Amicus Curiae Brief — Stephen Foote, Individually and as Guardian and Next Friend of B. F. and G. F., Minors, et al., Petitioners v. Ludlow School Committee, et al.
Supreme Court briefAug 21, 2025
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No. 25-77
In the Supreme Court of the United States
__________
STEPHEN FOOTE, INDIVIDUALLY AND AS GUARDIAN AND
NEXT FRIEND OF B. F. AND G. F., MINORS, ET AL.,
Petitioners,
v.
LUDLOW SCHOOL COMMITTEE, ET AL.,
Respondents.
____________________
ON PETITION FOR WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED
STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIRST CIRCUIT
_______________
BRIEF FOR SAMARITAN’S PURSE
AS AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT
OF PETITIONERS
__________
CHRISTOPHER E. MILLS
Counsel of Record
Spero Law LLC
557 East Bay Street
#22251
Charleston, SC 29413
(843) 606-0640
cmills@spero.law
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Table of Authorities .....................................................ii
Interest of Amicus Curiae ........................................... 1
Summary of the Argument ......................................... 2
Reasons for Granting the Writ.................................... 4
I. The First Circuit erred in its understanding of
the necessary coercion or restraint on parental
rights................................................................... 4
A. Parents need not show direct coercion or
restraint. ....................................................... 4
B. Secret transitioning policies do involve
coercion and restraint. .................................. 8
1. The school’s actions restrained the
parents’ rights. .......................................... 9
2. The school’s actions coerced the parentchild relationship. ................................... 11
3. The school’s own explanation confirms the
point......................................................... 14
II. The parental right properly asserted here is
unlike any claimed right to access prohibited
medical interventions....................................... 18
Conclusion.................................................................. 24
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
Abigail All. for Better Access to
Developmental Drugs v. Eschenbach,
495 F.3d 695 (CADC 2007) .................................... 20
Am. Commc’ns Ass’n v. Douds,
339 U.S. 382 (1950) .................................................. 6
Anderson v. Celebrezze,
460 U.S. 780 (1983) .................................................. 6
Arizona Students’ Ass’n v. Arizona Bd. of Regents,
824 F.3d 858 (CA9 2016) ....................................... 11
Brandt v. Griffin, ___ F.4th ___, No. 23-2681,
2025 WL 2317546 (8th Cir. Aug. 12, 2025) ..... 20, 21
Buckley v. Valeo,
424 U.S. 1 (1976) ...................................................... 6
Carson v. Makin,
596 U.S. 767 (2022) .................................................. 5
Cruzan v. Dir., Missouri Dep’t of Health,
497 U.S. 261 (1990) ................................................ 21
Davis v. Fed. Election Comm’n,
554 U.S. 724 (2008) .................................................. 6
Dent v. West Virginia,
129 U.S. 114 (1889) ................................................ 20
Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org.,
597 U.S. 215 (2022) ................................................ 19
Doe v. Delaware Valley Reg’l High Sch. Bd. of Educ.,
2024 WL 5006711 (D.N.J. Nov. 27, 2024) ............... 5
iii
Doe v. Ladapo,
737 F. Supp. 3d 1240 (N.D. Fla. 2024) .................. 23
Edwards v. Aguillard,
482 U.S. 578 (1987) ................................................ 11
Eknes-Tucker v. Governor of Alabama,
80 F.4th 1205 (CA11 2023) .............................. 19, 22
Eknes-Tucker v. Marshall,
603 F. Supp. 3d 1131 (M.D. Ala. 2022) ................. 19
FCC v. Fox Television Stations, Inc.,
556 U.S. 502 (2009) ................................................ 11
Gonzales v. Carhart,
550 U.S. 124 (2007) ................................................ 22
Grimm v. Gloucester Cnty. Sch. Bd.,
972 F.3d 586 (CA4 2020) ....................................... 15
Johnson v. Texas,
509 U.S. 350 (1993) ................................................ 11
K.C. v. Individual Members of Med. Licensing Bd. of
Indiana, 121 F.4th 604 (CA7 2024)................. 20, 22
Kanuszewski v. Michigan Dep’t of Health & Human
Servs., 927 F.3d 396 (CA6 2019) ........................... 21
L.W. v. Skrmetti,
83 F.4th 460 (CA6 2024) ...................... 20, 21, 22, 23
