926 that

although it was “g)-atifying to report progress during the

year in additional housing for mental defectives{, t/he

need of more beds is so great that it outweighs other con-

siderations.” STATE OF NEW YORK. EIGHTH ANNUAL RE-

PORT OF THE STATE COMMISSION FOR MENTAL DEFEC-

TIVES, JULY 1, 1925 TO JUNE 30, 1926, at 7 (Leg. Doc.

No. 92, 1927). The scope of the physical expansion ne-

cessitated by the 1919 law was noted in the agency’s An-

nual Report: “Defectives who are detrimental to society

cannot be segregated until institution bed capacity is in-

creased. Those of too low grade intelligence to be cared

for in the public schools are often neglected at home and

a source of economic disaster to the family. The segre-

gation of these in institutions awaits erection of new

buildings.” Id. Thousands of beds were planned and pro-

vided throughout the state. Id.

Pennsylvania. In 1893 the Pennsylvania General As-

sembly authorized the construction of a large institution

in western Pennsylvania with a capacity for at least “eight

hundred inmates,” to include a “custodial or asvlum de-

partment.” 1893 Pa. Laws 289, 290, No. 256. § 7. The

facility was to be for the “reception” and “detention” of

“idiotic and feeble-minded children,” id. at 291, § 10, the

sole restriction being that they be “under the age of twentv

years,” id. § 11. By 1903, a second institution similarly

organized was authorized to be built in the eastern part

of the state. 1903 Pa. Laws 446. No. 424.

In 1911, the Pennsylvania Conference of Charities

and Corrections argued to the legislature that it had a

The Northeast/A-19

large problem on its hands. The legislature decided that

a comprehensive study was necessary, and so adopted a

joint resolution to establish a special commission, “the

duty of which Commission shall be to take into consid-

eration the number and status of feeble-minded and ep-

ileptic persons in the Commonwealth and the increase of

such persons, and to report to the General Assembly at its

next session a plan or plans for the segregation, care, and

treatment of such defectives... .” 1911 Pa. Laws 927, °

§ 1. The resolution was enacted because the legislature

felt that “[a] proper regard for the public welfare requires

that some action be taken looking to the segregation of

such feeble-minded and epileptic persons.” Jd. (pream-

ble).

“eis April 21, 1913, the Commission reported to the

legislature that “[w]here the mental disability is of a de-

gree which renders the afflicted individuals unfit for cit-

izenship, or a menace to the peace, they are regarded and

treated as anti-social beings, and may be permanently

segregated in institutions especially constructed for their

reception and care. The condition of mind in amentia is

irremediable|;] the segregation as the rule should there-

fore be permanent.” REPORT OF THE COMMISSION ON

THE SEGREGATION, CARE AND TREATMENT OF FEEBLE-

MINDED AND EPILEPTIC PERSONS IN THE COMMON-

WEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA 43 (1913).

The Commission considered retarded people “such

an unpleasant burden, that parents usually are more than

willing to part with them,” id. at 38, but “[ljegislation

was “needed to compel the.segregation of teeble-minded

and epileptic persons,” id. at 40. Who was to be incar-

cerated? “[A] type of mind must be established as a nor-

mal standard for the age. race and social status of each

individual, and he who falls below this to a recognizable

degree is ipso facto feeble-minded.” Id. at 42.

Six weeks later, the legislature enacted comprehen-

sive legislation, creating a new official purpose for the

state’s institution: “segregation” of all “idiotic. imbecile

A-20/Pennsylvania

or feeble-minded persons,” 1913 Pa. Laws 494, No. 328.

§ 1, and the removal of all age restrictions on admissions.

id. at 496, § 3. The lawmakers also established a new

“Village for Feeble-Minded Women” to be “entirely and

specially devoted to the reception, segregation [and] de-

tention” of “feeble-minded women of child-bearing

age...." 1913 Pa. Laws 1319, No. 817. By 1922, the

Superinter dent of the Eastern Pennsylvania State Insti-

tution for the Feeble- Minded was reporting that “the gen-

eral public [is] now convinced more than ever that it is a

good thing to segregate the idiot and the imbecile.” R.

SMILOVITZ, A BRIEF HISTORY OF PENNHURST

1908-1926, COMPILED FROM SUPERINTENDENT'S Doc.

UMENTS (1974).

Rhode Island. The General Assembly of Rhode Is-

land enacted in 1907 “AN ACT FOR THE ESTABLISH-

MENT, MAINTENANCE, MANAGEMENT. AND

CONTROL OF THE RHODE ISLAND SCHOOL FOR

THE FEEBLE-MINDED.” 1907 R.I. Pub. Laws 89. ch.

1470. Within the institution there was created a special

“custodial department for the care and custody of feeble-

minded persons beyond school age. or who are not ca-

pable of being benefited by school instruction.” Id. at 90.

§ 3. Institutionalization could be sought by filing a “com-

plaint in writing” alleging that “any person within the

district wherein such court is established is

feeble-minded. so as to require restraint for his own wel-

fare or for the welfare of the public.” Id. at 91. § 6.

The purpose of the institution. according to the first

annual report to the legislature. was to “not only protect

the [feeble-minded] children themselves. but at the same

ume to guard society against the children.” REPORT OF

THE RHODE ISLAND SCHOOL FOR THE FEEBLE-MINDED

IN EXETER 20( 1910). State officials strongly encouraged

parents to commit their children voluntarily to the facil-

ity: “Society is made up of families and when the family

suffers society suffers. Talk with any one who has had

the opportunity to know intimately the history of families

The Northeast/A-21

in which there have been feeble-minded children. and

let him tell of the cases of fathers driven to drink, whole

families plunged into poverty and pauperism, and of

mothers made insane or even done to death by the pres-

ence of the unfortunate child in the home.” /d. at 21.

Vermont. In 1913, the General Assembly of Ver-

mont created the “Vermont State School for

Feeble-minded Children.” 1913 Vt. Acts 96, No. 81, § 1.

