Amicus Curiae Brief — Countyof Oneida v. Oneida Indian Nation of NY

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Office - Supreme Court, U.S.

FILED

JUL 16 1984

Nos. 83-1065 and 83-1240

ALEXANDER L STEVA

In THE CLERK -

Supreme Court of the United States ae

OCTOBER TERM, 1983

THE COUNTY OF ONEIDA, NEW YORK, et al.,

vy. Petitioners,

THE ONEIDA INDIAN NATION OF NEW YORK, et al.,

— Respondents.

THE STATE OF NEW YORK,

Vv. Petitioner,

THE ONEIDA INDIAN NATION OF NEW YORK, et al.,

Respondents.

On Writs of Certiorari to the United States

Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit

BRIEF AMICI CURIAE OF

ASSOCIATION ON AMERICAN INDIAN AFFAIRS, INC.,,

NATIONAL CONGRESS OF AMERICAN INDIANS,

SENECA NATION OF INDIANS OF NEW YORK

AND SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA

IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS

ARTHUR LAZARUS, JR., P.C.

FRIED, FRANK, HARRIS, SHRIVER

& KAMPELMAN

(A Partnership Including

Professional Corporations)

600 New Hampshire Avenue, N.W.

Suite 1000

Washington, D.C. 20037

(202) 342-3500

Attorney of Record for Association

on American Indian Affairs, Inc.,

National Congress of American

Indians and Seneca Nation

of Indians

JERRY C. STRAUS

Hosss, STRAUS, DEAN & WILDER

1735 New York Avenue, N.W.

Sixth Floor

Of Counsel: Washington, D.C. 20006

(202) 783-5100

=. Bavean Govan Attorney of Record for Seminole

July 16, 1984 Tribe of Florida

EST AVAILABLE COPY

wi wr = .

,

—_—__—_— ee

a

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

ARGUMENT

I. This Court and Congress both have recognized

that the Trade and Intercourse Acts authorize

suits by the United States and Indian tribes to

preserve or redeem interests in land

A. This Court already has determined that In-

dian tribes may sue to preserve or redeem

tribal property rights ...

qgpnoscscerereneccssoenccensnessees

. This Court and lower federal courts have rec-

ognized implicitly the validity and justiciabil-

ity of suits brought to redeem tribal property

rights guaranteed under the Trade and Inter-

course Acts

. Congress has manifested an understanding

that the 1834 Trade and Intercourse Act and

its predecessors authorize suits by tribes to

protect their property rights and, because the

1793 Act is substantially identical to the

other statutes, causes of action which exist

under the 1834 Act necessarily are proper

under the 1793 Act

The Oneida Nation and other Indian tribes have

an implied right of action under the 1793 Trade

and Intercourse Act and successor statutes

A. The declaratory language of the 1793 Act and

its legislative history, analyzed in light of the

law of that time, demonstrate a plain intent

on the part of Congress to recognize a right

of action for Indian tribes

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS—Conrtinued

B. Indian tribes were the intended beneficiaries

of the Trade and Intercourse Acts, and suits

by tribes to redress violations of the Acts

further the legislative purpose ..................--..

C. Because Indian property rights are the exclu-

sive domain of federal law in which state law

is without effect, inference of a cause of ac-

tion based solely on federal law is most

BDPTOPTIALE ..........-00..--c-.ereceseserencrsescserensesesesoosees

III. The rule that ratification of a treaty extinguish-

ing Indian title may not be implied in the absence

of an expression of plain and unambiguous con-

gressional intent rests on settled doctrines of

statutory construction that are of fundamental

importance to the protection of Indian property

a

Page

18

20

21

26

iii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

Cases: Page

Antoine V. Washington, 420 U.S. 194 (1974) _....... 24

Assiniboine and Sioux Tribes v. Calvert Explora-

tion Co., 223 F. Supp. 909 (D. Mont. 1963) ......9, 10, 12

Bryan V. Itasca County, 426 U.S. 373 (1976)... 23

Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, 30 U.S. (5 Pet.) 1

EES EE mF Te

Cherokee Nation v. Hitchcock, 187 U.S. 294

(1902) . —_ 7

Cherokee Nation V. Southern Kansas Railway Co.,

I eeres 7

Choctaw & Chickasaw Nations v. Seitz, 193 F.2d

CE 6

Confederated Salish & Kootenai Tribes v. Namen,

665 F.2d 961 (9th Cir. 1982) -..............000. 24

Cort Vv. Ash, 422 U.S. 66 (1975) —.......00.000... 18, 19, 20

Creek Nation v. United States, 318 U.S. 629

(1943) . 6

DeCoteau v. "District ‘County ‘Court, 420 U. S. ‘425

(1975) . — ae +

Federal Power Commission v. - Tuscerore Indian

Nation, 362 U.S. 99 (1960) ....................... ae: 9,10, 19

Heckman V. United States, 224 U.S. 413 (1912)...... 18

Idaho Vv. Andrus, 720 F.2d 1461 (9th Cir. 1983) ...... 22

Jaeger Y. United States, 27 Ct. Cl. 278 (1892)........ 7

Johnson V. M’Intosh, 21 U.S. (8 Wheat.) 543

SS, 15

Klamath Indian Tribe v. Oregon Department of

Fish and Wildlife, 729 F.2d 609 (9th Cir. 1984). 24

Lane V. Pueblo of Santa Rosa, 249 U.S. 110 (1919)... 5, 6,7

“a Tiger V. Western Investment Co., 221 U.S.

286 (1911) .. ae Se oa 18

Marsh Vv. Brooks, 49 US. 223 (1850) . a 10

McCarty Vv. Hollis, 120 F.2d 540 (10th Cir. 1941). 16

Menominee Tribe v. United States, 391 U.S. 404

ESE SSA TE 23

Merrill, Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith v. Curran,

ree 15, 16

Mescalero Apache Tribe v. Jones, 411 U.S. 145

a ane detedeansiontieenetetiiiateeneteneen 2

iv

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Mullen v. United States, 224 U.S. 448 (1912) -........

New Mezico v. Aamodt, 537 F.2d 1102 (10th Cir.

ee

Northwestern Bands of Shoshone Indians v. United

States, 324 U.S. 335 (1945) .

Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe, 435 U. S. 191

TA ree a

Oneida Indian — v. County of Oneida, 414

GE ile

Oneida Indian Sesion v. County of Oneida, 719

F.2d 525 (2d Cir. 1983) .. ~ 18,

Plains Electric Generation and Transmission Co-

operative Vv. Pueblo of Laguna, 542 F.2d 1375

(10th Cir. 1976) ~..........

Poafpybitty v. Skelly Oil Company, 390 U. s. 365

a

Pueblo of Santa Rosa Vv. . Fall, 273 U. S. 315 (1927).

Puyallup Tribe v. Department of Game, 391 U.S.