Mahmoud v. Taylor,
145 S. Ct. 2332 (2025) ................ 2, 5, 7, 8, 11, 13, 14
Mann v. Cnty. of San Diego,
907 F.3d 1154 (CA9 2018) ..................................... 21
Meyer v. Nebraska,
262 U.S. 390 (1923) .............................................. 6, 7
iv
Nebraska Dist. of Evangelical Lutheran Synod of
Missouri, Ohio, & Other States v. McKelvie,
175 N.W. 531 (Neb. 1919) ........................................ 7
Parham v. J.R.,
442 U.S. 584 (1979) ................................................ 15
Parker v. Hurley,
514 F.3d 87 (CA1 2008) ......................................... 14
Prince v. Massachusetts,
321 U.S. 158 (1944) ............................................ 2, 18
Raich v. Gonzales,
500 F.3d 850 (CA9 2007) ....................................... 20
Reno v. Flores,
507 U.S. 292 (1993) ................................................ 23
Ricard v. USD 475 Geary Cnty., KS Sch. Bd.,
2022 WL 1471372 (D. Kan. May 9, 2022) ............... 9
Rutherford v. United States,
616 F.2d 455 (CA10 1980) ..................................... 20
Saenz v. Roe,
526 U.S. 489 (1999) .................................................. 6
Thomas v. Review Board,
450 U.S. 707 (1981) .................................................. 5
Troxel v. Granville,
530 U.S. 57 (2000) .............................................. 2, 18
United States v. Rahimi,
602 U.S. 680 (2024) .......................................... 18, 20
Washington v. Glucksberg,
521 U.S. 702 (1997) ................................ 2, 19, 22, 23
Whalen v. Roe,
429 U.S. 589 (1977) ................................................ 20
v
Wisconsin v. Yoder,
406 U.S. 205 (1972) ............................................ 8, 11
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Brief of Amici Curiae American Civil Liberties Union
et al., Foote v. Ludlow Sch. Comm., No. 23-1069,
2023 WL 4558586 (CA1 July 6, 2023) ............. 16, 17
Pet. for Writ of Cert., L.W. v. Skrmetti, No. 23-466
(U.S. Nov. 1, 2023) ................................................. 19
Translate Gender, https://www.facebook.com/
reel/1453224735639289 (Mar. 31, 2025) ............... 12
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE
Samaritan’s Purse is a nondenominational,
evangelical Christian organization formed in 1970 to
provide spiritual and physical aid to hurting people
around the world. The organization seeks to follow the
command of Jesus to “go and do likewise” in response
to the story of the Samaritan who helped a hurting
stranger. Samaritan’s Purse operates in over 100
countries providing crisis relief, sharing the hope and
love of Jesus Christ with those in the gutters and
ditches of the world in their darkest hour of need. The
ministry operates relief programs around the world
for vulnerable women who are victims of war, famine,
and disaster and through maternal and child
healthcare. Samaritan’s Purse’s concern arises when
concepts of Biblical and scientific reality are
threatened by executive, legislative, or judicial action
compelling ideologies that diminish common grace
related to safety, fairness, privacy, speech, and
religious free exercise.*
* Under Rule 37.2, the parties’ counsel of record received timely
notice of the intent to file this brief. Under Rule 37.6, no counsel
for a party authored this brief in whole or in part, and no person
other than amicus curiae, its members, or its counsel made a
monetary contribution to its preparation or submission.
2
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
This Court has held that the Constitution protects
parents’ rights “to direct the education and upbringing
of [their] children.” Washington v. Glucksberg, 521
U.S. 702, 720 (1997). “[S]o long as a parent adequately
cares for his or her children,” the government
generally may not “inject itself into the private realm
of the family to further question the ability of that
parent to make the best decisions concerning the
rearing of that parent’s children.” Troxel v. Granville,
530 U.S. 57, 68–69 (2000) (plurality opinion). Yet here,
Baird Middle School let its nonbinary librarian and a
guidance counselor transition an 11-year-old girl, then
withheld that information from her parents based on
its hostile assumption that parents by default cannot
be trusted to properly raise children who face gender
identity issues. The Constitution’s assumption, however, is that parents—not nonbinary school librarians
or other administrators—have the “primary function
and freedom” to educate and raise their children.