Proceedings to place a retarded person in the insutution

could be initiated by, in addition to a parent or guardian,

any “selectman of the town .. . in which such child re-

sides.” Id. at 98, § 13. 3

In 1916, state officials “report|ed| that the people in

Vermont are beginning to take a marked interest in the

study of feeble-mindedness, and its baneful and increas-

ing effects on the population of the State, and that with

a better understanding of the conditions which exist.

thieves will be s tendency to view the handling of the ques-

more practical and common sense manner.

undile of feeble-mindedness is felt by the entire public.

and every intelligent person who has carefully consid-

ered the subject realizes that this blight on mankind is

increasing at a rapid rate. and that unless radical meas-

ures are adopted to curb the influences which tend to

promote its growth it will only be a matter of time before

the resulting pauperism and criminality will be a burden

too heavy for any country or people to bear. The feeble-

minded are a parasitic, predatory class, never capable of

self-support or of managing their own affairs. and the

majority of them ultimately become public charges.” RE-

PORT OF THE VERMONT STATE SCHOOL FOR THE FEEBLE-

MINDED CHILDREN FOR THE PERIOD ENDING SEPTEM-

BER 30, 1916, at 17-18 (1916). Se

As a result of the actions of the state, “|t}he public is

now fully aware of the danger the defective is at large and

realizes the importance of instituting means for their con-

trol. There is nothing that can be done more effectively

toward the prevention of feeble-mindedness. crime and

A-22/Vermont

poverty and toward the promotion of our best citizen-

ship, than to segregate the feeble-minded and properly

care for them.” Id. at 18.

Midwestern States

Illinois. On June 24, 1915, the Illinois General As-

sembly passed a bill establishing a facility as an institu-

tion for the “detention of feeble-minded persons.” 1915

Ill. Laws 245. Such “detention” was mandated not only

for the retarded person's “own welfare,” but also “for the

welfare of others, or for the welfare of the community,”

so long as the person was “not classifiable as an ‘insane

person.’ ” Id. at 245-46, §1. “/A/ny reputable citizen of

the county in which such supposed feeble-minded per-

son resides or is found could seek the institutionalization

of such a person by filing a petition stating that it was

detrimental “to the welfare of the community, for him to

be at large.” Id. at 246, §3. The “guiding and controlling

thought of the court” at these proceedings was to be not

only “the welfare of the feeble-minded person” but also

“the welfare of the community.” Id. at 249, § 9.

Indiana. |n 1914, Indiana officials reported to the

Governor that there were still “at the most conservative

estimate that can be made, at least four thousand feeble-

minded in Indiana” requiring institutionalization, and

that “[these| people are at large. a nuisance to the com-

munity in which they live; nearly all of them paupers:

many of them petty criminals; the women filling the

houses of prostitution; all of them poor, improvident. lazy

— in short, incompetents. These people are increasing

rapidly, and unless cared for will. in the next hundred

years, bring an unbearable burden on our grandchildren

and great-grandchildren. Shall we leave them such an

inheritance, or shall we do something now to stop it?

Were we to put all these four thousand defectives now at

large into institutional care today. this institution could

provide for practically all needing the care of an institu-

The Midwest/A-23

at the end of the next fifty years. No provision is

ceatiehacadncnichs teain-entndiadn this State, and these

men should be segregated from the world in some place

where they could be made in a measure self-supporting.

THIRTY-SIXTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE INDIANA

SCHOOL FOR FEEBLE-M!NDED YOUTH FOR THE FISCAL

YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 1914, at 14 (1914).

In 1915, the Board of State Charities of Indiana

a resolution that read: “Whereas, The problem

of the mental defective is one of our greatest social as

well as financial burdens and is increasing in importance

and weight every year, and Whereas, Mental defective-

ness is believed to be one of the most important if not the

most important cause of pauperism, degeneracy and

crime,” resolved that a committee be established to make

recommendations concerning this problem. Governor

Ralston acted favorably on this resolution and appointed

a Committee on Mental Defectives.

The work of the Committee and its first report, on

November 10, 1916, was used to convince the governor

and the legislature that it was “imp~rative that the State

must very soon take cognizance of the large number of

dependent defectives at large in the State, a menace to

society, increasing at a rapid rate, and take steps to seg-

regate them from the public, and thus check their repro-

duction not alone as a matter of philanthropy, but as an

economic measure.” THIRTY-EIGHTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE INDIANA SCHOOL FOR FEEBLE-MINDED YOUTH.

FORT WAYNE, INDIANA, FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDING

SEPTEMBER 30, 1916, at 14 ( oe Indiana —

were also to note that ommittee on Men-

Sioner ae appointed by you to study the problem of

Mental Defectiveness in Indiana. recently urgently rec-

ommended the enactment of such a law. and we wish to

strongly endorse their recommendation and urge that this

remedial legislation be had at the coming session of the

Legislature. We have deeply felt the need of this law in

several cases in recent years. where we found ourselves

— a ae ee SP

A-24/Indiana

utterly helpless to prevent the withdrawal of girls by par-

ents or relatives while we knew that were unfit to be out

in the world... .” Id. at 15. They also recommended “the

establishment of a new and separate institution to house

them from the danger of contact with the public.” Id.

The Committee on Mental Defectives was reap-

pointed by newly elected Governor James P. Goodrich.

The Committee's second report was published March 6,

1919.

One week later. the General Assembly passed as

“emergency” legislation “AN ACT to provide for the es-

tablishment and government of an Indiana farm colony

for feeble-minded” which incorporated practically all of

the recommendations of the Committee on Mental Defec-

tives. 1919 Ind. Acts 480, ch. 94. The lawmakers created

a commission and ordered it to “select a suitable site for

the farm colony” and to “purchase not less than 1,000

acres of land in a body” for it. Id. § 2. The law specified

that “the buildings to be constructed for its use shall be

plain and inexpensive in character,” id. at 482. § 6. and

required that “the labor in constructing such buildings.

improvements and facilities shall be supplied as far as

applicable by the persons committed to the institution.”

id.