892 (1968) .. es

Ramah Navajo School Board v. Bureau of Reve enue,

458 U.S. 832 (1982) ;

Rosebud Sioux Tribe v. Kneip, 430 U. s. 684

(1977) — -_ a

Santa Clara Pueblo V. Mertines, 436 U.S. 49

= ee

Seminole Nation V. United States, 316 U.S. 286

SID” inctennseinnnnntiiinnineteeniieniiiaitedl —

Seneca Nation v. New York, 397 F. “Supp. 685

I

Seneca Nation V. United States, 173 Ct. CL 912

en

Solem Vv. Bartlett, 104 S.Ct. 1161 (1984) ....... —_

Texas & Pacific Railroad v. Rigsby, 241 U.S. 33

RR

Texas Industries, Inc. v. . Radcliff Materials, Inc.,

451 U.S. 680 (1981) ................................

The New York Indians, 72 U.S. (5 Wall.) 761

AR ne AT IR PO a

19, 21

24

10

. 21, 22

2, 22

16

14

v

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

Transamerica Mortgage Advisors, Inc. Vv. Lewis,

en 17

United States vy. Boylan, 265 F. 165 (2d Cir. 1920) .. 16

United States v. Candelaria, 271 U.S. 432 (1926) ..7, 8, 16

United States v. City of Salamanca, 27 F. Supp.

8 eee 16

United States v. Colvard, 89 F.2d 312 (4th Cir.

EE ae ee ee ee 16

United States v. Forness, 125 F.2d 928 (2d Cir.),

cert. denied sub nom. City of Salamanca V.

United States, 316 U.S. 694 (1942) —............... 16

Unitec States v. Sandoval, 231 U.S. 28 (1918)... 5

United States v. Santa Fe Pacific Railroad Co., 314

FS ee ee icone ..21, 22, 23

United States v. 7,405 Acres of Land, 97 F.2d 417

RL ES 16

United States v. Southern Pacific Transportation

Co., 543 F.2d 676 (9th Cir. 1976) ..................... 9

Warren Trading Post Co. v. Arizona State Tax

Commission, 380 U.S. 685 (1965) 0.00... 2

Washington v. Washington State Commercial Pas-

senger Fishing Vessel Association, 443 U.S. 658

Statutes:

ee ee 23, 24

Watson Vv. United States, 263 F. 700 (8th Cir.

ee 18

Wilson v. Omaha Indian Tribe, 442 U.S. 653

Ne 19

Yoder v. Assiniboine and Sioux Tribes, 339 F.2d

860 (9th Cir. 1964) 0... siciiaetiiaaliliania 10, 12, 13

ET passim

ee 18

25 U.S.C. $§ 1701-1716 ...........-.-- 13

25 U.S.C. $§ 1721-1735 ......... eS ee ee 18

RE 18

CT ALD m 13

28 U.S.C. § 1331 (a) ...... a sumpunieueasnemasmianes 12

vi

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued

Page

I O——————————————————EEE a 12

QI RE ___—————————————E 13

General Allotment Act of 1887, c. 119, § 5, 24 Stat.

rn 18

Indian Trade and Intercourse Acts ........................-.-. passim

Act of May 6, 1822, c. 58, § 4, 3 Stat. 682, 683 ...11, 12, 17

Act of March 3, 1863, c. 92, § 9, 12 Stat. 765, 767.. 7

Act of March 3, 1887, c. 359, § 1, 24 Stat. 505...... 7

Act of January 5, 1927, ch. 22, 44 Stat. 932 _........ 21

Pub. L. 89-635, § 1, 80 Stat. 880 (1966) —............... 12

Pub. L. 95-395, 92 Stat. 813 (1978) ~............... 13

Pub. L. 96-420, 94 Stat. 1785 (1980) —..................... 13

Pub. L. 97-399, 96 Stat. 2012 (1982) —.................... 13

Pub. L. 98-134, 97 Stat. 851 (1983) —.................... 13

Congressional Materials:

H. Rep. 2040, 89th Cong., 2d Sess. (1966) ............ 12

Miscellaneous :

I American State Papers (1834) -............. oe 17

III Blackstone Commentaries (1st ed. 1768) ~......... 16

F. Prucha, American Indian Policy in the Forma-

tive Years: The Indian Trade and Intercourse

Acts 1790-1834 (1962) .. — 19

Note, The Canons of Indian Treaty and Statutory

Construction: A Proposal for Codification, 17

U. Mich. J.L. Ref. (1984) _. saussaiiiaciaadh 23

In THE

Supreme Court of the United States

OCTOBER TERM, 1983

Nos. 83-1065 and 83-1240

THE COUNTY OF ONEIDA, NEW YORK, et al.,

. Petitioners,

THE ONEIDA INDIAN NATION OF NEW YorK, et al.,

Respondents.

THE STATE OF NEW YORK,

Petitioner,

v.

THE ONEIDA INDIAN NATION OF NEW YORK, et al.,

Respondents.

On Writs of Certiorari to the United States

Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit

BRIEF AMICI CURIAE OF

ASSOCIATION ON AMERICAN INDIAN AFFAIRS, INC.,

NATIONAL CONGRESS OF AMERICAN INDIANS,

SENECA NATION OF INDIANS OF NEW YORK

AND SEMINOLE TRIBE OF FLORIDA

IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS

Pursuant to Rule 36.2, the Association on American

Indian Affairs, Inc., a tax-exempt organization having

its principal office at 432 Park Avenue South, New York,

New York 10016; the National Congress of American

2

Indians, a corporation having its principal office at 804

D Street, N.E., Washington, D.C. 20002; the Seneca

Nation of Indians of New York, having its principal

office at P.O. Box 231, Salamanca, New York 14779; and

the Seminole Tribe of Florida, having its principal office

at 6073 Stirling Road, Hollywood, Florida 33024; file

the attached brief amici curiae in support of the respond-

ents in the above-captioned case. Petitioners, the Coun-

ties of Oneida and Madison, New York and the State of

New York, and Respondents, the Oneida Indian Nation,

et al., have consented in writing to the filing of this brief.

INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE

The Association on American Indian Affairs, Inc., is

a nonprofit membership corporation organized under the

laws of the State of New York for the purpose of pro-

tecting the rights and improving the welfare of American

Indians. The Association is the largest Indian-interest

organization in the United States, and is nation-wide in

scope, with a membership of 50,000 that consists of both

Indians and non-Indians. The Association frequently has

participated in leading cases involving issues of Indian

law before the federal and state courts, including the fil-

ing of a brief with this Court in DeCoteau v. District

County Court, 420 U.S. 425 (1975), and the filing of

briefs amicus curiae in Solem v. Bartlett, 104 S.Ct. 1161

(1984), Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe, 435 U.S.

191 (1978), Mescalero Apache Tribe v. Jones, 411 U.S.

145 (1973), Puyallup Tribe v. Department of Game, 391

U.S. 392 (1968), and Warren Trading Post Co. v. Ari-

zona State Tax Commission, 380 U.S. 685 (1965).

The National Congress of American Indians (“NCAI’’)

was founded in 1944 and is the oldest and largest na-

tional organization of Indian governments and individ-

uals in the United States, with a membership of fed-

erally recognized tribes representing a combined popula-

3

tion of over 750,000 American Indian and Alaska Native

people. NCAI and its membership have a profound con-

cern with the ability of Indian tribes to protect their

property rights. Such property rights are critical to the

survival of Indian tribes as disti:ct cultural entities, and

to the economic development desperately needed to break

the cycle of poverty which has plagued Indian people for

generations.

The Seneca Nation of Indians of New York and the

Seminole Tribe of Florida are federally recognized Indian

tribes which exercise powers of self-government. The

Seneca Nation and Seminole Tribe have engaged in liti-

gation under 25 U.S.C. § 177 in defense of their property

rights. Were the Court to rule that Indian tribes lack

the power to protect their property rights under § 177,

these Indian governments would be deprived of one of

the few remaining means by which they may defend

their reservation lands from illegal takings.