Prince v. Massachusetts, 321 U.S. 158, 166 (1944). The
school’s active, intentional deception about the child’s
critical educational and developmental information
infringed these parents’ constitutional rights.
This brief makes two points in support of certiorari.
First, the First Circuit imposed an artificial coercionor-restraint test, then gerrymandered those terms so
that the conduct here purportedly fell outside of those
terms. The Court has recently rejected similar efforts,
see Mahmoud v. Taylor, 145 S. Ct. 2332, 2357–58 &
n.9 (2025), and it should do so again here. Parents’
rights, just like other constitutional rights, can be
infringed by government actions short of narrowly-
3
defined coercion or restraint. A substantial burden on
those rights suffices. Here, no matter how one
articulates the necessary burden, the parents have
shown that the school’s action implicates their
fundamental right to direct their child’s education and
upbringing. By deceiving the parents about their
child’s education and development, the school
restrained the parents’ ability to raise their child as
they saw fit. The school’s actions also coerced the child
to depart from the parents’ guidance, putting direct
tension on the parent-child relationship. Though the
complaint amply alleges these burdens, they are
proved by the school’s own defenses. The school
considered it necessary for “safety” to deceive the
parents—showing that the school’s actions were
designed to affect the parent-child relationship. The
school cannot now pretend that its actions had no
effect on the parents’ ability to direct their child’s
upbringing.
Second, the parental right to direct their child’s
education and upbringing is unlike the novel right
recently asserted in other cases for parents to obtain
generally prohibited drugs and surgeries for gender
transition. There is no American history or tradition
of parents accessing specific medical treatments that
are reasonably regulated by the government. Given
that neither parents nor children have a right to
access particular medical treatments, parents
purportedly acting on behalf of their children do not
either. That right does not exist and is unrelated to
the deeply-rooted right of parents to make decisions
on their child’s behalf. But parents’ ability to direct the
education and upbringing of their children is within
that right’s heartland. The Court should reverse.
4
REASONS FOR GRANTING THE WRIT
I. The First Circuit erred in its understanding
of the necessary coercion or restraint on
parental rights.
The First Circuit’s determination that the school’s
actions did not implicate the parents’ fundamental
right to direct their child’s education and upbringing
was egregiously wrong. First, like other constitutional
rights, parental rights do not depend on a showing of
direct coercion or restraint; a substantial burden
easily suffices. Second, the parents here alleged all of
these elements. The school’s intentional deception of
the parents about their child’s identity at school
restrained their ability to direct the child’s
upbringing. The school’s encouragement of the child to
deviate from the parents’ guidance coerced the child
as well as the parent-child relationship. These are
easily substantial burdens. Indeed, burdening the
parent-child relationship was the entire point of the
school’s actions, by the school’s own account: the
school considered it necessary for the child’s “safety”
to deceive the parents. This infringement of the
parents’ fundamental right requires strict scrutiny.
A. Parents need not show direct coercion or
restraint.
According to the First Circuit and some other
courts, a school’s “[p]rotocol of deference to a student’s
decision about whether to disclose their gender
identity to their parents lacks the ‘coercive’ or
‘restraining’ conduct” that is supposedly a prerequisite
to the constitutional claim here. Pet. 32a; see, e.g., Doe
v. Delaware Valley Reg’l High Sch. Bd. of Educ., 2024
5
WL 5006711, at *13 (D.N.J. Nov. 27, 2024) (claiming
no “proactive, coercive interference with the parentchild relationship”).
But the fundamental parental right to direct their
children’s upbringing can be infringed by actions short
of direct coercion and restraint. This Court has
recognized that many constitutional rights are
triggered by government action that even indirectly
burdens those rights. The Court should again reject
the “alarmingly narrow” view of a constitutional
“guarantee as nothing more than protection against
compulsion or coercion.” Mahmoud, 145 S. Ct. at
2357–58.
Across constitutional rights, this Court has
recognized that indirect burdens can infringe rights.