The Committee on Mental Defectives. while express-

ing gratitude for this legislation, “recommend|ed] in-

creased provision at the Farm Colony for Feeble-Minded”

in order for the state “to provide adequately for such cases

as cannot, without menace to the community. be pro-

vided for in the home or the public school.” MENTAL

DEFECTIVES IN INDIANA: THIRD REPORT OF THE INDI-

ANA COMMITTEE ON MENTAL DEFECTIVES 8 (1922).

The exact nature of the menace was described by

the Governor's Committee as follows: “The uncared-for

insane, epileptic and feebleminded constitute a social

menace, but the part played by the feebleminded in dis-

counting social progress is by far the most potent influ-

ence for evil under which society is struggling today. . . .

The Midwest/A-25

Modern theory grants that the rights of the individual

must not interfere with the welfare of the community.

From the latter standpoint, the mental defective must be

considered as a possible financial burden to the commu-

nity, a potential menace through the commission of

crime, and an increasing detriment to the race through

the propagation of his kind. ... What subject is more

vital than this to the people of our state? The menace of

the mental defective is a real and pressing one. All indi-

viduals and organizations interested in human welfare

are urged to cooperate in a state-wide program for in-

forming the citizens of our state concerning the dangers

that threaten, and awakening them to the disastrous con-

sequences if this important matter is neglected. This

should result in such united action as will lessen the bur-

den of pauperism, degeneracy, disease and crime, and

decrease the cost to the taxpayers.” /d. at 6.

In addition to appropriating the increased aime “4

uested for segregation, the legislature, on March 3.

1931, passed “AN ACT providing for the sexual sterili-

zation of feeble minded persons.” 1931 Ind. Acts 116, ch.

50. Indiana has been the first state in the country to en-

act a sterilization law. 1907 Ind. Acts 877, ch. 215. The

new law provided that, at the point at which commit-

ment of any mentally retarded person was sought, “it

shall be the duty of each of the examining physicians

appointed by the court” to “certify to the court whether.

in his opinion, such person is the probable potential par-

ent of mentally incompetent or socially inadequate off-

spring likewise afflicted.” Id. § 1. Upon a finding by the

court that “the welfare of society and of such feeble-

minded person will be promoted by his or her steriliza-

tion,” the superintendent “may have performed upon

such feeble-minded person” sterilization surgery “at such

time as he may deem expedient.” Id. § 3.

Iowa. On March 17, 1876, the General permet -

lowa enacted legislation “FOR THE ESTABL

OF AN ASYLUM FOR FEEBLE MINDED CHIL-

A-26/lowa

DREN.” 1876 lowa Acts 145, ch. 152. Admission was

originally limited to “children between the ages of seven

and eighteen.” /d. at 148, § 15. After the turn of the cen-

tury, the state authorized the segregation of increased

numbers of retarded people. The first to be confined, by

enactment of April 7, 1902, were “all feeble-minded

women under forty-six years of age.” 1902 lowa Acts 73,

ch. 118. The next were “all feeble minded men under 46

years of age.” 1909 lowa Acts 171, ch. 173. In 1921, all

age restrictions were repealed. 1921 lowa Acts 126, ch.

129. State officials continually campaigned for the ex-

pansion of facilities for segregation, see, e.g., TWENTY-

FOURTH BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE SUPERINTENDENT

OF THE IOWA INSTITUTION *OR THE FEEBLEMINDED 7-8

(1922).

On April 13, 1929, the General Assembly enacted

legislation “to create a state board of eugenics, to define

the powers and duties of said board, |and] to fix the pro-

cedure in the sexual sterilization of persons.” 1929 lowa

Acts 106, ch. 66. The members of the Board of Eugenics,

which consisted of not only the superintendents of state

institutions, but also the commissioner of public health,

were ordered to “report to the state board of eugenics the

names of all persons, male or female, living in this state,

of whom he or she may have knowledge, who are feeble-

minded . . . and who are a menace to society.” Id. § 2.

Kansas. In 1881, the Legislature of Kansas estab-

lished “the Kansas state asylum for idiotic and imbecile

youth.” 1881 Kan. Sess. Laws 74, ch. 35. Admission was

To to those “not over fifteen years of age.” Id. at 75,

The superintendent of the institution, I.W. Clark. in

1906 urged the adoption of a law to enlarge the institu-

tion and to accomplish the segregation of feeble-minded

persons of all ages. THIRTEENTH BIENNIAL REPORT OF

THE KANSAS SCHOOL FOR FEEBLE-MINDED YOUTH.

WINFIELD, KANSAS. FOR THE TWO YEARS ENDING JUNE

30, 1906, at 6 (1906). According to Superintendent Clark:

The Midwest/A-27

“Legislative attention to a more extended provision for

the idiotic and feeble-minded is an imperative demand

upon the state. For a score of years the opinions of phi-

lanthropists and of those interested in sociologic work

have been steadily advancing in a certain direction, until

now they are unanimously convinced that as a matter of

public policy all the feeble-minded class should be segre-

gated and provided for by the state. Various are the rea-

sons which have led up to this conviction, and to most

persons they are easily obvious. In this state to-day there

are in the county-houses, and in the communities at large,

a large number of this class who are a menace, a blight

and a misfortune both to themselves and to the public.”

Id. at 12. Therefore, the superintendent recommended

that “(t]he age limit of fifteen years should be removed,

and the capacity of the home be enlarged so as to receive

all persons who are feeble-minded, regardless of age.” Id.

at 6.

On March 12, 1909, the legislature acted. The name

of the institution was “hereby changed to the State Home

for Feeble-minded,” and “{a]ll inmates admitted to said

institution” were placed “under the custody and control

of the superintendent of said institution, and the super-

intendent may restrain any such inmate when he deems

it necessary for the welfare of such inmate and the proper

conduct of the institution.” 1909 Kan. Sess. Laws 560-51,

ch. 233, §§ 1, 2.