This case presents grave questions of: (1) the con-

tinuing ability of Indian tribal governments to sue in

defense of property rights protected by 25 U.S.C. § 177;

and (2) the standard by which the courts determine

whether any given act of Congress extinguishes tribal

land title.

In order to facilitate the Court’s consideration of the

extremely broad legal and policy implications of this case,

amici have chosen to address the two issues noted above

in a manner somewhat different than the respondents.

Specifically, the attached brief is offered to assist the

Court in recognizing that: (1) the Court previously has

entertained actions by both the United States and Indian

tribes predicated on the Trade and Intercourse Acts, and

Congress has manifested its understanding that such

suits are appropriate; (2) congressional ratification of

illegal takings of Indian land can be accomplished only

by legislation which expresses a plain and unambiguous

4

congressional intent to do so; and (3) a decision by this

Court that tribes have no right to sue for violations of

the Trade and Intercourse Acts will deprive tribes

throughout the nation of the ability currently to defend

their property against unauthorized expropriation.

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

Indian tribes generally have capacity to maintain suit

for the protection of their property, a status under law

which has existed from the very inception of this nation

and which was acknowledged as early as 1790 by Presi-

dent Washington. This Court and the lower federal

courts also have recognized the specific right of the

United States and Indian tribes, jointly or separately, to

sue for redress of violations of the Trade and Intercourse

Acts. Such suits not only address ancient wrongs, but

serve more particularly to protect reservation lands cur-

rently from unauthorized invasions or illegal expropria-

tions.

In accordance with applicable canons of statutory con-

struction, Indian tribes have possessed an implied right

of action under all the Trade and Intercourse Acts. In

addition to the language and legislative histories of these

Acts, Congress clearly manifested its intent to sanction

private suits by Indian tribes through an 1822 amend-

ment to the 1802 Act assigning the burden of proof in

trials concerning property rights “in which Indians shall

be a party. ...” Indian tribes were the intended bene-

ficiaries of the Trade and Intercourse Acts, and suits by

tribes to redress violations of the Act obviously further

the legislative purpose.

Congressional ratification of illegal takings of Indian

land may not be implied absent a showing of a plain and

unambiguous legislative intent to achieve that result.

Such an intent does not exist in this case.

5

ARGUMENT

I. This Court and Congress both have recognized that the

Trade and Intercourse Acts authorize suits by the

United States and Indian tribes to preserve or redeem

interests in land.

A. This Court already has determined that Indian

tribes may sue to preserve or redeem tribal prop-

erty rights.

The seminal case regarding the right of Indian tribes

to sue in order to protect their real property interests

is Lane Vv. Pueblo of Santa Rosa, 249 U.S. 110 (1919).

In that case, the Pueblo sued to enjoin the Secretary of

the Interior from disposing of lands in which the Pueblo

claimed a property interest. The United States defended

on the ground that the Pueblo was not a legal entity and

lacked capacity to sue. This Court rejected the argument,

noting first that the Pueblo’s status as an Indian govern-

ment' alone was sufficient to give it the capacity to sue:

During the Spanish, as also the Mexican, dominion,

it enjoyed a large measure of local self-government

and was recognized as having capacity to acquire

and hold lands and other property. With much rea-

son this might be regarded as enabling and entitling

it to become a suitor for the purpose of enforcing or

defending its property interests.

249 U.S. at 112. (Emphasis added.)

The Court ultimately relied upon a territorial statute

in holding that the Pueblo could maintain its suit. Jd.

The Lane case, however, is memorable for the preceden-

tial views expressed therein regarding the general capacity

1! The rule that Indian pueblos have essentially the same status

as Indian tribes was established in United States v. Sandoval, 231

U.S. 28 (1913).

6

of Indian tribes to sue in defense of their property. Thus,

in Creek Nation v. United States, 318 U.S. 629, 640

(1943), the Court observed, citing Lane and other cases,

that the Creek Nation and Seminole Nation “had .. . as

a general legal right . . . the power to bring actions on

their own behalf.” Similarly, in Poafpybitty v. Skelly Oil

Company, 390 U.S. 365 (1968), the Court quoted with

approval a lower court statement that the past decisions

of this Court “clearly recognized the rights of .. . In-

dian tribes or pueblos to maintain actions with respect

to their lands... .” Jd. at 371, quoting Choctaw &

Chickasaw Nations v. Seitz, 193 F.2d 456, 459 (10th Cir.

1951).

Petitioners do not dispute tribal capacity to sue, but

argue instead that judicial recognition of such capacity

is a recent phenomenon. Thus, they posit, Congress could

not have intended to allow actions by tribes to redeem

rights granted under the 1793 Act. Act of March 1,

1793, c. 19, § 8, 1 Stat. 329, 330. What the petitioners

fail to mention is that questions about tribal capacity to

sue arose towards the beginning of the Twentieth Cen-

tury, not the Nineteenth, and, when the issue finally was

raised, it was resolved in the tribes’ favor in no uncer-

tain terms: “Of their capacity to maintain such a suit,

we entertain no doubt.” Lane, supra, 249 U.S. at 113.

In the landmark case of Cherokee Nation v. Georgia,

30 U.S. (5 Pet.) 1 (1831), this Court decided that an

Indian tribe is a “state,”* but not a “foreign state”

2 Just as the Pueblo of Santa Rosa under Spanish and Mexican

law, the Cherokee Nation under American law “enjoyed a large

measure of local self-government and was recognized as having

capacity to acquire and hold lands and other property.” Cf. Lane

v. Pueblo of Santa Rosa, supra, 249 U.S. at 112. Having the capacity

to treat with the United States for the purpose of acquirirg, ced-

ing and selling real property, the Cherokee Nation must have had

the capacity to sue for the protection of those rights. /d.

7

within the meaning of Article III of the Constitution

and, therefore, not capable of bringing an original peti-

tion against one of the United States in the Supreme

Court. Jd. at 15-16. In so holding, the Court not only

did not question the Cherokee Nation’s capacity to sue,

but impliedly affirmed that right, saying: “If it be true

that the Cherokee Nation have rights, this is not the

tribunal in which those rights are to be asserted.” Id.

at 20 (emphasis added). Thus, in the Court’s view, the

issue was not whether the Cherokee Nation could sue,

but, rather, in what court it might do so.* Petitioners’

reliance upon Cherokee Nation for the proposition that

Indian tribes long were regarded as lacking capacity to

sue, therefore, is wholly misplaced.* See also Cherokee

Nation v. Southern Kansas Railway Co., 135 U.S. 641

(1890); Cherokee Nation v. Hitchcock, 187 U.S. 294

(1902).

8 Significantly, one of the claims of the Cherokee Nation was that

the Georgia laws violated the Trade and Intercourse Act of 1802.

Cherokee Nation, supra, 30 U.S. at 7.