For instance, this Court just reiterated that “the Free
Exercise Clause protects against policies that impose
more subtle forms of interference,” including “with the
religious upbringing of children. Id. at 2352. That is
consistent with a long line of Free Exercise cases. In
Thomas v. Review Board, the Court held that a
substantial burden exists “[w]here the state . . . denies
[an important benefit] because of conduct mandated
by religious belief, thereby putting substantial
pressure on an adherent to modify his behavior and to
violate his beliefs.” 450 U.S. 707, 717–18 (1981).
“While the compulsion may be indirect, the
infringement upon free exercise is nonetheless
substantial.” Id. at 718; see also, e.g., Carson v. Makin,
596 U.S. 767, 778 (2022) (“The Free Exercise Clause of
the First Amendment protects against indirect
coercion or penalties on the free exercise of religion,
not just outright prohibitions.” (cleaned up)).
6
Likewise, the Court has recognized in Free Speech
cases that “indirect ‘discouragements’” can “have the
same coercive effect upon the exercise of
[constitutional] rights as imprisonment, fines,
injunctions or taxes.” Am. Commc’ns Ass’n v. Douds,
339 U.S. 382, 402 (1950); see, e.g., Davis v. Fed.
Election Comm’n, 554 U.S. 724, 739–40 (2008);
Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 65 (1976) (“[S]crutiny is
necessary even if any deterrent effect on the exercise
of First Amendment rights arises, not through direct
government action, but indirectly as an unintended
but inevitable result of the government's
conduct . . . .”).
The same rule applies in many other constitutional
contexts. See, e.g., Saenz v. Roe, 526 U.S. 489, 504
(1999) (“[T]he State’s argument that its welfare
scheme affects the right to travel only ‘incidentally’ is
beside the point.”); Anderson v. Celebrezze, 460 U.S.
780, 793 (1983) (asking “whether the challenged
restriction unfairly or unnecessarily burdens ‘the
availability of political opportunity’”).
The Court has applied the same rule to parents’
fundamental rights. In Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S.
390 (1923), the Court invalidated a Nebraska statute
that restricted the teaching of a foreign language to
children in school. The law did not directly restrain
the parents or coerce students, at least in the sense of
coercion and restraint seemingly adopted by the First
Circuit here. The Nebraska law only applied “in any
private, denominational, parochial or public school.”
Id. at 397. So under the binding interpretation of the
law by the Nebraska Supreme Court, parents
remained free to “teach[] [a] [foreign] language on
7
Saturday or Sunday,” or outside school hours.
Nebraska Dist. of Evangelical Lutheran Synod of
Missouri, Ohio, & Other States v. McKelvie, 175 N.W.
531, 535 (Neb. 1919). In fact, the Nebraska Supreme
Court concluded that even schools remained free to
teach foreign languages outside of “school hours.” Id.
at 534.
So to use the First Circuit’s language here, the
parents in Meyer “remain[ed] free to strive to mold
their child according to the Parents’ own beliefs,
whether through direct conversations, private
educational institutions [outside school hours],
religious programming, homeschooling, or other
influential tools.” Pet. 37a. The Nebraska Supreme
Court said much the same thing: “there is nothing in
the act to prevent parents, teachers, or pastors from
conveying religious or moral instruction in the
language of the parents.” McKelvie, 175 N.W. at 534.
But this Court held that the law burdened the parents’
fundamental right to direct their upbringing,
recognizing “the power of parents to control the
education of their own.” Meyer, 262 U.S. at 401.
Likewise, this Court’s recent decision in Mahmoud
directly rejected the First Circuit’s rationale that a
burden on parental rights could be excused because of
the availability of “private educational institutions,
religious programming, homeschooling, or other
influential tools.” Pet. 37a. These are “no answer[s]”
because “[p]ublic education is a public benefit, and the
government cannot condition its availability on
parents’ willingness to accept a burden on their”
constitutional rights. Mahmoud, 145 S. Ct. at 2359
(cleaned up). The Court also rejected the notion that
8
“parents who send their children to public school must
endure any instruction that falls short of direct
compulsion or coercion and must try to counteract that
teaching at home.” Id. at 2360; compare Pet. 37a (the
First Circuit emphasizing that “[o]utside school,
parents can obtain information about their children’s
relationship to gender in many ways”).