In 1917, the legislature enacted a law providing that,

if the Superintendent of the State Home for Feeble-

minded “shall certify in writing” to the institution's gov-

erning board “that he or she believes that the mental or

physical condition of any inmate would be improved

thereby or that procreation by such inmate would be likely

to result in defective or feeble-minded children with crim-

inal tendencies, and that the condition of such inmate is

not likely to improve so as to make procreation by such

person desirable or beneficial to the state, |then| it shall

be lawful to perform a surgical operation for the sterili-

4-28/Kansas

zation of such inmate.” 1917 Kan. Sess. Laws 443, ch.

299, § 1.

State officials applauded this legislation. and pre-

dicted a marked decrease in the number of feeble-minded

persons. However, they reported that “the decrease will

be nothing like so great as it should be unless our im-

migration laws are so changed as to greatly reduce the

number of undesirables from Europe entering this coun-

try. ... We shall be disappointed further that the de-

crease is no greater on account of the ease with which

feeble-minded persons may obtain a marriage certificate.

enter the marriage state and rear a family like unto them-

selves. ... Asexualization will be condemned by some as

being too harsh a measure, but it becomes incumbent on

those who would discourage it to offer something better,

for the future will compel us to act. If society by her phil-

anthropic efforts annuls the law of the survival of the

fittest, then self-interest will compel her to adopt meas-

ures which will prevent the multiplication of those who

at best can only add degeneracy to the race.” TWENTI-

ETH BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE STATE TRAINING SCHOOL

FOR THE TWO YEARS ENDING JUNE 30, 1920, at 7-8

(1920).

Two years later, the superintendent reported “that

the population of the institution has grown steadily.” and

noted “the increased activity of welfare and Red Cross

associations over the state that are constantly on the look-

out for unfortunate people. both young and old” to be

institutionalized. TWENTY-FIRST BIENNIAL REPORT OF

THE STATE TRAINING SCHOOL FOR THE TWO YEARS

ENDING JUNE 30, 1922, at 3 (1922). As a result of the

state’s policies, people were persuaded to place their re-

tarded relatives in the institution. The Superintendent

noted that “as a consequence our ward buildings are be-

coming crowded, some wards housing twenty per cent

more than the estimated capacity. Additional ward room

is a necessity.” Id. at 11.

The Midwest/A-29

Kentucky. The General Assembly of the-Common-

wealth of Kentucky first chartered the “Kentucky Inst-

tution for Feeble-minded Children” as a corporate entity

in 1894, although the facility apparently had been in ex-

istence previous to that date. See 1894 Ky. Acts 96, ch.

48, art. 1, § 1. Admission to the institution at that time

was limited to persons aged six through eighteen “whose

mental condition is such that, in the judgment of the

superintendent, they may be taught to read and write, or

can be educated or trained to do work.” Id. at 115, art. II],

§ 5.

In 1918, the General Assembly enacted more ma-

levolent legislation, entitled “AN ACT to provide for the

commitment, care, treatment, training, segregation and

custody” of “feeble-minded” persons. 1918 Ky. Acts 156,

ch. 54. The law defined “feeble-minded person” as one

who “requires supervision, care, training, control or cus-

tody for his own welfare or for the welfare of others or the

community.” Id. § 1. It also established and authorized

“The Farm Colony for the Feeble-Minded.” including an

ambitious plan for new construction on a 500-acre site.

Id. at 156-57, 159-60, §§ 1, 9, 10. Proceedings to confine

a person in the institution could be instituted against any

person in the county who appears to be ..

feeble-minded.” Id. at 161. § 16. The same law made it

“one of the special duties of everv health officer and of

every public health nurse to institute proceedings to se-

cure the proper segregation and custody of feeble-minded

persons, likely to become fathers or mothers of other

feeble-minded persons.” id., at 171. § 30. and made it a

crime “to aid or abet the marriage of anv feeble-minded

person, and any person found guilty of aiding or abetting

such marriage shall be fined not less than fifty dollars.

nor more than five hundred dollars."id. § 32.

Michigan. In 1893. the Michigan Legislature estab-

lished the “Home for the Feeble-Minded and Epileptic.”

1893 Mich. Pub. Acts 412. No. 209. The institution was

available to “{ajll feeble-minded and epileptic persons be-

A-30/M ichigan

tween the ages of six and twenty-one.” Id. at 416, §§ 20,

21. a

In 1905, to insure long-term segregation, the legis-

lature required that parents and guardians admitting their

children to the home “waive all right to remove such

inmate thereafter either permanently or for a limited

time.” 1905 Mich. Pub. Acts 169-70, No. 121.

A more comprehensive revision of the law took place

four years later, 1909 Mich. Pub. Acts 189, No. 101, elim-

inating age restrictions, id. at 192, § 13, providing for

roving physicians “empowered to go where such feeble-

minded and epileptic person may be and make such per-

sonal examination of him as to enable them to offer an

opinion as to his mental condition” in order to certify them

as “feeble-minded,” id. § 14.

If, following a hearing, “such person shall be found

and adjudged to be feeble-minded or epileptic the court

shall immediately issue an order for his admission to the

home for the feeble-minded.” /d. at 194.

State officials described the value of the new law in

maintaining life-long segregation and control in their re-

port to Governor Woodbridge Ferris: “Prior to the enact-

ment of the law of 1909, patients were admitted to this

institution by direct application either by parents, guard-

ians, or certain public officials. The matter of the status

of these patients was constantly before the Board of Con-

trol. The Board found it impossible to hold certain cases

where, in their opinion, the welfare of the State would

dictate their being held. We therefore went to the Leg-

islature, requesting the passage of an act bringing all

these cases, where the patient had not had his day in

court, before the Probate Courts of the several counties

for review and legal commitment. We now have no pa-

tients not committed by the Probate Court.” TENTH BI-

ENNIAL REPORT OF THE BOARD OF CONTROL OF THE

MICHIGAN HOME AND TRAINING SCHOOL AT LAPEER FOR

THE BIENNIAL PERIOD ENDING JUNE 30, 1914 (1914).