* Petitioners’ reliance on Jaeger v. United States, 27 Ct. Cl. 278

(1892) also is misplaced. The Jaeger court suggested in dicta that

Cherokee Nation and other cases discussing the wardship status of

Indian tribes yielded a general lack of capacity to sue. The Jaeger

court simply was mistaken, perhaps because Indian tribes expressly

were barred frorn filing suit in the Court of Claims—a statutory

bar, incidentally, which need not have been created if the tribes

had no capacity to sue. See § 9 of the Act of March 3, 1863, c. 92,

12 Stat. 765, 767; § 1 of the Tucker Act of March 3, 1887, c. 359, 24

Stat. 505. Later decisions of this Court make clear that the tribes’

status as wards of the federal government imposes no disability in

terms of their right to sue to protect their property rights. United

States v. Candelaria, 271 U.S. 432 (1926): Lane v. Pueblo of Santa

Rosa, supra. That few cases involving tribes were brought in fed-

eral courts reflects the fact that they were courts of limited juris-

diction, not a lack of tribal capacity.

8

B. This Court and lower federal courts have recog-

nized implicitly the validity and justiciability of

suits brought to redeem tribal property rights

guaranteed under the Trade and Intercourse Acts.

In United States v. Candelaria, 271 U.S. 482 (1926),

the United States filed suit to quiet title against certain

persons who were asserting what was alleged to be a

false claim to certain lands belonging to the Pueblo of

Laguna by virtue of a Spanish grant. “The suit was

brought on the theory that these Indians are wards of

the United States and that it therefore has authority and

is under a duty to protect them in the ownership and

enjoyment of their lands.” Jd. at 437. Although the

source of the defendants’ claim of title to the lands is not

made clear in the opinion, two prior court decrees were

asserted by the defendants as a bar to the suit. The

United States had not participated in the prior litigation.

The key issue in Candelaria was whether the previous

judgments passed good title to the defendants. This

Court ruled that they did not because they were not ren-

dered in compliance with the Trade and Intercourse Acts.

Specifically, after noting the existence of both the 1834

Act and an i851 statute extending that Act’s coverage

to tribes in New Mexico (271 U.S. at 441, citing Act of

June 30, 1834, c. 161, § 12, 4 Stat. 729, 730, 25 U.S.C.

§ 177), the Court said:

A judgment or decree which operates directly or in-

directly to transfer the lands from the Indians,

where the United States has not authorized or ap-

peared in the suit, infringes that restriction. The

United States has an interest in maintaining and

enforcing the restriction which cannot be affected by

such a judgment or decree.

Candelaria, supra, 271 U.S. at 443-44. Thus, in a case

in which, like the case at bar, a Trade and Intercourse

Act right underlay the claim, the United States was

9

found capable of filing suit to redeem the property of an

Indian tribe.

The authority of the United States to file suit under

the 1834 Act never has been deemed exclusive. Accord-

ingly, in Federal Power Commission v. Tuscarora In-

dian Nation, 362 U.S. 99 (1960), the Tuscarora Nation

intervened in a Federal Power Commission proceeding

in which an application for a project license by the

Power Authority of the State of New York was under

consideration. The Tuscaroras urged that the Power

Authority lacked the ability to condemn tribal land, since

such a condemnation would violate the Trade and Inter-

course Act. /d. at 118-19. The Court ruled that, as a

federal licensee, the Power Authority stood on the same

footing as the United States, and because the Trade and

Intercourse Act did not apply to takings of Indian land

by the United States, neither did it apply to the taking

by the Power Authority. At no point, however, did the

Court question the Tuscarora Nation’s ability to raise the

Trade and Intercourse Act in defense of its property

rights.

Representative cases in the lower federal courts also

show the validity of tribal suits under the Trade and

Intercourse Acts as well as the versatility, vitality and

continued utility of the 1834 Act, even outside the con-

text of the eastern Indian land claims.® Thus, in United

States v. Southern Pacific Transportation Co., 543 F.2d

676 (9th Cir. 1976), both a tribe and the United States

successfully sued for relief from an alleged easement

granted in violation of § 177. Moreover, in Assiniboine

and Sioux Tribes Vv. Calvert Exploration Co., 223 F. Supp.

5 Cf. Pueblo of Santa Rosa vy. Fall, 273 U.S. 315 (1927) (An im-

provident contract between a tribe and an attorney found void

under § 177); The New York Indians, 72 U.S. (5 Wall.) 761, 771

(1867) (Title acquired pursuant to a tax sale for taxes illegally

assessed on tribal property can be voided under the Trade and Inter-

course Act).

10

909 (D. Mont. 1963), rev’d sub nom., Yoder v. Assini-

boine and Sioux Tribes, 339 F.2d 360 (9th Cir. 1964),

the Tribes alone employed § 177 as a basis for a suit to

prevent tribal lands from being pooled with the lands of

others to form a “spacing unit” for oil and gas develop-

ment. In Seneca Nation v. New York, 397 F. Supp. 685

(W.D. N.\. 1975), the tribe used § 177 to block a wrong-

ful taking of reservation lands for highway purposes.°

In short, for the Court to rule that the Oneida Nation

does not possess a right to sue under the 1793 Act would

be to reverse longstanding judicial precedents, including

prior decisions of this Court, and to strip from Indian

tribes today a key weapon in the very limited arsenal

they retain to protect their lands from invasion and

abuse.

C. Congress has manifested an understanding that the

1834 Trade and Intercourse Act and its predeces-

sors authorize suits by tribes to protect their prop-

erty rights and, because the 1793 Act is substan-

tively identical to the other statutes, causes of

action which exist under the 1834 Act necessarily

are proper under the 1793 Act.

The cases discussed above which were founded upon

the Trade and Intercourse Act, as well as those uphold-

ing the right of tribes to sue to protect and redeem their

property interests, all arose after the 1793 Act had ex-

pired and had been replaced by later legislation. Of par-

6 The courts are open even to non-Indians to make claims under

the Trade and Intercourse Act. Thus, in Marsh v. Brooks, 49 US.

223, 233 (1850), the Court remarked “That an action in ejectment

could be maintained on an Indian right to occupancy and use, is

not open to question.” To say that an act passed to “prevent un-

fair, improvident or improper dispositions by Indians of land

owned or possessed by them,” Federal Power Comm’n vy. Tuscarora

Indian Nation, 362 U.S. 99, 119 (1960), may be relied upon in

court by non-Indians, but not by the Indians for whose protection

the statute was passed, is nonsensical.

11

ticular importance among these successor statutes is, of

course, the provision of the 1834 Act, c. 161, §12, 4

Stat. 730, which now is codified at 25 U.S.C. § 177. Sec-

tion 8 of the 1793 Act is identical in its substantive

aspects to § 12 of the 1834 Act, as are the pertinent pro-

visions of the Acts of 1790, 1796, 1799 and 1802." In

short, in terms of whether their language forms the

basis for a tribal cause of action, all the Trade and

Intercourse Acts are indistinguishable.

Moreover, an 1822 amendment to the 1802 Act (Act

of May 6, 1822, c. 58, §4, 3 Stat. 682, 683) strongly

suggests that all the former Acts were intended to au-

thorize actions by Indians for the protection of their

property interests. That amendment provided:

[I}n all trials about the right of property, in which

Indians shall be a party on one side and white per-

sons on the other, the burden of proof shall rest

upon the white person, in every case in which the

Indian shall make out a presumption of title in him-

self from the fact of previous possession and owner-

ship.*

If the 1822 Act had contained a provision specifically au-

thorizing suits by Indians to protect their rights, a possi-

ble argument could be made that this amendment author-

* Compare Act of July 22, 1790, c. 33, § 4, 1 Stat. 187, 138; Act of

March 1, 1793, c. 19, § 8, 1 Stat. 329, 330; Act of May 19, 1796, c. 30,

§ 12, 1 Stat. 469, 472; Act of March 3, 1799, c. 46, § 12, 1 Stat. 743,

746; Act of March 30, 1802, c. 13, § 12, 2 Stat. 139, 148; Act of

June 30, 1834, c. 161, § 12, 4 Stat. 729, 730.

§ The amendment clearly contemplates suits in which the Indian

parties are the plaintiffs. If a white person filed suit against an

Indian, as the plaintiff, the white person would bear the burden of

proof even in the absence of the 1822 amendment. Thus, the

amendment must have been intended to apply to suits brought by

Indian plaintiffs against non-Indian defendants, lest it be ren-

dered a redundancy. Indeed, Indian tribes could not be named

defendants in a title dispute because of their sovereign immunity.

Santa Clara Pueblo v. Martinez, 436 U.S. 49 (1978).

12

ized such actions where the Acts of 1790, 1793, 1796,

1799 and 1802 did not. No such provision exists, how-

ever. The only provisions of the Acts which conceivably

could give rise to “trials about the right of property”

between an Indian and a non-Indian are the counter-

parts of §12 of the 1834 Act. Those sections, being

identical in substance to Section 8 of the 1793 Act, must

have the same effect of giving rise to a cause of action.

In other words, rather than creating a cause of action

which had not existed previously, the 1822 amendment

to the 1802 Act merely created a new rule regarding the

burden of proof in a cause of action which had existed

since passage of the first Trade and Intercourse Act in

1790. Thus, Congress long ago made clear its under-

standing that Indians have capacity to sue under the

Trade and Intercourse Acts.

That understanding continues through modern times.

As recently as 1966, for example, Congress enacted leg-

islation for the primary purpose of removing the $10,000

jurisdictional limitation of 28 U.S.C. § 1331(a) in suits

involving Indian tribes and raising a federal question.

Pub. L. 89-635, § 1, 80 Stat. 880 (1966), codified at 28

U.S.C. § 1362. In considering that legislation, the House

Judiciary Committee expressed particular concern about

the decision in Yoder v. Assiniboine and Sioux Tribes,

339 F.2d 360 (9th Cir. 1964). See H. Rep. 2040, 89th

Cong., 2d Sess. 2-3 (1966).

In Yoder, the Tribes had filed suit to enjoin the en-

forcement of a State order requiring that lands owned

by the tribes be pooled with lands owned by another to

form a “spacing unit” for the drilling of an oil and gas

well. The Tribes sued on the theory, inter alia, that the

State order “constituted an alienation of tribal property

in violation of 25 U.S.C. $177. . . .” Assiniboine and

Siouz Tribes v. Calvert Exploration Co., 223 F. Supp.

909, 912 (D. Mont. 1963). The Court of Appeals, how-

13

ever, held that the federal courts lacked jurisdiction

over the matter because of the Tribes’ failure to estab-

lish the $10,000 minimum. Yoder v. Assiniboine and

Sioux Tribes, supra, 339 F.2d at 364. In eliminating

that rule, Congress made plain its awareness and ap-

proval of suits by tribes to vindicate property rights un-

der the Trade and Intercourse Acts.

Another indication of Congress’ continuing belief in

the tribes’ right to sue is found in 28 U.S.C. § 2415. In

1982, Congress made the statute of limitations on claims

for money damages brought by the United States also

applicable to Indian tribes. Two important points arise

from § 2415. First, the statute clearly recognizes the

right of Indian tribes to sue in defense of their property

rights. Second, the statute expressly exempts from its

coverage actions “to establish the title to, or right to

possession of, real or personal property.” § 2415(c).

Thus, Congress both recognized tribal capacity to sue for

possession of property and refused to limit the time for

bringing such actions. Congress did so fully aware of

the land claims by tribes then and still pending in the

courts.

Finally, the recent spate of legislation settling various

tribal Jand claims under the Trade and Intercourse Acts

reflects Congress’ current understanding that such suits

are proper.’ Although Congress undoubtedly did not in-

tend to suggest its views on the merits of any of these

claims, the acts reflect at least a congressional belief that

the tribal causes of action, in the abstract, were sound.

® The settlement acts passed thus far are: Rhode Island Indian

Claims Settlement Act, Pub. L. 95-395, 92 Stat. 813 (1978). codi-

fied at 25 U.S.C. §§ 1701-1716; Maine Indian Claims Settlement

Act, Pub. L. 96-420, 94 Stat. 1785 (1980), codified at 25 U.S.C.

$§ 1721-1735; Florida Indian Land Claims Settlement Act, Pub. L.

97-399, 96 Stat. 2012 (1982), codified at 25 U.S.C. $§ 1741-1749;

and Mashantucket Pequot Indian Claims Settlement Act, Pub. L.

98-134, 97 Stat. 851 (1983), codified at 25 U.S.C. §§ 1751-1760.

14

The legislative histories of these statutes give no indica-

tion that Congress entertained any doubt as to the the-

oretical validity of tribal claims under the Trade and

Intercourse Acts.

In summary, this Court on several occasions has taken

cognizance of tribal claims arising under the Trade and

Intercourse Act of 1834. The 1834 Act being identical

to its predecessors in all pertinent respects, the same re-

sult must obtain with regard to the prior acts. Because

Indian tribes always have .been recognized as having

capacity to sue in defense of their property rights, and

because the tribes are the intended beneficiaries of the

Acts, they necessarily are able to sue for violations of

the Acts. (See Point II, infra.) This result is consist-

ent with the understanding and intent of the Congress

when the laws were enacted and of Congress presently.

II. The Oneida Nation and other Indian tribes have an

implied right of action under the 1793 Trade and Inter-

course Act and successor statutes.

A. The declaratory language of the 1793 Act and its

legislative history, analyzed in light of the law of

that time, demonstrate a plain intent on the part

of Congress to recognize a right of action for Indian

tribes.

In determining whether a federal statute gives rise to

a cause of action for a private party, the intent of Con-

gress governs. Texas Industries, Inc. Vv. Radcliff Mate-

rials, Inc., 451 U.S. 630 (1981). The statutory language,

of course, is critical. Section 8 of the 1793 Act provided

that “no purchase or grant of lands . . . from any In-

dians or nation or tribe of Indians . . . shall be of any

validity in law or equity. . .” unless made in compliance

with the Act. 1 Stat. 330. This language, read in light

of the prevailing rules of law existing at the time of its

15

enactment,” clearly was intended to recognize and con-

fer a right of action in and to Indian tribes for viola-

tions of the Act. More specifically, three aspects of the

contemporary legal context within which the 1793 Act

was adopted combine to erase all doubt as to the intent

of Congress: (1) the law of Indian title; (2) the law

regarding remedies for breaches of rights; and (3) the

law regarding tribal capacity to sue.

Tribal property rights unquestionably were accorded

legal validity and effect under American law from the

earliest days of the nation. Thus, in Johnson v. M’In-

tosh, 21 US. (8 Wheat.) 543 (1823), the Court ob-

served that, at the time of their discovery by the Euro-

peans, Indian tribes “were admitted to be the rightful

occupants of the soil, with a legal as well as just claim

to retain possession of it... .” Id. at 574 (emphasis

added). The only defect in Indian title was that “their

power to dispose of the soil at their own will, to whom-

soever they pleased, was denied. .. .” Id. These rules

of law predated the Constitution, and the 1793 Act

merely codified the rules which existed at common law.

Oneida Indian Nation v. County of Oneida, 414 U.S. 661,

678 (1974).

The Indian right of occupancy was not a naked right

lacking means of enforcement. “That an action in eject-

ment could be maintained on an Indian right to occu-

pancy and use, 13 not open to question. This is the result

of the decision in Johnson v. M’Intosh. .. .” Marsh v.

Brooks, 49 U.S. 223, 232 (1850). No other rule could

be said to exist. Except where a remedy was afforded

by the mere act of the parties or by mere operation of

law, the common law held that “where there is a legal

1 This Court previously has recognized the significance of the

contemporary legal context under which a statute is enacted. Mer-

rill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith v. Curran, 456 U.S. 353, 378

(1982).

16

right, there is also a legal remedy, by suit or action at

law, whenever that right is invaded.” III Blackstone

Commentaries 23 (1st ed. 1768).

The rule that a right could not exist without remedy

applied to rights recognized or created by statute, par-

ticularly the simpler statutes of that simpler time:

“When federal statutes were less comprehensive, the

Court applied a relatively simple test to determine

the availability of an implied private remedy. If a

statute was enacted for the benefit of a special class,

the judiciary normally recognized a remedy for

members of that class. . . . Under this approach,

federal courts, following a common-law tradition,

regarded the denial of a remedy as the exception

rather than the rule.

Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith v. Curran, supra,

456 U.S. at 374-75. And see Texas & Pacific Railway

Co. v. Rigsby, 241 U.S. 33 (1916). Indian tribes clearly

were the intended beneficiaries of the 1793 Act, see dis-

cussion below, and the courts, therefore, would imply a

remedy for invasions of the statutory right.”

Finally, all three branches of government in the early

Nineteenth Century shared a belief that tribes were

11 The courts did so on numerous occasions under the 1834 Act,

the operative provision of which is identical in substance to § 8 of

the 1793 Act. See discussion, supra, at 9-10. Thus, in United

States v. Boylan, 265 F. 165 (2d Cir. 1920), the United States sued

on behalf of the Oneidas to set aside a conveyance and partition

judgment under the 1834 Act. Several similar suits have been

sanctioned by this Court and lower federal courts. See United

States vy. Candelaria, supra; United States v. Colvard, 89 F.2d 312

(4th Cir. 1937); United States v. 7,405.3 Acres of Land, 97 F.2d

417 (4th Cir. 1938); McCarty v. Hollis, 120 F.2d 540 (10th Cir.

1941); United States v. Forness, 125 F.2d 928 (2d Cir.), cert.

denied sub nom., City of Salamanca v. United States, 316 U.S. 694

(1942); United States vy. City of Salamanca, 27 F. Supp. 541

(W.D.N.Y. 1939).

17

capable suitors. The executive branch so believed, as can

be seen in President Washington’s speech to the Seneca

Nation in 1790: “Here, then, is the security for the re-

mainder of your lands. ... [T]he federal courts will

be open to you for redress. .. .” I American State

Papers, Indian Affairs 139 (1834). Congress concurred

in this view, as may be seen in the Act of May 6, 1822,

supra, apportioning the burden of proof in “trials about

the right of property in which Indians shall be a party

on one side and white persons on the other... .” See

discussion, supra, at 11-12. This Court never doubted

the right of Indian tribes to sue to protect their inter-

ests. See discussion, supra, at 6-7, concerning the 1831

case of Cherokee Nation v. Georgia.

Certainly by the time Congress considered the 1834

Act, it was aware that Indian tribes were assumed to

possess legal capacity to sue. Had it not concurred in

this assumption, Congress could and undoubtedly would

have expressed its disagreement by altering the opera-

tive provisions of the Trade and Intercourse Act. By

reenacting the provisions of prior acts without material

amendment, Congress indicated its acceptance of the

status quo and its intent that tribes would continue to

be able to maintain suits.

The statutory language plainly speaks to the existence

of a private right of action. By declaring void convey-

ances made in violation of the Act, Congress must have

intended that tribes have “the customary legal incident”

of that declaration—a right of action. Cf., Transamerica

Mortgage Advisors, Inc. Vv. Lewis, 444 U.S. 11, 19

(1979). This is particularly true in light of this Court’s

rule of construction that ambiguities in statutes enacted

for the benefit of Indians must be resolved in their favor.

&.g., Ramah Navajo School Board v. Bureau of Revenue,

458 U.S. 832, 838 (1982); see also cases cited infra,

n.15.

18

Another major Indian land law has been construed on

many occasions to provide a cause of action where none

is granted expressly. The General Allotment Act of

1887, c. 119, § 5, 24 Stat. 389, 25 U.S.C. § 348, provides

that conveyances of Indian allotments prior to the ex-

piration of the trust period “shall be void and of no

effect.” Although no right of action is authorized ex-

pressly, this Court and others often have recognized ac-

tions under the General Allotment Act and similar stat-

utes. Many such actions have been brought by the

United States, e.g., Heckman v. United States, 224 US.

413 (1912); Mullen v. United States, 224 U.S. 448

(1912) ; Watson v. United States, 263 F. 700 (8th Cir.

1920); but other suits were brought by the Indian al-

lottees themselves. E.g., Poafpybitty v. Skelly Oil Co.,

supra; cf., Marchie Tiger V. Western Investment Co.,

221 U.S. 286 (1911).

Recognition of a tribal right of action under the 1793

Act, therefore, is consistent with the statutory language

and legislative history, the prevailing law as of that

date, and judicial construction of similar statutes passed

for the benefit of Indians.

B. Indian tribes were the intended beneficiaries of the

Trade and Intercourse Acts, and suits by tribes to

redress violations of the Acts further the legislative

purpose.

In determining whether a statute gives rise to a cause

of action, a key inquiry is whether the plaintiff is “ ‘one

of the class for whose especial benefil the statute was

enacted,’—that is, does the statute create a federal right

in favor of the plaintiff?” Cort v. Ash, 422 U.S. 66, 78

(1975) (citations omitted). In this case, the answer to

this inquiry clearly must be in the affirmative. As the

court below observed, “the language and purpose of the

1793 Act are unequivocal in their purpose to protect the

Indians.” Oneida Indian Nation v. County of Oneida,

19

719 F.2d 525, 533 (2d Cir. 1983). See, e.g., Federal

Power Commission v. Tuscarora Indian Nation, 362 U.S.

99, 119 (1960) ; Wilson v. Omaha Indian Tribe, 442 U.S.

653, 664 (1979).

Petitioners attempt to escape this result by arguing

that the sole purpose of the Act was to ensure the or-

derly advance of the frontier by preventing uprisings by

the Indians. (Counties’ Br. at 24; State’s Br. at 21, n.)

To be sure, the ultimate goal of all federal policy during

this era was the advancement of the frontier and the

preservation of peace. F. Prucha, American Indian Pol-

icy in the Formative Years: The Indian Trade and In-

tercourse Acts 1790-1834 (1962) at 3. The petitioners’

argument, however, fails to comprehend that the Trade

and Intercourse Acts furthered these general policy goals

by giving effect to the particular goal of protecting In-

dians in their property rights. “The intercourse acts

were thus restrictive and prohibitory in nature—aimed

largely at restraining the actions of the whites and pro-

viding justice to the Indians as the means of preventing

hostility.” F. Prucha, id. (emphasis added). Thws, the

Oneida Nation is part “of the class for whose especial

benefit the statute was enacted... .” Cort v. Ash, supra,

at 78. The Trade and Intercourse Acts “create[d] a

federal right in favor of the plaintiff”, id., and all other

tribes, for the purpose of protecting their property

rights, so that the overall goal of American policy—

orderly advancement of the frontier—would be furthered.