Last, though this Court’s decision in Wisconsin v.
Yoder focused on Free Exercise, it too recognized a
burden when parents are forced to “submit their
children to instruction that would ‘substantially
interfer[e] with the[ir] religious development.’”
Mahmoud, 145 S. Ct. at 2359 n.10 (quoting 406 U.S.
205, 218 (1972)). Again, parents were not “prohibited”
“from engaging in religious teaching at home,” ibid.,
“but that made no difference to the [constitutional]
analysis,” id. at 2360.
In sum, a school’s active deception of parents
burdens their right to direct their children’s
upbringing even if there is no direct coercion or
restraint. This Court’s consistent precedents across
constitutional fields confirm that forcing parents to try
to work around or counteract the school’s deception
implicates fundamental parental rights.
B. Secret transitioning policies do involve
coercion and restraint.
At any rate, the First Circuit was wrong to think
that the school’s secret transitioning did not involve
coercion or restraint. The whole point of the school’s
secrecy was to restrain the parents’ ability to direct
their children’s upbringing—indeed, that’s how the
school itself explained the policy.
9
1. The school’s actions
parents’ rights.
restrained
the
Begin with restraint. By intentionally depriving
the parents of critical information about their child,
the school restrained their ability to direct the child’s
upbringing. The school counselor “directed” staff to
use the child’s real name “and she/her pronouns when
communicating with the Student’s parents, but during
school times, to address the Student” with the new
name and pronouns. Pet. 8a; see Pet. 89a. The
counselor “explicitly instruct[ed] staff that her parents
were not to be told.” Pet. 90a.
This intentional deception restrained the parents’
ability to raise their children, as even the First Circuit
recognized: “knowing that the Student had requested
the use of an alternative name and pronouns in school
might inform how the Parents respond to and direct
their child’s gender expressions outside of school.” Pet.
38a; see Pet. 34a (agreeing that the policy “makes
their parenting more challenging”). As another court
put it, “[i]t is difficult to envision why a school would
even claim—much less how a school could establish—
a generalized interest in withholding or concealing
from the parents of minor children, information
fundamental to a child’s identity, personhood, and
mental and emotional well-being such as their
preferred name and pronouns.” Ricard v. USD 475
Geary Cnty., KS Sch. Bd., 2022 WL 1471372, at *8 (D.
Kan. May 9, 2022).
Yet the First Circuit paradoxically concluded that
there was no restraint on the parents’ rights here. The
First Circuit agreed that, “[v]iewed in the light most
favorable to the Parents,” their allegations “arguably
10
challenge[] a restraining act by” the school—
“deceptive communication to the Parents about a
child’s expression of gender in school.” Pet. 33a. But
the First Circuit said this “theory” “is unavailing here”
because “[t]he complaint contains only general
allegations” about “affirmative misrepresentation.”
Pet. 34a. And, according to the First Circuit, these
allegations were “contradict[ed]” by the allegations
that one teacher mailed a postcard with the child’s
new name. Ibid. The First Circuit also noted that
“when the Parents tried to speak with school officials
about the Student,” the officials “just declined to
discuss” the issue—they did not affirmatively
“misrepresent[] the name.” Ibid.
But none of that affects the conclusion that the
school intended to—and did—use a different name in
parental communications precisely to deprive the
parents of information about their child. That one
teacher slipped up and mailed a postcard with the new
name says nothing about the school’s overall effort.
And that school officials did not repeat their lie when
the parents tried to discuss the issue—instead evading
it—says nothing about the school’s other, overt
deceptions. Even the district court found it
“disconcerting that [the school] adopted and
implemented a policy requiring school staff to actively
hide information from parents about something of
importance regarding their child.” Pet. 61a. That
active deception restrains the parents’ exercise of their
right to direct their child’s upbringing. Indeed, as
discussed below, the school said that was the whole
point of the policy.
11
2. The school’s actions coerced the parentchild relationship.
Next turn to coercion. The First Circuit claimed
that “there are no allegations of coercive conduct
towards the Student” here. Pet. 33a. Nonsense,
especially in the context of a school environment,
where “the inherent power asymmetry” between
school officials and students amps up the coerciveness
of even ordinary interactions. Arizona Students’ Ass’n
v. