Amicus Curiae Brief — Morrison v. Olson
Supreme Court brief1988
Ask Donna
What actually matters in this document.
Text
No. 87-1279
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
OCTOBER TERM, 1987
ALEXIA MORRISON, INDEPENDENT COUNSEL,
Appellant,
v.
THEODORE B. OLSON,
EDWARD C. SCHMULTs, and
CAROL E. DINKINS,
Appellees.
On Appeal from the United States Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Circuit
BRIEF OF COMMON CAUSE AS AMICUS CURIAE
IN SUPPORT OF THE CONSTITUTIONALITY
OF THE INDEPENDENT COUNSEL LAW
Of Counsel: ARCHIBALD Cox
PAUL A. FREUND Langdell 353
Langdell 247 Harvard Law School
Harvard Law School Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 (617) 495-3135
(617) 495-3130 DONALD J. SIMON *
Puiup B. HEYMANN SONOSKY, CHAMBERS & SACHSE
Griswold 306 1250 Eye Street, N.W.
Harvard Law School Suite 1000
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 Washington, D.C. 20005
(617) 495-3137 (202) 682-0240
Attorneys for Common Cause
March %, 1988 * Counsel of Record
a a a
WILSON - Eres PRINTING Co., Inc. - 789-0096 - WasHINGTON, D.C. 20001
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LK iii
INTEREST OF COMMON CAUSE .........0 1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .............. spinihinibaaiiadgaaai 2
| ES ER 2
II. Separation of Powers... oe a 3
III. Appointments Clause 0 Seta 4
EE Le ee a en 4
I. THE ETHICS ACT DOES NOT UNCONSTI-
TUTIONALLY ASSIGN TO INDEPENDENT
COUNSEL FUNCTIONS WHICH ARE THE
EXCLUSIVE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE
PRESIDENT UNDER ARTICLE II 0. 4
A. The Functions Assigned to Independent
Counsel Are Limited to The Conduct of A
Specific Class of Cases in Which The Presi-
dent Is Likely to Have A Disqualifying Per-
sonal or Political Interest... 4
B. Article II Does Not Bar Assigning To An
Independent Counsel The Conduct Of Par-
ticular Investigations And Prosecutions In
A Limited Category of Cases In Which The
President Is Likely To Have A Disqualify-
ing Personal Or Political Interest... 10
1. History and Precedent Both Demonstrate
That the Investigation And Prosecution
of Such Cases Is Not An Essential Presi-
C0 EEE ae 11
2. Article II Does Not Bar Legislation Vest-
ing In An Inferior Officer Independent
Responsibility For Functions Not Re-
quired To Be Performed by The Presi-
Js we 18
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
3. The Statutory Limitation Upon The
President’s Power of Remeva!l Without
Good Cause Does Not Infringe Upon An
Exclusive Presidential Prerogative
Il. INVESTING INDEPENDENT POWER
TO PROSECUTE SPECIFIC CRIMINAL
CHARGES AGAINST HIGH GOVERNMENT
OFFICIALS IN AN INFERIOR OFFICER
DOES NOT VIOLATE THE SEPARATION
|
Ill. INDEPENDENT COUNSEL ARE “INFE-
RIOR OFFICERS” WHOSE APPOINTMENT
ARTICLE II AUTHORIZES CONGRESS “BY
LAW” TO VEST IN A COURT OF LAW ..........
A. Independent Counsel Are “Inferior Officers”.
B. Appointment of Independent Counsel by a
Court of Law is Authorized by Article II
and Congruent with The Judicial Function
0 ae
CCI acter cecneenceesneeee enamel seenscessingiai a
Page
21
24
ili
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases: Page
Bowsher v. Synar, 106 S.Ct. 3181 (1986) —............ 21
Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976) ......-.0000-000.--- 17, 21
Commodities Futures Trading Comm. v. Schor,
nc cccccnssccoresees 23, 26
Community for Creative Non-Violence v. Pierce,
786 F.2d 1199 (D.C. Cir. 1986) ...........................- 17
Confiscation Cases, 74 U.S. (7 Wall.) 454 (1868).. 17
Ex Parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371 (1879) ......000.......... 3, 28, 29
Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. (9 Wheat.) 1 (1824) .... 25
Humphrey's Executor v. United States, 295 U.S.
SE 20
In re Sealed Case, No. 87-5261 (D.C. Cir. Jan. 22,
a ccceneccncsereces passim
In re Shelley, 2 A.2d 809 (Pa. 1938) ......0000002000.-..... 14
INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919 (1983) .0000..0000 21
Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S. 294 (1964)... 27
Kendall v. United States ex rel. Stokes, 37 U.S.
cacescscceoee 18, 19
McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316
CS 27
Myers v. United States, 272 U.S. 52 (1926)........ 21
Nixon v. Administrator of General Services, 433
EES 19
People ex rel. Lindsley v. District Court, 66 P. 896
Neen cesneseeaceces 14
State v. Ganthier, 251 P. 141 (Ore. 1924) 14
State v. Hayes, 18 A.2d 895 (Conn. 1941) _............ 14
Taylor v. State, 38 So. 380 (Fla. 1905) 0000000... 14
Territory v. Harding, 12 P. 750 (Mont. 1887)........ 14
United States v. Cox, 342 F.2d 167 (5th Cir.) (en
banc) cert. denied, 381 U.S. 935 (1965) —.......... 17
United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683 (1974)........ 17, 28
United States v. Rock Royal Cooperative, 307 U.S.
SE 21
Weems v. Anderson, 516 S.W.2d 895 (Ark. 1974).. 14
Weiner v. United States, 357 U.S. 349 (1958) _...... 20
Young v. United States ex rel. Vuitton et Fils,
TNT cccomsecsocecconcees 15
iv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Constitution, Statutes and Regulations: Page
FR SE SN ee ere eee 3
8 Be RE eee a ees 4, 24
ea as CR I al a 3
Act of Feb. 8, 1924, 43 Stat. 5 (1924) —......200--... 16
Davis-Bacon Act, 40 U.S.C. § 276a et seq. 02.0000. 21
Ethics in Government Act of 1978, 28 U.S.C. § 591
et seq., Pub. L. No. 95-521, 92 Stat. 1824 0.0.00... passim
Ethics in Government Act Amendments of 1982,
Pub. L. No. 97-409, 96 Stat. 2039 ........................ 1
Independent Counsel Reauthorization Act of 1987,
Pub. L. No. 100-181, 101 Stat. 1293 0000000000000. 1
Walsh-Healy Act, 41 U.S.C. § 35-45 _....... iunilebieaabere 21
F SF FS Se See eater 15
1 Stat. 65, Sec. 8 (1789) _................ si te ed Bd 15
i ia a I i 15
I is Se i 15
ot pe KT ERERERE cree eae ee oe 8
et AR RE ern merino ve eee 9
Se ke ie ee COD vimiiicidnccsiinsacscinccdcternbssblenicetesiinaina 9
oF PSR RT 0 eres een 9
ie eR Be | eer ner 9
Re en 9
Ala. Code § 12-17-185 (1975) . pee T 14
Cal. [Gov’t.] Code § 24009 (West 1968) . alalealateeiaeai 14
Re UG 8 8 ee ee 14
4 Conn. Col. Rec. 168 (C. Hoadley, ed. 1968) ....... 13
CU. TI, Tt GI Te eictientsctncecenniccmrnecinenctinisnintninnsiabinn 13
Fe OF RR 13
Conn. Gen. Stat. § 51-278 (19838) ................................ 13
Fla. Stat. Ann. § 27.16 (West 1974) ...... slatdiidiainatiaaimiaai 14
Ga. Code Ann. § 15-18-5 (1985) 2000... 14
Ill. Ann. Stat. ch. 14, para. 6 (Smith-Hurd 1987
IND escvcccensiicpsinssiiuihatiaiatitiitiia taints sa diel Naile aca 14
Mo. Rev. Stat. § 56.010 (1986) 000. moe 14
Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 252.020 (Michie 1986). aided 14
Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann, § 252.100 (Michie 1986)........ 14
N.C. Gen. Stat. § 7A-60 (1986) 0000. 14
Okla. Stat. Ann. tit. 19, § 215.20 (West 1962 &
BD. THUD -osecssicconeccnnicccnadiilttsduadseminceidmeiamammnmatinadia 14
Vv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Congressional Material:
S. Rep. No. 981, 93rd Cong., 2d Sess. (1974) ........
S. Rep. No. 170, 95th Cong., Ist Sess. (1977)........
H.R. Rep. No. 1307, 95th Cong., 2d Sess. (1978)...
The Confirmation of Edwin Meese III to be Attor-
ney General of the United States: Hearings Be-
fore the Senate Committee on the Judiciary,
99th Cong., ist Sess. (1985) .................................
H. Conf. Rep. No. 452, 100th Cong., Ist Sess.
DUNE sichtinincaaets ee eee
Other Authorities:
ABA Model Code of Professional Responsibility,
I las
ABA Model Code of Professional Responsibility,
I ea a aa ke a |
American State Papers, Miscellaneous, I. (1802)...
“An Act for the Better Preventing Theft and
Highway Robberies,” 25 Geo. 2, ch. 36 (1752)...
“An Act for Encouraging the Apprehension of
Highwaymen,” 4 W & M, ch. 8 (1692) ..............
“An Act to Establish the Judiciary Courts of the
United States” reprinted in 5 C. Bickford &
H. Vert. Documentary History of the First
Federal Congress: Legislative Histories 1150
IIIT seuiisiephntetacbbdabamiianstiaaibishatadeatieniuniieataaeimacadedtasaiiaesnas
“An Act for Indemnifying Persons Who Have
Been Guilty of Offenses Against the Laws Made
for Securing the Revenues of Customs and Ex-
cise,” 9 Geo. 2, ch. 385 (1736)................0...-cceceeeeeeee
J. Baker, “Criminal Courts and Procedure at Com-
mon Law,” in Crime in England 1550-1800 (J.S.
Cockburn ed. 1977) .................0-cccccccecececccecceececeseees
Edwards, “The Grand Jury,” 21 Col. L. Rev. 376
I Rich cei a
The Federalist No. 47 (J. Madison) (J. Cooke ed.
SII ichoiccieliasnunnhcaccocderiaahacihehcaaichicinit elas eee-5 che saadecgkangaaies
J. Goebel and T. Naughton, Law Enforcement in
Colonial New York (1970)
22
15
11,12
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
S. Johnson, A Dictionary of the English Language
in Which the Words Are Deduced From Their
ERE SR Spee
Johnson's and Walker’s English Dictionaries Com-
bined (1823) ..... SN ARE Nate ee 2
Kurland, Public Prosecutions in England, 1854-
79: An Essay in English Legislative History,
A EEA eS eee
National Association of Attorneys General: Com-
mittee on the Office of Attorney General,
Powers, Duties and Operations of State Attor-
I
Nelson, “Emerging Notions of Modern Criminal
Law in the Revolutionary Era: An Historical
Perspective,” 42 N.Y.U.L. Rev. 450 (1967)...
New York Times, January 23, 1988 at 8, col. 2....
E. Page, Judicial Beginnings in New Hampshire,
I
2 Radzinowicz, History of the English Criminal
Law and Its Administration from 1750 (1956)..
2 The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787
(M. Farrand ed. 1966) .........................-.00.0.ccc eee.
W. Seymour, United States Attorneys (1975) <s =
Thomas Sheridan, A General Dictionary of the
English Language, Vol. I (1780)
J. Smith, Colonial Justice in Western Massachu-
I
Spindel, The Administration of Criminal Justice
in North Carolina, 1720-1740, 25 Am. J. Legal
ae
3 Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the
United States §§ 1529, 1530 reprinted in 4 The
Founders’ Constitution (P. Kurland and R.
I I sciaedatenemeamunesiiones
2 Z. Swift, Digest of the Laws of the State of
Connecticut (1828 ed.) ......................ceceeeeeceeeeeeeeeee
M. Tachau, Federal Courts in the Early Republic
PEO ccscacocedeiiseades LINE OID AIRED BE aN A En Se
Pave
25
24
12
14
13
26
13
13
vii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
J.J. Tobias, Crime and Police in England 1700-
I
L. Tribe, American Constitutional Law (2d ed.,
Nel RISES Se PS SEE PAEAEInE EF Spies causa eee Outage erseaeea
S. Walker, Popular Justice SRE
Warren, New Light on the History of the Federal
Judiciary Act of 1789, 37 Harv. L. Rev. 49
ae » EI a Eee Tae EE
Noah Webster, An American Dictionary of the
English Language (1830) .....................................
White, The Federalists: A Study in Administra-
I | a errenbieibonnneniinn
1 Op. Att’y Gen. 624 (1823). 0... Ue eeoe! ae
GR, Br Gt, BD 0 BOD noc cncncnccscncceccces secre cessccceseses
11 Op. Att’y Gen. 14 (1864) .........0..... eee
Page
11,12
27
13
14
24
15
20
15
20
IN THE
Supreme Court of the Wuited States
OCTOBER TERM, 1987
No. 87-1279
ALEXIA MORRISON, INDEPENDENT COUNSEL,
2 Appellant,
THEODORE B. OLSON,
EDWARD C,. SCHMULTS, and
CAROL E. DINKINS,
Appellees.
On Appeal from the United States Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Circuit
BRIEF OF COMMON CAUSE AS AMICUS CURIAE
IN SUPPORT OF THE CONSTITUTIONALITY
OF THE INDEPENDENT COUNSEL LAW
INTEREST OF COMMON CAUSE
Common Cause, a citizens’ organization of 290,000
members dedicated to integrity, openness, and account-
ability in government, has been an active advocate of the
Ethics in Government Act of 1978, 28 U.S.C. §§ 591
et seq., Pub. L. No. 95-521, 92 Stat. 1824, since the origi-
nal bill was introduced. Common Cause has filed briefs
amicus curiae in support of the Independent Counsel pro-
visions of the Act not only in the lower court in this case,”
1The law has been twice amended and reenacted. Ethics in
Government Act Amendments of 1982, Pub. L. No. 97-409, 96 Stat.
2039; Independent Counsel Reauthorization Act of 1987, Pub. L.
No. 100-181, 101 Stat. 1293.
2JIn re Sealed Case, No. 87-5261 (D.C. Cir. Jan. 22, 1988) (slip
op.).
but in other cases involving the constitutionality of the
Act.
Common Cause submits this brief in support of Appel-
lant and the constitutionality of the Independent Counsel
provisions of the Ethics Act. The written consents of the
parties to the submission of this brief have been lodged
with the Clerk pursuant to Rule 36.2.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
I. Article Il
Four propositions demonstrate that the Ethics in Gov-
ernment Act of 1978 does not unconstitutionally attempt
to vest in the Independent Counsel functions that must
remain under Presidential control by virtue of Article II.
First, the Ethics Act confers upon the Independent
Counsel only that degree of independence in the conduct
of specific criminal investigations and prosecutions neces-
sary to preserve public confidence in the integrity and
impartiality with which the rule of law is applied to cer-
tain high government officials in whom the President or
Attorney General have personal or partisan political in-
terests which are likely to conflict with the even-handed
administration of justice. An Independent Counsel is an
officer whose role is limited to sharply defined bounds set
by others, whose term is temporary, who is subject to the
web of restraints imposed on all prosecutors by both the
Justice Department and the courts, and who may be
removed from office for avoidable violation of the Depart-
ment’s policies or other malfeasance or misconduct.
Second, even assuming that some executive functions
are exclusively Presidential, the limited functions of the
Independent Counsel are not so essentially Presidential as
to fall in that category. A wealth of legal and constitu-
tional history combine with contemporary practice to
show that, although the federal practice has usually been
to reserve ultimate control of prosecutions to the Presi-
dent and Attorney General, that control has never been
regarded as a constitutionally exclusive prerogative of the
Chief Executive. Indeed, despite the federal practice,
structural separation of prosecutorial functions from the
Chief Executive has always been far more common than
consolidation, in both Britain and the United States.