The Midwest/A-31

As John N. McCormick, Chairman of the State Board

of Corrections and Charities later stated in official, pub-

lished instructions to Dr. H. A. Haynes, Superintendent

of the Michigan home: “The members of this Board con-

sider it imperative that ample provision be made for the

segregation and proper care of feeble-minded persons. A

recent survey of Michigan removes any doubt as to the

plain duty of the State regarding feeble-mindedness, not

only from a sociological but an economical standpoint as

well. From our discussion of the situation with you at the

meeting of this Board held at your institution, we are of

the opinion that the items stated in your estimate of ap-

propriations for the next two years are needed, and the

same are hereby approved.” ELEVENTH BIENNIAL RE-

PORT OF THE BOARD OF CONTROL OF THE MICHIGAN

HOME AND TRAINING SCHOOL AT LAPEER FOR THE biI-

ENNIAL PERIOD ENDING JUNE 30, 1916, at 7 (1916).

On May 25, 1923, the Michigan legislature adopted

“AN ACT to authorize the sterilization of mentally de-

fective persons,” which class was “deemed to include id-

iots, imbeciles and the feeble-minded, but not insane per-

sons.” 1923 Mich. Pub. Acts 453, No. 285, § 1. “When-

ever a person is adjudged defective.” the court was au-

thorized to “order such treatment by x-rays or operation

of vasectomy or salpingectomy. ..” Id. at 454, § 2.

In a 1929 amendment, the legislature “hereby de-

clared [it] to be the policy of the state *o prevent the pro-

creation and increase in number of feeble-minded. in-

sane and epileptic persons. idiots, imbeciles. moral de-

generates, and sexual perverts, likely to become a men-

ace to society or wards of the state. The provisions of this

act are to be liberally construed to accomplish this pur-

pose.” 1929 Mich. Pub. Acts 689-90, No. 281. § 1. The

law made it “the duty” of state officials operating the

Home for Feeble-minded “to bring to the attention of the

governing board or body of such institution and to the

state welfare commission” any “mentally defective per-

son who would be likely to procreate children unless

A-32/Michigan

closely confined or rendered incapable of procreation” for

whom they were “of the opinion” that it would be “for the

best interest of such person and of society that such men-

tally defective person should be sexually sterilized.” Id.

at 690. § 4. The law made it “the duty,” in turn. of “the

governing board or body of such institution and the state

welfare commission to cause an investigation, and ex-

amination to be made to determine whether such men-

tally defective person would be likely. if allowed to min-

gle in society, to procreate children having an inherited

tendency to feeble-mindedness, insanity, idiocy, imbe-

cility, epilepsy. or sexual degeneracy. and who would be

likely to become a social menace or a ward of the state.

and whether there is no probability that the condition of

such person would improve to such an extent as to avoid

such consequences.” Id. at 690-91.

Minnesota. In 1909, the legislature of Minnesota en-

acted a law “providing a department for incurables” for

“all idiotic and epileptic persons resident of the state. . . ”

1909 Minn. Laws 72. ch. 80. A decade later, because the

institution, located at Faribault. had filled bevond capac-

ity, the legislature authorized the state board of control

“to select from the public lands of this state, the title to

which is vested in the state, not to exceed two (2) sec-

tions of land to be used as a location for a colony for feeble-

minded persons. ...” 1919 Minn. Laws 475, ch. 407.

§ 1. In 1925, the legislature authorized residents of its

institutions “to be sterilized by the operation of vasec-

tomy or tubectomy.” 1925 Minn. Laws 140. ch. 154.

Missouri. In 1899. the “Missouri Colony for the

Feeble-minded” was established. 1899 Mo. Laws 1821,

ch. 118, art. 10. As the institution's population grew, the

“board of managers of said colony” was “empowered to

establish other colonies in temporary or permanent

camps.” 1919 Mo. Laws 183-84. § 2.

State officials continually requested increased ap-

propriations for expansion. In one annual report to the

legislature, for example. Dr. E. E. Brunner. superintend-

The Midwest/A-33

ent of the institution, stated: “We need another building

to care for the custodial type of idiot patients as that build-

ing is entirely overcrowded.” SIXTH BIENNIAL REPORT

OF THE BOARD OF MANAGERS OF THE STATE ELEEMOS-

YNARY INSTITUTIONS TO THE FIFTY-SEVENTH GENERAL

ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF MISSOURI FOR THE TWO

FISCAL YEARS BEGINNING JANUARY 1, 1931, AND END-

ING DECEMBER 31, 1932, at 291 (1933). According to

Superintendent Brunner, “[{t}he number of applications

is not an indication that the number of feeble-minded is

on the increase in the State. but to the education of the

people of the State as to the significance of

feeble-mindedness and the need of permanent custodial

care... .” Id. at 288.

Nebraska. On March 5, 1885, the Legislature of Ne-

braska passed “AN ACT te establish and endow an Asv-

lum Home for feeble-minded children and adults at or

near the city of Beatrice, Nebraska, and making appro-

priation and levy therefor.” 1885 Neb. Laws 255. ch. 52.

By 1914, Silas A. Holcomb, chairman of the newly

established state Board of Commissioners, was writing in

his first report to the governor and leyislature that “{t|he

population of the institution has increased to the point

where its capacity is taxed to the limit. The demand for

additional admissions is steady and will continue.” The

Board recommended an ambitious expansion program.

“[wjith a view of relieving the congested condition and

making suitable provisions for future admissions. FIRST

BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS

OF STATE INSTITUTIONS TO THE GOVERNOR AND LEG-

ISLATURE OF THE STATE OF NEBRASKA FOR THE BIEN.

NIUM ENDING NOVEMBER 30, 1914. at 9 (1915).

Expanded institutions would be necessary partially

as a result of projected population increases for the state.

See id. They would also be the necessary result. however.

of a comprehensive program “submit|ted| for the serious

consideration of the Governor and the legislature” of test-

ing and registration which “would unquestionably re-

A-34/Nebraska

veal others who are feeble-minded and who ought not to

be returned to society.” Id. at 10.