Another relevant inquiry is whether implying a pri-

vate right of action is consistent with the legislative pur-

pose. Cort v. Ash, supra, at 78. As the court below

noted, “the purposes of the 1793 Trade and Intercourse

Act are best served by the implication of a private right

of action.” 719 F.2d at 586. That conclusion seems self-

evident. Quite obviously, private actions by Indians fur-

ther the Act’s purpose of protecting Indian property

rights.

20

The Counties present a fatuous argument to the effect

that removal of trespassers by the military better served

the cause of peace on the frontier than did private civil

litigation. (Counties’ Br. at 21-23.) That the cause of

peace is better served by military action than the civility

and solemnity of the courtroom is a proposition unworthy

of consideration.”

C. Because Indian property rights are the exclusive

domain of federal law in which state law is without

effect, inference of a cause of action based solely on

federal law is most appropriate.

Indian property rights clearly are the exclusive do-

main of federal law. As this Court observed in Oneida

Indian Nation v. County of Oneida, supra, “Once the

United States was organized and the Constitution

adopted, these tribal rights to Indian lands became the

exclusive province of the federal law.” 414 U.S. at 667.

Thus, a cause of action under the Trade and Intercourse

Act clearly is not one

traditionally relegated to state law, in an area basi-

cally the concern of the States, so that it would be

inappropriate to infer a cause of action based solely

on federal law... .

Cort v. Ash, supra, 422 U.S. at 78. Indeed, the property

rights of tribes are so clearly the domain of federal law

as to demand recognition of a cause of action for Indian

tribes to protect those rights.

12 The Counties also argue that the “numerous express remedies”

contained in the 1793 Act (Counties’ Br. at 23) were sufficient to

serve the Act’s purpose. In fact, only two remedies are provided

for expressly: criminal fines and imprisonment. The reference to

“numerous” remedies for the violations of provisions of the Act

unrelated to Indian land is an attempt to distract the attention of

the Court. Moreover, the 1790 Act contained no express remedy for

unauthorized conveyances of Indian land. Thus, unless a private

action is implied, Congress had created a right without remedy—

the bane of the law.

21

III. The rule that ratification of a treaty extinguishing

Indian title may not be implied in the absence of an

expression of plain and unambiguous congressional

intent rests on settled doctrines of statutory construc-

tion that are of fundamental importance to the pro-

tection of Indian property rights.

The Court of Appeals, applying the seminal standard

articulated in United States v. Santa Fe Pacific Railroad

Co., 314 U.S. 339 (1941), held that any implied ratifica-

tion of the 1795 New York-Oneida treaty could be based

only upon a “plain and unambiguous” expression of in-

tent by Congress. 719 F.2d at 539. Petitioner Counties

have urged rejection of that test and have proposed the

following tortured language to replace it: ™

(T]here need only be explicit recognition by the

federal government of the transaction in issue in a

manner that reveals the implicit approval thereof."

8 In arguing that it has shown “plain and unambiguous congres-

sional intent” for a subsequent ratification of the 1795 New York-

Oneida transaction, the State tacitly has acknowledged the correct-

ness of the “plain and unambiguous” standard. See State’s Br. at 36.

Counties’ Br. at 41. This proposed test is derived from lan-

guage in the Court of Claims’ decision in Seneca Nation v. United

States, 173 Ct. Cl. 912 (1965). The court in Seneca Nation failed

to mention Santa Fe Pacific and, instead, articulated a new test

based on “explicit recognition and implicit ratification,” Seneca

Nation, supra, at 915. That formulation has not been followed by

any other court.

The relevant statute in Seneca Nation, Act of January 5, 1927,

c. 22, 44 Stat. 932 (1927), applied New York State hunting and

fishing laws to the Seneca reservations, with a proviso that “this

act shall be inapplicable to lands formerly in the Oil Spring Reser-

vation and heretofore acquired by the State of New York in con-

demnation proceedings.” Although the statute thus reveals a con-

gressional awareness that a land transaction had occurred, it re-

veals no understanding on Congress’ part that the transaction

lacked validity under the Trade and Intercourse Act of 1834 or that

Congress’ action would extinguish the Senecas’ title. This language,

therefore, falls far short of the “plain and unambiguous” standard.

To extinguish Indian title, Congress must be aware, at least, that

22

The Counties expand even this vague rubric by arguing

that “ratification need not be explicit to be effective”

(Counties’ Br. at 41), and further suggest that “the in-

tent of the government” to ratify can be gleaned from

four “factors” —

(a) the operative language of the statute or treaty,

(b) legislative history, (c) the surrounding circum-

stances, and (d) the historical exercise of state or

tribal jurisdiction over the territory.

Counties’ Br. at 41.

The Counties’ four factors are derived from cases in-

volving acts of Congress opening portions of Indian re-

servations to white settlement and the problem of whether

such actions were intended to diminish the reservations

by disestablishing the opened areas. See, ¢.g., Solem V.

Bartlett, 104 S.Ct. 1161 (1984); Rosebud Sioux Tribe v.

Kneip, 430 U.S. 584, 603 (1977) ; DeCouteau v. District

County Court, 420 U.S. 425, 442 (1975). In these “dis-

establishment” cases, the issue presented always involves

jurisdiction, not land ownership. The court below cor-

rectly understood that subsequent ratification is a form

of extinguishment of Indian title and rejected the fac-

tors proposed by the Counties. See 719 F.2d at 539.

“The question of whether title to Indian land has been

extinguished is separate from the question of disestab-

lishment.” IJdaho v. Andrus, 720 F.2d 1461, 1464 (9th

Cir. 1983). In short, the Counties rely for their ratifica-

tion test upon wholly inapposite cases.

it may be doing so. The Seneca Nation case, then, clearly was

wrongly decided, and stands as a monument to the mischief occa-

sioned by applying any standard short of Santa Fe’s “plain and am-

biguous” requirement.

In any event, the court in Seneca Nation expressly cautioned

that a claim that the transaction was inequitable might change its

reasoning. 173 Ct. Cl. at 915-16. The Oneidas make such a claim

in this case and Seneca Nation, therefore, is inapplicable.

23

The Counties’ argument also ignores the basic prin-

ciple that ambiguous Indian treaty or statutory language

must be construed in favor of the Indians.” In essence,

these petitioners assert that evidence of the “govern-

ment’s” intent to ratify an otherwise invalid treaty of

extinguishment can be gleaned from unconnected sources

without any clear showing that Congress itself intended

to ratify the questioned treaty. The standard proposed

by the Counties sweeps aside well-settled precedent to the

contrary, e.g., United States v. Santa Fe Pacific Railroad

Co., supra, and, more particularly, the unique trust rela-

tionship between the United States and Indian tribes.

See, e.g., Seminole Nation v. United States, 316 U.S. 286,

297 (1942). The danger of their proposal is made clear

when it is considered that the rule of statutory construc-

tion followed by the court below is but one aspect of the

broader principle that Indian title, whether by occupancy

or treaty, cannot be extinguished, diminished, abrogated,

or taken by subsequent repeal or ratification without a

showing of plain and unambiguous congressional intent

to do so. Menominee Tribe v. United States, 391 U.S.

404 (1968); United States v. Santa Fe Pacific Railroad

Co., supra,

The courts have applied the same essential standard

to all cases in which congressional action is argued to

have eliminated an Indian property right. The party dis-

puting the Indian property right must demonstrate that

Congress clearly intended to eliminate that right. In

Menominee Tribe v. United States, supra, for example,

the Court rejected an argument that Congress implicitly

repealed treaty hunting and fishing rights in passing the

Menominee Termination Act for the “intention to abro-

gate or modify a treaty is not to be lightly imputed to

the Congress.” Jd. at 413. Similarly, in Washington v.

1 See, e.g., Bryan Vv. Itasca County, 426 U.S. 3738, 392 ( 1976) ;

Menominee Tribe V. United Slates, 391 U.S. 404 (1968) ; Note, The

Canons of Indian Treaty and Statutory Construction: A Proposal

For Codification, 17 U. Mich. J.L. Ref. (1984).

24

Washington State Commercial Passenger Fishing Vessel

Association, 443 U.S. 658 (1979), the Court refused to

find that a United States-Canadian Convention dividing

salmon catches implicitly abrogated Indian treaty fish-

ing rights. “Absent explicit statutory language, we have

been extremely reluctant to find congressional abrogation

of treaty rights. . . .” Jd. at 690."°

The Counties and the State (see n.13, supra) fail to

meet the “plain and unambiguous” standard and, indeed,

to meet” even the Counties’ own vague test. No statutory

language or legislative history exists in this case which

shows congressional awareness of the 1795 treaty.” As

16 See also Antoine Vv. Washington, 420 U.S. 194, 206 (1974)

(ratifying legislation exempted Indian hunting rights from state

regulation, for it would be “impermissible in the absence of ex-

plicit congressional expression to construe the implementing Acts

as [preserving nothing that the Indians would not have had without

the legislation]”) ; Klamath Indian Tribe v. Oregon Dept. of Fish

and Wildlife, 729 F.2d 609 (9th Cir. 1984) (holding that Congress

did not clearly intend to abrogate hunting and fishing rights on

ceded land) ; Confederated Salish & Kootenai Tribes v. Namen, 665

F.2d 951, 955 (9th Cir. 1982) (holding that congressional intent to

terminate reservation status was not clearly shown) ; Plains Elec-

tric Generation and Transmission Cooperative, Inc. v. Pueblo of

Laguna, 542 F.2d 1875 (10th Cir. 1976) (preserving Indian lands

by finding that Congress clearly intended to repeal a statute per-

mitting condemnation of Pueblo lands without the consent of the

Pueblos or the Secretary of the Interior) ; New Mexico v. Aamodt,

587 F.2d 1102, 1111 (10th Cir. 1976) (“Any intent of Congress to

relinquish its jurisdiction and control over the lands and water

rights of the Pueblos must be express. It may not be implied from

a tortuous construction. ...”’).

17 The Counties insist that the phrases “in the last purchase from

them” in the 1798 Treaty and “other lands heretofore ceded” in the

1802 Treaty are “explicit evidence that the federal government

deemed [the 1795 transaction] effective to pass valid title.” Coun-

ties’ Br. at 43. Isolated metes and bounds phrases drafted by the

State of New York in the subsequent treaties, however, “indicate”

neither congressional awareness nor approval of the illegal 1795

transaction. The language in Congress’ ratification of the 1798 or

1802 Treaties makes no mention of the 1795 agreement or of the

a consequence of this flaw in their syllogism, petitioners

are forced to rest their argument on the “surrounding

circumstances.” Aside from being irrelevant to the issue

of extinguishment, these historical events are at most

ambiguous and essentially consistent with the finding of

the court below that Congress, in ratifying the 1798 and

1802 treaties, was unaware of the reference in the metes

and bounds descriptions to the void 1795 transaction.”

Stripped of its judicial facade, petitioners’ argument

is nothing more than an appeal to expediency. In es-

sence, their argument comes to this: Because some fed-

eral and state officials may have believed, through the

years, that the lands in question passed out of Indian

ownership, the State of New York should be allowed to

keep the benefit of its admittedly unlawful act. Peti-

tioners are asking the Court to abandon long-settled and

fundamental doctrines evolved fo: the protection of In-

dian property rights and to find “implicit” subsequent

ratification of a void treaty.

Congress has determined that the protection of Indian

property rights found in the Trade and Intercourse Act

still is necessary. This congressional decision should not

be undermined by the adoption of the Counties’ mis-

illegality of the agreement. As stated by this Court in Northwest-

ern Bands of Shoshone Indians v. United States, 324 U.S. 335, 351

(1945), “(t]he meaning of the word or phrase depends upon its use.

In these treaties it seems clearly to designate the boundaries .. .

but that falls short of acknowledgement . . . by the United States.”

‘®The Counties rely on several factors supposedly evidencing

congressional intent. The Counties refer to the attempts of federal

agents to prevent the 1795 treaty before it was made. The acts of

these agents in 1795 do not translate into congressional knowledge

in 1798 and 1802 that the metes and bounds descriptions in the

subsequent treaties referred to the 1795 transactions. The Counties

also argue that Congress would have sanctioned “nonsensically cir-

cumscribed tracts of land”, Counties’ Br. at 43, if the language in

the 1798 and 1802 treaties referred to the 1795 treaty calls. While

Congress may have thought the tracts abutted some earlier pur-

chase, this would not necessarily have been the 1795 transaction.

26

chievous and illogical “ratification” test. Approval of the

petitioners’ plea would be a shocking and unwarranted

departure from the basic principles of Indian law that

serve today as essential protection for Indian reservation

lands.

CONCLUSION

The basic thrust of petitioners’ argument is their bald

assertion that affirmance of the holding below will result

in social upheaval—the invalidation of titles to millions

of acres and, inter alia, the eviction of thousands of in-

nocent homeowners. The modest prayer of the Oneida

Nation in this case and the moderate settlements already

accepted by other eastern Indian tribes belie this wholly

unjustified charge. Moreover, should a tribe in the fu-

ture prove unreasonable in its demands, the courts can

tailor their equitable relief to modern reality and, of

course, Congress still claims the ultimate power of ratify-

ing today in plain and unambiguous language a land

transaction otherwise in violation of 25 U.S.C. § 177.

Past precedents of this Court and the manifest intent

of Congress are contrary to the petitioners’ position.

Their scare tactics in the face of such adversity are un-

warranted and inappropriate. The decision of the Court

of Appeals should be sustained.

Of Counsel:

B. KEVIN GOVER

July 16, 1984

27

Respectfully submitted,

ARTHUR LAZARUS, JR., P.C.

FRIED, FRANK, HARRIS, SHRIVER

& KAMPELMAN

(A Partnership Including

Professional Corporations)

600 New Hampshire Avenue, N.W.

Suite 1000

Washington, D.C. 20037

(202) 342-3500

Attorney of Record for Association

on American Indian Affairs, Inc.,

National Congress of American

Indians and Seneca Nation

of Indians

JERRY C. STRAUS

Hosss, Straus, DEAN & WILDER

1735 New York Avenue, N.W.

Sixth Floor

Washington, D.C. 20006

(202) 783-5100

Attorney of Record for Seminole

Tribe of Florida

This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

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