Third, neither the vesting of “executive power” in a
President, U.S. Const. Art. II, § 1, el. 1, nor the charge
that the President “take Care that the Laws be faithfully
executed,” U.S. Const. Art. II, §3, requires that the
President control every function that might be described
as executive. The Court has often sustained the constitu-
tionality of laws giving another officer or agency the final
responsibility for performing a discretionary function
that might otherwise be performed by the President. This
long-established principle carries the greatest force where,
as here, the purpose of creating an independent office is
to eliminate the risk of personal or political interference
with impartial enforcement of the rule of law against
high officials.
Fourth, where Congress and the President have power
by law to create an office independent of Presidential con-
trol in order to ensure entire impartiality, they also have
power by law to forbid the President from removing the
officers without good cause.
Il. Separation of Powers
The Ethies Act does not violate the separation of powers.
The Act does not give Congress a role in the selection of
the Independent Counsel or in the Counsel's conduct of an
investigation or prosecution. The power given to the
courts does not enlarge the constitutional functions of the
courts. The power to appoint counsel and define his juris-
diction is granted by the express words of Article II,
Section 2. Ex Parte Siebold, 100 U.S. 371 (1879). The
judicial function under Article III] has long embraced
such powers over the conduct of prosecutors, and of judi-
cial review of dismissals for just cause, as are authorized
by the Ethics Act.
4
III. Appointments Clause
The limited nature of the Independent Counsel’s respon-
sibilities, as well as history and contemporary practice,
combine to demonstrate that the Independent Counsel are
“inferior officers” whose appointment Article II, § 2, cl. 2,
expressly authorizes Congress “by law” to vest in the
courts of law. Nothing in the text, history, context or
policy of the Constitution supports the court of appeals’
conclusion that “inferior” must carry the meaning “sub-
ordinate to a principal officer.” Jn re Sealed Case, slip op.
at 17. Ex Parte Siebold makes plain that the courts may
be vested with power to appoint non-judicial officers when
congruent with their duties under Article III. No incon-
gruity is involved in the court appointment of a prosecu-
torial official.
ARGUMENT
I. THE ETHICS ACT DOES NOT UNCONSTITUTION-
ALLY ASSIGN TO INDEPENDENT COUNSEL
FUNCTIONS WHICH ARE THE EXCLUSIVE RE-
SPONSIBILITY OF THE PRESIDENT UNDER
ARTICLE II.
A. The Functions Assigned to Independent Counsel
Are Limited to The Conduct of A Specific Class of
Cases in Which The President Is Likely to Have A
Disqualifying Personal or Political Interest.
The Independent Counsel provisions of the Ethics Act
are designed to implement two ideals fundamental to our
constitutional system. One is the rule of law, which binds
even the President and denies the President the power to
set the law aside or to exempt any official from the usual,
impartial steps in the administration of criminal justice.
The second is the principle of equal justice under law,
which precludes any official with a personal or partisan
interest in the outcome from participating in the admin-
istration of criminal justice in a particular case. Observ-
ance of both these principles is essential to the preserva-
tion of that publie trust in government without which a
free society cannot survive.
5
Watergate demonstrated that disregard of these prin-
ciples, particularly by self-interested Presidential inter-
vention in a criminal investigation, precipitates a major
crisis in the publie’s trust in government. Prior to the
appointment of a Special Prosecutor, the Assistant Attor-
ney General in charge of the Criminal Division of the
Department of Justice had served as a “conduit for a con-
stant flow of information from the grand jury and the
prosecutors” to both President Nixon and his counsel.
8. Rep. No. 981, 93rd Cong., 2d Sess. 80 (1974). White
House counsel was told the identity of witnesses who
would be called before the grand jury and what questions
they would be asked. /d. The Department of Justice
made sure that the investigation was narrowed down. /d.
Later, after extensive hearings, the House Judiciary Com-
mittee that reported the Ethics Act concluded:
The Attorney General is at the same time the chief
Federal law enforcement official and a Presidential
appointment who is a key member of the President’s
cabinet. Cases involving possible wrongdoing by
high-level executive branch officials, therefore, present
a fundamental conflict of interest.
H.R. Rep. No. 1307, 95th Cong., 2d Sess. 2 (1978).
In 1982 and again in 1987, after nine years’ experience
during which time there was need to appoint Independent
Counsel on ten occasions, Congress—both times with the
concurrence of President Reagan—again reached the
conclusion that legislation was needed to meet the grave
danger of improper Executive interference with crimi-
nal investigations of high-ranking Executive officials.
Not only actual conflict, but the appearance of conflict
was deemed by Congress to be a compelling justification
for the law."
3 As phrased by the Senate Judiciary Committee :
The appearance of conflict is as dangerous to public confidence
in the administration of justice as true conflict itself. Having
men of integrity operate in the face of a conflict is an insuf-
ficient protection for a system of justice.
S. Rep. 170, 95th Cong., Ist Sess. 6 (1977).
The independence of the investigation into charges of
wrongdoing by a high executive official is also the best
protection against unjust injury to the innocent. A pros-
ecutor with personal or political ties to the individual
charged may intentionally or unintentionally be unfairly
aggressive because of awareness that he may be sus-
pected of favoritism. His decision not to prosecute will
do little to restore the official’s reputation if the public
has reason to suspect that the decision was influenced by
personal favoritism. The present Attorney General has
testified that the appointment of an Independent Counsel
“was the only effective and fair way to determine the
merits” of charges of wrongdoing against him while he
was Counsellor to the President. The Con,irmation of
Edwin Meese Ill to be Attorney General of the United
States: Hearings Before the Senate Committee on the
Judiciary, 99th Cong., 1st Sess. 96 (1985).
The provisions of the Act are carefully tailored to se-
cure these goals. They apply only to criminal investiga-
tions against a very limited number of high officials, in
the outcome of which the President or Attorney General
will often have a disqualifying personal interest because
of either close association or the probable effect of the
disposition of the charges upon their own political for-
tunes.’ Independent Counsel are to be appointed only if,
* Experience disproves the court of appeals’ suggestion that the
statutory freedom of Independent Counsel from Presidential over-
sight subjects high officials to risk of serious unfairness because
an Independent Counsel will feel excessive pressure to produce
indictments and convictions. In re Sealed Case, slip op. at 65-70.
Six of the ten Independent Counsel have closed their investigations
without an indictment. Three investigations are still pending.
Only two indictments have been returned, one in a pending investi-
gation. New York Times, January 23, 1988 at 8, col. 2.
528 U.S.C. § 591(b) limits coverage to charges of wrongdoing by
the President, Vice President, high officials in the White House,
Justice Department and CIA, and ranking officers of the President's
national campaign committee. Additionally, under Section 591(c),
the Attorney General may request an independent counsel if he
7
after a “preliminary investigation” by the Department
of Justice, the Attorney General finds “reasonable ground
to believe that further investigation or prosecution is
warranted.” 28 U.S.C. § 592.
In requiring the Attorney General to apply for the ju-
dicial appointment of an Independent Counsel in this
narrow class of cases, Congress did no more than to in-
voke the ancient legal and equitable principle that a fidu-
ciary should stand aside from any transaction in which
he has personal or pecuniary interests, even though he
sincerely believes that he can—and conceivably can—
weigh the beneficiaries’ interests without regard to his
own. The Attorney General is a fiduciary charged with
securing for the benefit of the public the disinterested
investigation and prosecution of federal crimes. Personal
and partisan interest in the outcome of a criminal in-
vestigation is no less disqualifying than a financial in-
terest. Close official and political association is scarcely
less disqualifying than the ties of family and friendship.
Many honorable Attorneys General would recuse them-
selves from personal participation in a sizeable propor-
tion of the cases covered by the Ethies Act. So would a
President. The Act does little more than make this pre-
cept law for the special category of cases in which the
disqualifying conflict is most likely to arise.
The powers of any Independent Counsel are confined
within a carefully circumscribed area. Section 592/d)
(1) requires the Attorney General to furnish the court
sufficient information to define the “prosecutorial juris-
diction” of an Independent Counsel. Section 593/b) di-
rects the court to define that jurisdiction. It is implicit
that the jurisdiction of an Independent Counsel will be
confined to investigating activities substantially related
to the conduct constituting the violation or violations of
determines that an investigation by the Justice Department “may
result in a personal, financial or political conflict of interest.” 28
U.S.C. § 591(¢).
law suggested in the information submitted by the At-
torney General to the court.
The Act gives an Independent Counsel “full power and
independent authority to exercise all investigative and
prosecutorial functions and powers” with respect to the
specific matters confined to him. 28 U.S.C. § 594(a).
The Justice Department is forbidden to interfere within
that jurisdiction. 28 U.S.C. § 597. This degree of inde-
pendence is secured by a prohibition against removal
without good cause. 28 U.S.C. § 596(a). Without these
safeguards there could be no assurance that in a case in-
volving one or more officials high in the Administration
the conflicting personal or political interests of the Presi-
dent or Attorney General would not defeat or distort the
cause of justice.
This danger has both obvious and subtle forms. Con-
gress was well aware of the best illustration of the ob-
vious form—the first Watergate Special Prosecutor was
dismissed contrary to assurances of total independence
and of security against his removal for anything other
than “extraordinary improprieties.” 28 C.F.R. § 0.37
(1973).
The need for safeguards against subtler, less dramatic
interference is even greater. The attorney in charge of
a case against a high executive official will often be re-
quired to decide such questions as whether to pursue or
drop a particular line of investigation, whether to sum-
mon a particular witness before the Grand Jury, whether
to subpoena certain documents or to respect claims of
privilege, whether to grant immunity to a witness, or
whether and when to seek and release an indictment
against one of the possible defendants. Under many cir-
cumstances the decision of such a question may carry,
or seem likely to carry, serious political or personal im-
plications for the President or Attorney General. Direct
and indirect pressure may be put upon the prosecutor.
The closer the question, the greater the need for inde-
pendence. The attorney in charge of the investigation
9
will find himself in a quandary if the President or At-
torney General retains power to remove him and termi-
nate his investigation. Is the particular witness, piece of
evidence or line of investigation so important to the dis-
charge of his responsibility as to justify risk of dis-
missal and termination of independent investigation? Or
would the ultimate goal best be pursued by yielding in
the particular instance?
Although he is guaranteed a measure of independence,
an Independent Counsel has no power to make policy.
He is bound by the policies established for the Depart-
ment of Justice unless inconsistent with his statutory
duty. 28 U.S.C. § 594(f). Any significant violation of
an established departmental policy might well give “good
cause” for the Attorney General to remove an Independ-
ent Counsel, as authorized by Section 596(a) (1).
The restraints imposed by the established policies of
the Department of Justice are very real. The Depart-
ment has promulgated extensive guidance in Title 28,
Part 45 of the Code of Federal Regulations, and in the
three massive volumes on criminal proceedings from the
U.S. Attorneys Manual.*
In deciding whether to begin or to decline prosecution,
the federal prosecutor is bound by the principles of fed-
eral prosecution, U.S.A.M. 9-27 (1984), which state in
some detail the situations in which it is or is not proper
to exercise the prosecutor’s discretion in favor of prose-
* Departmental regulations require an attorney to disqualify him-
self for any personal or political relationship that might undermine
impartiality. 28 C.F.R. 45.735-4 (1987). Proceedings in the grand
jury are the subject of very extensive policy recommendations deal-
ing with everything from what advice must be given to recipients
of subpoenas, to the disclosure of exculpatory evidence and the
proper use of contempt. E.g., U.S.A.M. 9-11.260, 9-11.334, 9-39.000
(1984). The U.S. Attorneys Manual provides direction and guid-
ance in many cases as to when it is appropriate or inappropriate
to use a particular statute. F.g., U.S.A.M. 9-27.210-27.260 (1984) ;
see also 28 C.F.R. 59.1(b) (1987), 28 C.F.R. 50.10 (1987), U.S.A.M.
9-11.270 (1984).
10
cution. As members of the bar, federal prosecutors are
also required to conform to the professional canons and
rules of the courts.’ The prosecutor’s conduct at trial is
no less bound by court rules, department standards, and
professional canons of behavior.
In sum, although an Independent Counsel is charged
with the ultimate responsibility for decisions concerning
a particular investigation and any resulting prosecu-
tions, his decisions are made within an extensive frame-
work of professional obligations and traditions, judicial
oversight, and Department of Justice policies and rules.
In his handling of cases, the prosecutor has duties to the
law, to his profession, and to the courts.
B. Article II Does Not Bar Assigning To An Inde-
pendent Counsel The Conduct of Particular Inves-
tigations And Prosecutions In A Limited Category
of Cases In Which The President Is Likely To Have
A Disqualifying Personal Or Political Interest.
The majority opinion below advances two overlapping
reasons for rejecting the proposition stated above: first,
the broad proposition that Article II incorporates the
concept of a unitary executive under the President and
therefore bars any law vesting any independent responsi-
bility for any “executive” function in any other official,
slip op. at 42; second, the narrower proposition that, in
any event, control over all criminal investigations and
prosecutions is a quintessential Presidential responsibil-
ity which may not be limited or denied in any part, even
by a law enacted by Congress and signed by the Presi-
dent. Jd. at 26, 51.
™The ABA Model Code of Professional Responsibility stresses
the prosecutor’s respensibility to “seek justice, not merely to con-
vict.” Model Code of Professional Responsibility, E.C. 7-13 (1981).
Disciplinary Rule 7-103 circumscribes the prosecutor’s conduct by
stipulating that a prosecutor may not initiate criminal charges
when he knows the charges are not supported by probable cause,
and by requiring a prosecutor te make timely disclosure to the
defense of any evidence negating guilt or punishment. /d. at D.R.
7-103.
11
We deal with the narrower contention first. We also
assume that, under Article II, there are some Presiden-
tial prerogatives of which he may not be deprived by leg-
islation. Nevertheless, both history and precedent dem-
onstrate that the conduct of particular criminal investi-
gations and prosecutions is not an essential Presidential
function. We then show that the sweeping concept of a
unitary executive advanced by the court below is con-
trary to well-established practice and the decisions of this
Court.
1. History and Precedent Both Demonstrate That
The Investigation and Prosecution of Such Cases
Is Not An Essential Presidential Function.
To prevail in this case the Independent Counsel need
not show that no criminal investigations or prosecutions
are the exclusive prerogative of the President. The Act
applies, as we have shown, only in those situations in
which the danger of conflict is the greatest. In truth,
the partial structural separation created by the Ethics
Act is far less than our legal and constitutional history
and contemporary practice will support.
In describing a prosecutor as quintessentially an arm
of the President, the majority below presented a view
that contrasts strangely with legal history, American
practice, and contemporary views of a prosecutor’s du-
ties. Moreover, although federal laws have usually vested
a degree of control in the Executive Branch as a matter
of practice, not of constitutional necessity, control over
the conduct of specific cases has never been regarded as
quintessentially executive and responsive to the head of
state.
In early English history, prosecutions were not initi-
ated by the Crown. Virtually all prosecutions were pri-
vate, initiated by the victim of the crime.‘ A justice of
* J. Baker, “Criminal Courts and Procedure at Common Law,” in
Crime in England 1550-1800 15-17 (J.S. Cockburn ed. 1977): J.J.
Tobias, Crime and Police in England 1700-1900 117-19 (1979);
12
the peace would then investigate the complaint, and if
there was a prima facie case, he would issue a bill of
indictment. If a grand jury then deemed the indict-
ment a “true bill,” the case went to trial. At trial, the
victim generally acted as the “prosecutor,” sometimes
represented by counsel.’
In the century before the ratification of the Constitu-
tion, the English system of prosecution was still domi-
nantly one carried on by private individuals. Indeed,
concerned by the large number of crimes that went un-
prosecuted, Parliament enacted a series of measures to
encourage private prosecutions."° By the late seventeenth
century, private prosecuting societies developed to pro-
mote the “enforcement” of the laws.” " Plainly these
prosecutions were not subject to the King or the King’s
officers.'* Neither the inquiries into possibly criminal ac-
Kurland, Public Prosecutions in England, 1854-79: An Essay in
English Legislative History, 1959 Duke C.J. 493, 494-7.
* See generally, Baker, supra at 15-20; Tobias, supra at 128-31.
” E.g., “An Act for Encouraging the Apprehension of Highway-
men,” 4 W & Mch. 8 (1692); “An Act for Indemnifying Persons
Who Have Been Guilty of Offenses Against the Laws Made for
Securing the Revenues of Customs and Excise,” 9 Geo. 2, ch. 35
(1736); “An Act for the Better Preventing Theft and Highway
Robberies,” 25 Geo. 2, ch. 36 (1752); see generally 2 Radzinowicz,
History of the English Criminal Law and Its Administration from
1750 57-63, 68-72, 74-82 (1956).
1! Tobias, supra at 126-28; ™ dzinowicz, supra at 2-5, 122-3.
These societies, composed of private individuals, raised money to
nire agents to police certain districts, detect offenders, gather evi-
dence and sponsor prosecutions. Similarly, local self-protection asso-
ciations were formed to fulfill many of the roles later played by
public police forces. Tobias, supra at 126-8, Radzinowicz, supra at
202-9.
12 Not until the creation of a public police force in the mid-
nineteenth century did a public body become responsible for prosecu-
tions. A Director of Public Prosecutions was created in 1879, but
even so, this office fulfilled a largely advisory role, giving assistance
to the still-prevalent private prosecutors. Tobias, supra at 125.
13
tivity nor the grand jury’s indictments nor the conduct
of the prosecution were subject to executive control.
The separation of criminal investigations and prose-
cutions from the executive functions of the Governor was
also familiar in the American colonies, soon-to-become
states. In the colonial era most prosecutions were initi-
ated by the aggrieved citizen. Justices of the peace
were also quasi-prosecutors. In the period immediately
after the adoption of the Constitution, the grand jury
itself conducted much of a criminal investigation, in con-
junction with the summons power of the magistrate, in-
dependent of the behest or supervision of a public prose-
cutor.'* Where there were public prosecutors, their ap-
pointment was not the preserve of the chief executive.
Connecticut’s courts, for example, began appointing the
state’s district attorneys in 1704 and continued to do so
until 1984."°
Today, in at least forty-four states where, as under the
U.S. Constitution, government is based on the separation
of powers, prosecutors are not subject to the Chiet Ex-
ecutive. In forty-two states, the attorney general is
elected. In Maine, the attorney general is appointed by
the state legislature, and in Tennessee by the state su-
13J. Smith, Colonial Justice in Western Massachusetts 129-30
(1961); J. Goebel and T. Naughton, Law Enforcement in Colonial
New York 339-48, 370 (1970); Spindel, The Administration of
Criminal Justice in North Carolina, 1720-1740, 25 Am.J. Legal Hist.
141, 146 (1981); Nelson, “Emerging Notions of Modern Criminal
Law in the Revolutionary Era: An Historical Perspective,” 42
N.Y.U.L. Rev. 450, 467-68 (1967); E. Page, Judicial Beginnings in
New Hampshire, 1640-1700 107 (1959).
4M. Tachau, Federal Courts in the Early Republic 96 (1978).
J. Goebel and T. Naughton, supra at 337, 350-51, 355-59; S. Walker,
Popular Justice 111-12 (1980); Edwards, The Grand Jury, 21
Col.L.Rev. 376-78 (1921)- 2 Z. Swift, Digest of the Laws of the
State of Connecticut, 369 (1823 ed.).
5 4 Conn. Col. Rec. 468 (C. Hoadley, ed. 1868); Conn. Stat. 1808,
p. 67 §6; Conn. Stat. 1821, p. 141, § 22; Conn. Gen. Stat. § 51-278
(1983) ; Swift, supra at 369.
14
preme court."* The practice of electing local prosecutors
is widespread.'’ Court appointment of special prosecu-
tors is a common practice in the states.’*
Given this background, it would be surprising to find
that the Framers of the Constitution regarded control
over all criminal prosecutions as an exclusive and indis-
pensable function of the President. And indeed, the evi-
dence of their views points the other way. Section 32 of
the first Senate draft for the Judiciary Act of 1789 pro-
vided that each district court should appoint “a meet
person learned in the law, to act as Attorney of the
United States in such district,” and that the Supreme
Court should appoint “a meet person learned in the law
to act as Attorney General for the United States... .”
Warren, New Light on the History of the Federal Judi-
ciary Act of 1789, 37 Harv. L. Rev. 49, 108-09 (1923).
Five of the ten draftsmen of that provision, including
Oliver Ellsworth, had attended the Philadelphia Con-
vention.
Although the bill was revised to provide for Presi-
dential appointment with the advice and consent of the
16 See National Association of Attorneys General: Committee on
the Office of Attorney General, Powers, Duties and Operations of
State Attorneys General 77-78 (1977).
17 See Cal. [Gov’t.] Code § 24009 (West 1968); Mo. Rev. Stat.
§ 56.010 (1986); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 252.020 (Michie 1986) ;
N.C. Gen. Stat. § 7A-60 (1986); Okla. Stat. Ann. tit. 19, § 215.20
(West 1962 & Supp. 1988). The Colorado constitution provides for
the election of local prosecutors. See Colo. Const. Art. VI, § 13.
18 See Ala. Code § 12-17-185 (1975); Fla. Stat. Ann. § 27.16
(West 1974); Ga. Code Ann. § 15-18-5 (1985); Ill. Ann. Stat. ch.
14, para. 6 (Smith-Hurd 1987 Supp.); Nev. Rev. Stat. Ann.
§ 252.100 (Michie 1986). See also Weems v. Anderson, 516 S.W.2d
895 (Ark. 1974); In re Shelley, 2 A.2d 809 (Pa. 1938); State v.
Hayes, 18 A.2d 895 (Conn. 1941); Taylor v. State, 38 So. 380 (Fla.
1905); Territory v. Harding, 12 P. 750 (Mont. 1887); People ex rel.
Lindsley v. District Court, 66 P. 896 (Colo. 1901) ; State v. Ganthier,
231 P. 141 (Ore. 1924).
15
Senate,"® the 19th century history of the Department of
Justice argues against, rather than for, the proposition
that control of criminal prosecutions was perceived to be
an exclusively Presidential function. The early U.S. At-
torneys were private lawyers who worked on the basis
of fees for services rendered.” Their tie to the judiciary
is reflected in the appropriation bills linking the fees and
costs of the U.S. Attorneys, not with the executive, but
with the courts.*' U.S. judges filled vacancies in the office
without requiring statutory authority. See 6 Op. Att’y
Gen. 80 (1853). Indeed, Congress continued until the
early 19th century the British practice of relying upon
private informers to bring law violations to the atten-
tien of the courts.”
In 1870, U.S. Attorneys were brought under the At-
torney General and Department of Justice.” The gen-
eral conduct of law enforcement came under increasing
executive control on behalf of the President. But these
developments have never operated to make prosecution
an absolute or unchangeable prerogative of the President
and Department of Justice. A federal court may desig-
nate an attorney to prosecute a criminal contempt.
Young v. United States ex rel. Vuitton et Fils, 107 S.Ct.
2124 (1987). In 1924 Congress did not hesitate to give
the special counsel appointed to investigate the Teapot
1% There is no hint in the records, letters and diaries of the time
to suggest that this revision was made for constitutional rather
than policy reasons.
20 White, The Federalists: A Study in Administrative History
406-08 (1948). American State Papers, Miscellaneous, I. 303
(1802).
21 See “An Act to Establish the Judiciary Courts of the United
States” reprinted in 5 C. Bickford & H. Vert. Documentary History
of the First Federal Congress: Legislative Histories 1150, 1165
(1986).
221 Stat. 29, Sec. 29 (1789); 1 Stat. 65, Sec. 8 (1789): 1 Stat.
101, See. 3 (1790); 1 Stat. 452, See. 3 (1796); see generally L.
White, supra at 415-17.
23 See Seymour, United States Attorneys 22 (1975).
16
Dome scandal “charge and control of the prosecution of
such litigation, anything in the statutes touching the
powers of the Attorney General of the Department of
Justice to the contrary notwithstanding.” Act of Febru-
ary 8, 1924, 43 Stat. 5 (1924). Criminal prosecutions
were specifically included.
The argument of the court below for exclusive Presi-
dential control of prosecutors draws scant support from
the citation of hypothetical instances in which a prose-
cutor’s pursuit of particular evidence or lines of inquiry
might, if pressed too far, run counter to the views of the
public interest held by other conscientious officials. Jn re
Sealed Case, slip op. at 71. Independent Counsel can be
expected to listen attentively to the representations of
other officials concerning the effect of his intended ac-
tions upon other governmental concerns. Negotiation
will nearly always resolve any differences. Should nego-
tiation fail, the Independent Counsel has no coercive
power of his own. The very most he can do is to invoke
the coercive power of a court. The views of other gov-
ernment officials will be heard and weighed in the en-
suing proceeding. The Ethics Act gives the Attorney
General a right to appear as amicus curiae.. 28 U.S.C.
£$597(b). The process would provide no little assurance
that excessively single-minded pursuit of prosecutorial
concerns will not damage relations with another country
or other national interests. As for the rest, Congress
could properly decide that the damage likely to be done
by independent prosecution was less than the damage
done to the public interest by leaving the prosecution of
eases in which the President and Attorney General have
an actual or apparent conflict of interest nonetheless sub-
ject to their control.
There is nothing contrary to the teachings of history
in the opinions quoted by the court below. slip op. at 26-
51, to the effect that the “power to decide whether to
investigate, and when to prosecute. lies at the core of
the Executive’s duties to see to the faithful execution of
17
the laws.” Those opinions, with one exception, were de-
scribing not an arrangement ordained by the Constitu-
tion but the authority of the Executive Branch under the
then existing statutes and practices.** The single excep-
tion, Justice White’s opinion in Buckley v. Valeo, 424
U.S. 1, 285 (1976), speaks only of a congressional effort
to usurp the functions of law enforcement, and obviously
has no bearing upon giving independence to a prosecutor
wes may well be described as belonging to the Executive
ranch.
On the other hand, United States v. Nixon, 418 US.
683 (1974), confirms the teachings of history, State
practice, and professional discipline. The regulation of
the Department of Justice giving the Watergate Special
Prosecutor “plenary authority to control the course of
investigation and litigation related to” the Watergate
matter would not- have been law binding on the Court
if it had given away an authority that Article II requires
to be vested in the President. And if the power to make
independent prosecutorial judgments can be vested in a
special prosecutor by departmental regulation approved
by the President, surely the same authority can be vested
in such an officer by a law enacted by Congress and ap-
proved by the President.
Nor can Nixon be distinguished upon the ground that
there the President retained legal power to rescind the
regulation. President Nixon had given the most solemn
public assurances that he would not revoke the regula-
tion. It passes the limits of imagination to suppose that
the Framers would have believed that the legal power of
a President to revoke a regulation in violation of a sol-
emn public promise is so important that they would be
willing to allow the President to delegate independent
* United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 693 (1974): United States
v. Cox, 342 F.2d 167, 171 (5th Cir.) (en banc), cert. denied, 381
U.S. 935 (1965). Community for Creative Non-Violence v. Pierce,
786 F.2d 1199, 1201 (D.C. Cir. 1986). See also Confiscation Cases,
74 U.S. (7 Wall.) 454 (1868).
18
prosecutorial responsibility to another officer based on
such a solemn commitment, but would nevertheless be
unwilling to allow such independent responsibility to be
so vested by a law made by the President and Congress,
or enacted over the President’s veto by a two-thirds ma-
jority in each House. In reality, though, the power to
dismiss an Independent Counsel for “good cause” gives
a President greater control under the Ethics Act than
President Nixon retained in the Watergate affair.
2. Article 11 Does Not Bar Legislation Vesting In
An Inferior Officer Independent Responsibility
for Functions Not Required to Be Performed by
the President.
Once it is recognized that control over specific crimi-
nal prosecutions is not quintessentially a Presidential
function, the Article II attacks on the Ethies Act quickly
dissipate. The court of appeals assumes that because the
Constitution establishes three branches of government—
characterized as legislative, executive, and judicial—the
Constitution requires this Court by the definitions it
gives to those terms to draw sharp lines assigning each
and every governmental activity exclusively to one or
another branch. This proposition has repeatedly been re-
jected by this Court.” To turn the separation of powers
among the three branches into a rule requiring Presi-
dential control over every decision that may be denomi-
nated “executive” stands upon its head a _ principle
adopted to ensure the diffusion of power.
The principle that Congress and the President may by
law vest in a designated officer the responsibility for per-
forming specific executive functions, and also make that
officer’s decision final and binding upon others, was estab-
lished in the early days of the Republic. In Kendall v.
United States ex rel. Stokes, 37 U.S. (12 Pet.) 524
(1838), the Court issued a writ of mandamus to require
25 See Nixon v. Administrator of General Services, 433 U.S. 425,
441-446 (1977), and authorities there cited; «f/f. The Federalist
No. 47 at 325-26 (J. Madison) (J. Cooke ed. 1961).
19
the Postmaster to comply with a law directing him how
to settle a disputed account, typically an executive func-
tion. To arguments drawn from Article II and the sepa-
ration of powers the Court replied:
The theory of the constitution undoubtedly is, that
the great powers of the government are divided into
separate departments; and so far as these powers are
derived from the constitution, the departments may
be regarded as independent of each other. But
beyond that, all are subject to regulations by law,
touching the discharge of the duties required to be
performed.
Id. at 610.
The Court continued:
The executive power is vested in a President; and as
far as his powers are derived from the constitution,
he is beyond the reach of any other department,
except in the mode prescribed by the constitution
through the impeaching power. But it by no means
follows, that every officer in every branch of that
department is under the exclusive direction of the
President.
Id. (Emphasis added. )
The Court next recognized that there are many “political
duties” imposed on officers in the Executive Branch that
are normally discharged under direction of the President,
and then went on to rule:
But it would be an alarming doctrine, that congress
cannot impose upon any executive officer any duty
they may think proper, which is not repugnant to
any rights secured and protected by the constitution;
and in such cases, the duty and responsibility grow
out of and are subject to the control of the law, and
not to the direction of the President.
Id.**
“6 This sentence follows immediately after the truncated and
therefore misleading excerpt quoted in note 21 to the majority
opinion in the court of appeals. Slip op. at 26.
Since 1887 the increase in social and economic legisla-
tion has multiplied exponentially the number of instances
in which the laws vest in designated officers the power of
final decision without interference by the Chief Executive
on a matter that might have been left to his discretion.
The constitutionality of such legislation is beyond ques-
tion. See e.g., Humphrey's Executor v. United States,
295 U.S. 602 (1935). The President’s duty to “take Care
that the Laws be faithfully executed” is performed by
taking care that the officer faithfully performs the statu-
tory duty. See 1 Op. Att'y Gen. 624, 626 (1823), 11 Op.
Att’y Gen. 14, 16 (1864). The Ethics Act does not inter-
fere with the President's performance of this constitu-
tional duty because Section 596(a)(1) gives the Attorney
General power to remove an Independent Counsel “for
good cause, physical disability, mental incapacity, or any
other condition that substantially impairs the performance
of such independent counsel’s duties.”
3. The Statutory Limitation Upon The President's
Power of Removal Without Good Cause Does
Not Infringe Upon An Exclusive Presidential
Prerogative.
Just as the century-old practice of establishing inde-
pendent agencies to perform functions that might be dele-
gated to the President illustrates that the Constitution
does not require Presidential control of every non-
legislative and non-judicial function, so too the decisions
of this Court show that the power of the President to
remove an officer at his pleasure may constitutionally be
limited by law in a situation like that here, where Con-
gress has constitutionally created an office whose duties
are to be performed independent of Presidential control.
Huwphrey’s Executor v. United States, 295 U.S. 602
(1935). See also Weiner v. United States, 357 U.S. 349
(1958) .*"
27 To distinguish Humphrey's Executor, as the court below does,
upon the ground that the Court spoke of the functions of independ-
ent agencies as “quasi-legislative” and “quasi-judicial” is to at-
21
Il. INVESTING INDEPENDENT POWER TO PROSE-
CUTE SPECIFIC CRIMINAL CHARGES AGAINST
HIGH GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS IN AN _ IN-
FERIOR OFFICER DOES NOT VIOLATE THE
SEPARATION OF POWERS.
The constitutional purpose of the separation of powers
is to prevent “the encroachment or aggrandizement of one
branch at the expense of the other.” Buckley v. Valeo,
424 U.S. 1, 129 (1976); INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919,
951 (1983); Bowsher v. Synar, 106 S.Ct. 3181, 3189
(1986). Unlike the legislation held unconstitutional in
those cases and in Myers v. United States, 272 U.S. 52
(1926), the Ethics Act transfers no power whatever from
the Executive Branch to Congress, to any branch of Con-
gress, or to any officer subject to any form of congres-
sional control. Congress is given no voice in the appoint-
ment or removai of an Independent Counsel and no con-
trol over a Counsel’s performance of the duties of the
In order to find an aggrandizement of congressional
power, the court below was driven to engage in fanciful
speculation, such as that the ability of members of the
House and Senate Judiciary Committees to request the
Attorney General to appoint an Independent Counsel
“may, like a flicking left jab, confound the Executive
Branch in dealing with Congress.” Slip op. at 67. The
observation is as irrelevant as it is speculative. There is
no enlargement of the power of Congress or of the mem-
bers of any committee. Specific and credible information
tribute a magical power to those words. In realit . responsibiliti
performed by the Interstate Commerce po for ee
in fixing railroad rates, are not significantly different from the
functions performed by, for example, the Secretary of Agriculture
in fixing milk prices, see, ¢.g., United States v. Rock Royal Coopera-
tive, 307 U.S. 533 (1938), or the Secretary of Labor in fixing wages
under the Walsh-Healy. 41 U.S.C. §§ 35-45, and Davis-Bacon Acts.
40 U.S.C. § 276a et seq.
** Section 595(e) provides for such requests and requires the
Attorney General, if he does not request the appointment, to explain
his reason for failing to do so within thirty days.
suggesting criminal activities of high Presidential aides
might equally affect the relative political influence of the
President and Congress even in the absence of the Ethics
Act. As for the political effect of the Independent Coun-
sel mechanism—even if that were relevant—the availabil-
ity of machinery for resolving charges free from sus-
picion of personally or politically motivated Presidential
interference will typically strengthen a President s politi-
cal position, unless he ha; political need to hide what has
occurred.
Nor does the Ethics Act unconstitutionally aggrandize
the Judicial Branch at the expense of the Executive.
Article II, Section 2 specifically authorizes the courts of
law to appoint inferior officers pursuant to Acts of Con-
gress. An Independent Counsel is such an officer. See
Point IIIA, infra. Defining the subject matter jurisdic-
tion of each Independent Counsel in terms of the concrete
charges or cases assigned is a necessary incident of an
appointment ad hoc. The power that Section 596 (b) (2)
confers upon the court to terminate an office of Inde-
pendent Counsel obviously contemplates none of the day-
to-day judicial supervision of the conduct of an investi-
gation conjured up by the court below. Slip op. at 82-83.
Similarly, Section 596(a) (3), which provides for judicial
review of any removal of an Independent Counsel, has
none of the implications supposed by the majority below.
Whatever room there may have been for misunderstand-
ing earlier versions of the Ethies Act, the recent amend-
ments to the Act make plain that the scope of review here
is to be no greater than the wholly familiar judicial
review of discharges of other employees and officials for
“good cause.” H. Conf. Rep. No. 452, 100th Cong., Ist
Sess. 14, 37 (1987).
2° The court's power should be read as a largely formal mecha-
nism for tidying up two situations: (a) cases in which there is no
controversy over whether an Independent Counsel has completed
the assignment, but Counsel has failed to file a report; and (b)
cases in which an Independent Counsel has ceased to pursue the
investigation.
There is no greater force in the suggestion that even
though the Act does not enlarge congressional power, it
diminishes the power of the President to such a degree as
to offend the basic constitutional purpose of preserving
a balance among the three Branches. See Commodities
Futures Trading Comm. v. Schor, 106 S.Ct. 3245, 3260-61
(1986). As Justice O’Connor made plain there, the ques-
tion in such cases is one of degree. As we have already
shown, in appropriate cases Congress may by law charge
inferior officers with independent responsibility for per-
forming specified functions that may be described as
executive, and may also protect that independence by lim-
iting the President’s discretionary power of removal.
And as we have also shown, control over the conduct of
the very narrow range of criminal investigations and
prosecutions covered by the Ethics Act is not a core execu-
tive function.
Viewed in the total context of executive powers and
duties, therefore, cases under the Ethics Act are trifling
in number, involve no core Presidential responsibilities,
and require no resolution of large questions of policy.
Because high officials and public confidence in the integ-
rity of government are involved, the cases have great
dramatic interest and grave national importance. But
the interest and national importance arise out of the very
circumstances that require the mechanism provided by
the Ethics Act. The officials covered by the Act are close
to the President, so close that he is likely to be personally
affected by the outcome, so close that there is an actual
or apparent conflict of interest raising public suspicion
of selfish personal or political interference by the Presi-
dent or Attorney General. The Independent Counsel
mechanism takes no important power from a President
short of the ability to abuse power, and, in the long run,
the mechanism is the best—if not the only—way to pre-
serve the public confidence in the integrity of a President
upon which his proper power and the power of his suc-
cessors depends.
24
Ill. INDEPENDENT COUNSEL ARE “INFERIOR OFFI-
CERS” WHOSE APPOINTMENT ARTICLE II AU-
THORIZES CONGRESS “BY LAW” TO VEST IN A
COURT OF LAW.
Article II, Section 2, clause 2 of the Constitution pro-
vides that “the Congress may by Law vest the Appoint-
ment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, In
the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads
of Departments.”
The court below held that Congress lacked power by
law to vest the appointment of Independent Counsel in a
court, first, because Independent Counsel cannot be “in-
ferior officers,” and second, because in any event the Con-
stitution bars the appointment by a court. We submit
that both rulings are wrong.
A. Independent Counsel Are “Inferior Officers.”
The present case requires no decision of the much-
debated question whether the power to vest the appoint-
ment of “inferior Officers” in the President alone, in the
Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments extends
to all offices other than those particularly named in the
Constitution. Even if “inferior Officers” is interpreted
more narrowly, the Appointments Clause permits the
President and Congress, or Congress alone upon overrid-
ing a veto, to provide “by law” for the appointment of
officers with the narrow jurisdiction, relatively brief
tenure, and important but limited independence of an
Independent Counsel.
In the 18th century, as today, the adjective “inferior”
was commonly used to mean “low or lower in station,
rank, degree, or grade” and “of little or less importance,
value, or excellence,” without the slightest implication of
being subjected to some other specific person’s commands.”
3° Eg... Thomas Sheridan, A General Dictionary of the English
Language, Wol. I (1780); Johnson's and Walker's English Dic-
tionaries Combined (1823); Noah Webster, An American Dic-
tionary of the English Language (1830).
25
A dictionary published in Philadelphia in 1785 defines
“inferior” as “lower in place; lower in station or rank of
life; lower in value -or excellence,” and only last as “sub-
ordinate.” ** We commonly apply the adjective in this
sense to kinds of work, positions, and even people, as well
as products and ideas. Whether an office is “inferior”
accordingly depends upon its relative rank or importance
among all offices of the United States, including the scope
of its duties, its duration, the degree of policymaking,
and the relative amounts of independent discretion and
supervisory control.
Judged by these criteria the Independent Counsel are
plainly “inferior Officers.” In rank and general impor-
tance they fall well below the officers named in the Con-
stitution and a wealth of sub-Cabinet and independent
agency positions. The jurisdiction of each Independent
Counsel is limited to the investigation and, if appropri-
ate, prosecution of the alleged criminal] conduct of a sin-
gle person, or growing out of a single set of related activi-
ties. The complete picture is of an officer whose role is
limited to sharply defined bounds set by others, whose
tenure is temporary, who is subject to the web of re-
straints imposed on prosecutors by both the Justice De-
partment and the court, and who may be removed from
office for violation of the Department’s policies or other
malfeasance or misconduct. Nothing in the words of the
Constitution, the records of the Philadelphia Convention
or the subsequent interpretation requires the conclusion
that the appointment of such an officer must, despite leg-
islation to the contrary, be made upon the advice and con-
sent of the Senate.”
%1S. Johnson, A Dictionary of the English Language in Which
the Words Are Deduced From Their Originals (1785).
* In limiting the words “inferior Officers” to those officials who
are always subject in all important respects to some superior’s
direction and control, the court below was greatly influenced by
imaginary examples of abusive legislation, enacted by two-thirds
majorities over the President’s veto, stripping the President of all
normal executive functions. Slip op. at 39-41. Since Gibbons v.
The scant evidence of contemporary understanding con-
firms our interpretation. Discussion at the Constitutional
Convention focused on the question whether the Execu-
tive, the Legislature or the courts should make appoint-
ments. The only relevant colloquy shows that the exact
wording of the second part of the Appointments Clause
was considered a matter of slight importance.* The most
plausible explanation is that the delegates were willing to
allow Congress and the President, or Congress by two-
thirds majorities, the wide power to decide by law which
offices created by law might appropriately be filled by
appointments made without the advice and consent of the
Senate.**
Ogden, 22 U.S. (9 Wheat) 1, 187-89 (1824), the Court has re-
peatedly ruled that the ability to hypothesize abuses cf a power
delegated to Congress 1s not sufficient reason for a narrow inter-
pretation. In this instance there are also constitutional checks.
Legislation of the extreme character imagined by the majority
below would be subject to constitutional attack under other sections
of Article II in accordance with the suggestion in Commodity Fu-
tures Trading Comm. v. Schor, 106 S.Ct. 3245, 3252 (1986). No
such problem is presented by the Ethics Act.
332 The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787 627 (M. Far-
rand ed. 1966).
34 This was the conclusion reached by Justice Story, who lived at
a time much closer to the Framers than today :
The propriety of this discretionary power in congress, to some
extent, cannot well be questioned. If any discretion should be
allowed, its limits could hardly admit of being exactly defined ;
and it might fairly be left to congress to act according to the
lights of experience.
3 Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United
States, §§ 1529, 1530 reprinted in 4 The Founders’ Constitution
117, 119 (P. Kurland and R. Lerner, eds. 1987).
As noted above, the original draft of the Judiciary Act of 1789
also supports this understanding, in that it is evidence a number
of the Framers believed that the Appointments Clause gives Con-
gress and the President discretion to vest “by law” the appoint-
ment of both the Attorney General and United States Attorneys
in the courts.
27
In enacting and reenacting the Ethics Act, three Con-
gresses and two Presidents have concluded that an Inde-
pendent Counsel is an Inferior Officer for whose appoint-
ment the advice and consent of the Senate is constitution-
ally required. This Court, in accordance with settled
rules of constitutional interpretation, should give great
weight to those judgments by the other two branches in
exercising the power delegated to them by the Appoint-
ments Clause. That the Court has the final responsibility
for interpreting the Constitution is beyond dispute. When
the question turns solely upon the text, there may be scant
room for deference beyond weighing with respect the
opinion of others. But the settled rule is opposite, when
as here, the case is within the outer textual limits of the
delegation of legislative power to Congress, and the final
judgment must turn upon finding and appraising the
significance of facts, upon the balancing of several fac-
tors, and upon like questions of value and degree. In the
latter cases, the rule since McCulloch v. Maryland, 17
U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316, 423 (1819) has been that the Court
will not upset a rational congressional judgment. Kat-
zenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S. 294, 303-04 (1964); L.
Tribe, American Constitutional Law 303 (2d ed. 1987).
The present case falls in the latter class. In deciding
whether an Independent Counsel is an inferior officer, it
was for Congress to appraise the amount and overall sig-
nificance of the independence it conferred in the context
of such limiting factors as the specificity of the assign-
ment, the brevity of each appointment, the absence of
policy-making power, the obligation to conform to estab-
lished policies of the Department of Justice, and the rela-
tive place of the office in the over-all plan of governmert.
This Court could properly overturn the considered legis-
lative judgment only if the constitutional text contained
an absolute mandate requiring any officer in whom any
significant degree of independence is vested to be ap-
pointed by the President with the advice and consent of
the Senate regardless of any other circumstance. So rigid
a rule would unduly constrict the organization of execu-
tive and administrative functions. It might well over-
burden the Senate. And, as applied to the narrow but
important problem addressed in the Ethies Act, it would
erode confidence in the rule of law by making it constitu-
tionally impossible to provide assurance that the investi-
gation and prosecution of crimes by high officials were
conducted, as in the case of other citizens, by prosecutors
serving only the ideal of impartial justice free from the
dictates or pressures of political or personal self-interest.*°
B. Appointment of Independent Counsel! by a Court of
Law is Authorized by Article II and Congruent
with the Judicial Function under Article III.
The words of the Appointments Clause, given their
plain meaning, expressly authorize Congress to vest the
appointment of any inferior officer in the President alone,
in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments, “as
they think proper.” There is no express limitation. FEx-
Parte Siebold squarely upholds the constitutionality of
legislation vesting in the circuit courts the duty of ap-
pointing supervisors of election whose duties were alleged
to be “entirely executive in character” and “not connected
with the judicial department.” 100 U.S. at 397-99. The
Court did not question this description. The decision
plainly holds that unless barred by some other constitu-
tional provision, Congress has discretion under the Ap-
pointments Clause to choose to vest the appointment of
an inferior officer in a court of law regardless of whether
the duties of the office might be characterized as execu-
tive, or judicial, or connected to the legislative branch.
%5 Under the narrow construction of “inferior Officers” adopted by
the court below, the appointments of Special Watergate Prosecutors
were unconstitutional because made without the advice and consent
of the Senate. United States v. Nixon, 419 U.S. 683 (1974) im-
plicitly upholds the constitutionality of those appointments. The
distinction offered in the majority opinion below, slip op. at 18 n.17,
has the absurd consequence of attributing constitutional significance
to a President’s retention of technical legal power to revoke a de-
partmental regulation in violation of his explicit promises not only
to the person appointed, but to the American people.
In support of his novel ruling that the Appointments
Clause bars legislation vesting in one branch the power
to appoint an individual to a position belonging to another
branch, Judge Silberman quoted only the following sen-
tence:
It is no doubt usual! and proper to vest the appoint-
ment of inferior officers in that department of the
government, executive or judicial, or in that partic-
ular executive department to which the duties
appertain.
Id. at 397.
Judge Silberman omitted the next sentence and the re-
mainder of the key passage from the Siebold opinion:
But there is no absolute requirement to this effect in
the Constitution. . .. [A]s the Constitution stands,
the selection of the appointing power, as between the
functionaries named, is a matter resting in the dis-
cretion of Congress. ... [T]he duty to appoint in-
ferior officers, when required thereto by law, is a con-
stitutional 4uty of the courts; and in the present case
there is no such incongruity in the duty required as
to excuse the courts from its performance, or to
render their acts void. It cannot be affirmed that the
appointment of the officers in question could, with
any greater propriety, and certainly not with equal
regard to convenience, have been assigned to any
other depository of official power capable of exercis-
ing it.
Id. at 397-98.
In speaking of “incongruity” the Court evidently re-
ferred to its earlier decisions holding that Congress may
not call upon Article III courts to perform duties outside
their constitutional functions. The Court then held that
there was no such incongruity in the case before it be-
cause the duty to appoint inferior officers when directed
by law is imposed by the Constitution. The present case
is even clearer because appointing prosecutors has long
been a familiar judicial function. See p. 14, supra.
CONCLUSION
The judgment below should be reversed.
Of Counsel:
Pau. A. FREUND
Langdell 247
Harvard Law School
Cambridge, Massachusetts (2158
(617) 495-3130
Respectfully submitted,
(617) 495-3133
DONALD J. SIMON *
Sonosky, CHAMBERS & SACHSE
1250 Eye Street, N.W.
Suite 1000
Washington, D.C. 20005
(202) 682-0240
Attorneys for Common Cause
* Counsel of Record
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.