Observing that “(t]he only effective measures to meet

these conditions are segregation and sterilization,” the

Board criticized the then current law: “but in our state

neither of these may be applied except as a voluntary

proceeding on the part of the legal guardian of the feeble-

minded person. . . . Itisnota proceeding by which afeeble-

minded person may be committed to nor detained in the

institution against the desire of the parent or guardian.”

Id. at 11. By amending the law, “the community is en-

abled to seclude those who cannot safety be allowed to

mingle freely with their fellows. We, therefore, recom-

mend that a statute, similar to those above mentioned, be

enacted by this state to provide that admission to the in-

stitution for feeble-minded be by order of commitment

entered by the county court of the proper county, after

due hearing and finding upon a petition filed by the hus-

band, wife, parent, guardian or other person standing in

loco parentis to the alleged feeble-minded person, or by

the superintendents, managers or trustees of any insti-

tution having such person in charge, or by the county

commissioners, county attorney, superintendent or prin-

cipal of schools, or a probation officer of the county in

which such alleged feeble-minded person shall reside.”

Id. at 11-12.

The legislature responded. enacting an amendment

on April 14, 1915, extending the list of people eligible to

initiate commitment proceedings to include “the county

commissioners, county attorney, any poor law official. any

superintendent or principal of schools, or any probation

or parole officer of the county of which such idiotic. im-

becile or feeble-minded person is a bona fide resident.

... and the superintendent or managing officer of anv

public or charitable institution having in charge any id-

iotic, imbecile or feeble-minded person.” 1915 Neb. Laws

294. ch. 131. “{[Djetention” was mandated if “it shall ap-

pear that the person named in the application is an idiot.

The Midwest/A-35

an imbecile or a feeble-minded person and that the best

interests of such person or the welfare of society require

that he be committed to said institution for the feeble-

minded.” Id. at 295.“It shall be the duty of said institu-

tion to receive all such idiotic, imbecile and feeble-

minded persons duly committed thereto and to detain

them therein, and to arrest and return any who may es-

cape therefrom.” /d.

Shortly thereafter, the lawmakers passed “AN ACT

to authorize the sterilization of feeble-minded.” whose

“children would probably become a social menace” and

“would be harmful to society.” 1915 Neb. Laws 554-55.

ch. 237. The act was not approved by the governor. but

became operative without his signature.

In 1921, the legislature changed the name of the in-

stitution from the “Nebraska _ Institution for

Feeble-minded Youth” to simply the “Nebraska Institu-

tion for the Feeble-minded,” in recognition of the aban-

donment of all age restrictions. 1921 Neb. Laws 843, ch.

241, § 1. “The objects of the institution shall be to pro-

vide custodial care and humane treatment for those who

are feeble-minded, to segregate them from society. to

ig to improve their condition, [and] to classify them.”

North Dakota. The Legislative Assembly of North

Dakota in 1903 adopted “AN ACT to Establish an Insti-

tution for the Feeble Minded.” to be “permanently main-

tained at or near the city of Grafton” for “all idiotic and

epileptic persons residents of this state.” 1903 N.D. Sess.

Laws 142, 143, ch. 108, §§ 1, 6. State Superintendent L.

B. Baldwin reported that it was “advisable that they be

placed in institutions of this character for life. A rela-

tionship exists between the forms of degeneracy. namely.

the criminal, the inebriate, the prostitute and the feeble

minded.” The view of state officials was that “to protect

posterity,” it was necessary to undertake “the gathering

of this great number of defectives into institutions and

colonies.” FIRST BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE NORTH Da.

A-36/North Dakota

KOTA INSTITUTIONS FOR FEEBLE MINDED AT GRAFTON

FOR THE PERIOD ENDING JUNE 30, 1904 TO THE GOV-

ERNOR OF NORTH DAKOTA 9-10 (1904).

In 1909, the Legislative Assembly promoted the per-

manent segregation of those committed by providing that

“any inmate of such institution shall not be removed

therefrom,” except by written application, and “said re-

quest must receive the approval of the superintendent

before such inmate can be removed.” 1909 N.D. Sess.

Laws 317-18, ch. 213, § 1.

In 1913, the legislature provided that “any feeble

minded person who is offensive to the public peace or to

good morals, and who is a proper subject for clussifica-

tion and discipline in the institution, may be commit-

ted” without consent. 1913 N.D. Sess. Laws 222. ch. 166,

§ 1. This provision was enacted as an emergency meas-

ure in view of “the fact that there is now no law for com-

pulsory commitment of feeble-minded persons obnox-

ious to the peace and good morals of the public.” Id. § 3.

The Legislative Assembly authorized the superin-

tendent to “admit to the institution temporarily. without

commitment, under such rules and regulations as the

Board of Administration may prescribe. for purposes of

observation, such children or adults as are suspected of

being feeble minded or idiotic. to ascertain whether or

not such person is actually mentally detective and a proper

case for care, treatment and training in an institudion tor

the feeble-minded.” 1921 N.D. Sess. Laws 123. ch. 64.

It was also made “the duty of the superintendent” to

“report quarterly to the Board of Examiners herein pro-

vided for. all feeble-minded” who were considered as hav -

ing “potential to producing off-spring. who. because of

inheritance of inferior or antisocial traits. would probably

become a social menace. . . .” 1927 N.D. Sess. Laws 433.

ch. 263, § 1. The Board would. following a hearing, “make

an order requiring such person to be sterilized.” Id. at

434. § 3. The purpose of the law was to “protect society

from the menace of procreation by said inmate.” Id. § 5.

The Midwest/A-37

Ohio. As early as 1857, the General Assembly of Ohio

established the “Ohio State Asylum for Idiots.” 1857 Ohio

Laws 190, 191.

In 1898, Ohio lawmakers established “a custodial de-

partment” for the “detention” of “idiotic and

ye yer So and adults,” 1898 Ohio Laws

.§1, an involuntary commitmen

cedure, id. at 211, § 6. iad —

In 1912, Superintendent E. J. Emerick called for in-

creased facilities. “If we could segregate these defectives

when they are young and keep them confined during their

natural lives, it would obviate the expense of having them

committed repeatedly to our penitentiaries when thev

grow older. Under our present plan they are sent to our

penal instituticas for a short term after committing some

crime, allowed to go out again, scatter their progeny. and

commit other crimes and depredations, only to be recom-

mitted time after time. . . . If we take these children into

our institution, brighten them up as best we can. and

turn them loose on the public, it has not only been a

<oad Ga tuienncbie bageny = Wea: Ther Sagreoeoinn

ury.” k, The tion

of the Defective in PROCEEDINGS OF ong yg

EDUCATION ASSOCIATION. 1912, at 1291-92 (1912).

Emerick and others continued the same theme for the

next several years. See E. J. EMERICK, THE PROBLEM OF

THE FEEBLEMINDED (1913); JUVENILE PROTECTIVE AS-

SOCIATION OF CINCINNATI, THE FEEBLEMINDED. OR.

THE HUB TO OUR WHEEL OF VICE (1915); M. SESSIONS.

THE FEEBLEMINDED IN OHIO (1918).

In 1919, the legislature established “an additional in-

stitution in the state for the custody, supervision. con-

trol, care, maintenance, and training of feeble-minded

opm to ——— “feeble-minded persons committed

custody care from any county i 4

1919 Ohio Laws 430. te ? Rae

South Dakota. South Dakota's first facility for the

segregation of retarded people was a department of the

A-38/South Dakota

rn Hospital for the Insane established as early as

1903. 1003 SD. Sess. Laws 169, ch. 101. In 1917, the

legislature enacted the state's first sterilization law, mak-

ing it “the duty” of the State Board of Charities and Cor-

rections to order the sterilization of “any of said inmates

[who] would produce children with a tendency to dis-

ease, feeble-mindedness, idiocy or imbecility. .. .” 1917

S.D. Sess. Laws 378-379, ch. 236, § 2. an

1921, the legislature passed an act “RELA y

TO THE SEGREGATION OF FEEBLE MINDED.

1921 S.D. Sess. Laws 344, ch. 235. The law created the

State Commission for the Control of the Feeble Minded

and empowered it “to make all necessary rules and reg-

ulations pertaining to the segregation, care and control

of feeble minded persons. ...” Id. §§ 1, 3. It was “the

purpose of this act to provide that all feeble minded per-

sons resident within this state shall become the wards of

the state and shall be kept segregated.” Id. § 2. In order

to enforce this mandate, the “state commission shall make

a survey of all state institutions and of the state generally

to ascertain the persons whom they believe to be feeble-

minded in order that said state commission may make

necessary complaints to the county commission. Id. at

344-45, § 5. Additionally. “[{ajll teachers were required

to “report all feeble-minded children coming to their at-

tention to the state board.” Id. at 345. This system of

outreach efforts to systematically segregate retarded peo-

ple became known nationwide as the “South Dakota

Plan.” and became a model for sirzular efforts in other

states. The legislation was decmed by the Commission to

“constitute a substantially laid foundation upon which to

erect the super-structure of a wise social and economic

administration of the feeble-minded problem.” STATE OF

SOUTH DAKOTA, SECOND BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE

COMMISSION FOR SEGREGATION AND CONTROL OF THE

FEEBLE-MINDED FOR THE PERIOD ENDING JUNE 30,

1928 To THE GOVERNOR 2 (1928).

The Midwest/A-39 -

The Commission proposed legislation to require the

“identification of all feeble-minded in the state and their

registration as a matter of record [,| ... a continuative

census |,] ... supervision and control by properly con-

stituted authorities [,]. . . [and] the operation of the ster-

ilization law and the anti-marriage law. In fact the law is

designed to give the defective the protection of the state.

and at the same time to protect the state against his so-

cial inadequacy.” STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA, THIRD BI-

ENNIAL REPORT OF THE COMMISSION FOR SEGREGATION

AND CONTROL OF THE FEEBLE-MINDED FOR THE PE-

RIOD ENDING JUNE 30, 1930 TO THE GOVERNOR 3

(1930). The Commission warned that the proposed leg-

islation was necessary due to the large numbers of “feeble-

minded” who were “at large and uncontrolled by the

state.” Id. at 4.

On February 19, 1931, the comprehensive law re-

quested by the Commission was enacted. The term “fee-

ble minded” was broadly and vaguely defined to include

“all individuals, except the insane, who by reason of men-

tal deficiency are incapable of doing the work of the grades

in the public schools in a reasonable ratio to their years

of life; or who by reason of mental deficiency and other

associated defects are incapable of making the proper ad-

justments to life for one of their chronological age.” 1931

S.D. Sess. Laws 200. ch. 153. § 1. The Commission

drafted into the law its paramount “authority in all mat-

ters pertaining to the care, supervision..and control of all

feeble-minded persons in the State of South Dakota not

confined within the state school and home for the feeble

minded. Said commission shal] determine the conditions

under which such feeble minded persons shall be per-

mitted to remain outside of said institution: and when.

and under what conditions, commitment to such insti-

tution shall be required.” Jd. § 2. The Commission was

given “the duty” to “maintain a continuative census of

the feeble minded in the state. and all boards of educa-

tion, school principals. county superintendents of

A-40/South Dakota

schools, city school superintendents, and teachers, are

hereby specifically required to give said commission, or

its agents, such access as the commission, or its agents.

deem necessary to all school records, and to all children

within their control for purposes of examination. . . .” Id.

§ 3(a). Moreover, it was to “be the duty of all teachers,

city school superintendents and county superintendents

of schools” as well as “the duty of all doctors, nurses,

hospitals, penal and charitable institutions, county wel-

fare boards, public health officers, and public officers.

boards, or commissions within the State of South Da-

kota, to report to the state commission for the control of

the feeble minded the name. age. and residence of all

children believed by them to be feeble minded and also to

furnish whenever requested by the state commission for

control of the feeble minded any and all information

which they may have relative to the name, age, residence

and antecedents of any person believed to be feeble

minded.” Id. § 3(b), (c). “Sub-Commissions,” were es-

tablished in each county of the state “under the direct

authority of the state commission” with the “specific au-

thority” to “apprehend, examine, commit, establish

guardianships, transport, and maintain the custody of

any feeble minded person within their respective coun-

ties.” Id. at 200-01, § 4. “It shall also be the duty of each

sub-commission to declare to be feeble minded all of those

persons whom the sub-commission, or whom a majority

of the members of such sub-commission. find upon in-

vestigation and examination to be feeble minded; and

forthwith to commit such feeble minded to the supervi-

sion and control of the state commission. . . .” Id. at 201.

§ 6.

This legislation, according to the Commission.

“would serve the purpose of securing control and super-

vision of all the feeble-minded outside of institutions in

the State.” STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA. FOURTH BIEN-

NIAL REPORT OF THE COMMISSION FOR SEGREGATION

AND CONTROL OF THE FEEBLE-MINDED FOR THE PE-

The Midwest/A-41

RIOD ENDING JUNE 30, 1932 To THE GOVERN

(1932). “[T]he Commission was thoroughly heal

that the great problem of feeble-mindedness lay in that

large group of feeble-minded outside of institutions,”

who were “scattered throughout the population” and “in

possession of all the rights and liberties of normal peo-

ple.” Id. The Commission found that most of “the feeble-

minded were at large and uncontrolled by the State,” id..

but that would change: “To have control there must be:

ist, Identification; 2nd, Examination; 3rd, Registration;

4th, Supervision; 5th, Prevention (of marriage): 6th, Ster-

ilization. The new law is designed

ments.” Id. signed to fulfill these require-

Commission personnel “were sent into the vario

counties and through contact with the schools. adiiean

boards, health officers, social agencies, physicians,

nurses, and public agencies of every kind, sought to lo-

cate every possible feeble-minded individual.” Id. at 9.

Two years later, the Commission reported “

; th

number who have been committed to the it esa

_ Sion, those who are segregated in the institution and those

who have been sterilized, are now all under State Con-

trol.” STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA. FIFTH BIENNIAL RE-

PORT OF THE STATE COMMISSION FOR THE CONTROL OF

THE FEEBLE-MINDED For THE PERIOD ENDING JUNE

30, 1934 TO THE GOVERNOR 5 (1934). The Commission

complained, though, that the state’s sterilization law was

“much too complicated and achi

Mercy 7 cumbersome to achieve the

The legislature agreed, enacting legislation t

lowing February giving each Sicl>Countitintan. “reel

ing a hearing, “the power to make an order for the ster-

ilization of any feeble-minded person found within its re-

spective county. . . .” 1935 $.D. Sess. Laws 163. ch. 113

§ 1. A petition for sterilization could be “filed with the

Chairman of the Sub-Commission of the County in which

A-42/South Dakota

the person believed to be feeble-minded is found,” by

‘oun menadil of the County in which such person may

. oe

" Thebes th Dakota Plan” was in effect in similar form

at least through 1968. See STATE OF SOUTH DAKOTA.

TWENTY-SECOND BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE STATE

COMMISSION FOR THE MENTALLY RETARDED FOR THE

PERIOD ENDING JUNE 30, 1968 TO THE GOVERNOR

agg; Smee Public support in Wisconsin for segre-

gation of retarded people did not begin in earnest until

the 1890s. Among those lobbying for the establishment

of an institution, through a state-wide petition drive, were

the Board of Health, the Federation of Women’s Organ-

ization, and the State Teachers Association. One such

petition, signed by the léading citizens of Washburn

County in 1891, called for the building of an institution

“for the feeble-minded, who are a constant menace to the

good order of society, and to social and domestic safety

and tranquility. . . .” Quoted in A. RUGG. ONE HUNDRED

YEARS OF PUBLIC CARE FOR PEOPLE WITH MENTAL RE-

TARDATION IN WISCONSIN 8 (1983).

Dr. J. H. McBride, a member of the Wisconsin Con-

ference of Charities and Corrections, stated the popular

belief that retarded children should be removed from the

family: “That an idiot child is, with its repulsive appear-

ance and disorderly habits, a demoralizing association

for brothers and sisters, a thing that would seem to go

without saying. Daily experience with the course and

rude behavior of an idiot is an experience that must, of

necessity, be seriously injuring to young and tender na-

tures.” PROCEEDINGS OF THE WISCONSIN CONFERENCE

OF CHARITIES AND CORRECTIONS 118 (1890).

In 1895, the legislature established “The Wisconsin

Home for feeble-minded.” 1895 Wis. Laws 280. ch. 138.

§ 1. The facility was for “{ajll feeble-minded, epileptic

and idiotic persons, residents of the state.” Id. at 241. § 4.

The law was amended in 1897, to provide that “when-

The Midwest/A-43

ever it shall appear that any feeble-minded female of child-

bearing age is, by reason of her condition, a menace to

society, it is the duty of the supervisor to bring the person

before the county judge... .” 1897 Wis. Laws. ch. 360.

§ 1...

In his first biennial report, Superintendent Alfred W.

Wilmarth requested of the legislature increased appro-

priations for additional dormitories in order to “purge so-

ciety and obstruct the increase of feeble-mindedness.”

WISCONSIN BOARD OF CONTROL. BIENNIAL REPORT 321

(1898). What training that was provided focussed upon

“educating the child as a useful member of the institu:

tional community where he will always live.” WISCON.

SIN BOARD OF CONTROL, BIENNIAL REPORT 356 (1904).

Indeed, Superintendent Wilmarth complained in his re- :

port of the “annoyance ... created by friends of some

children who demand their release when they are en-

tirely unfit to go into general society.” Id. at 376.

By 1912, state officials were reporting that the work

of the institution basically “consist{ed] of separatin

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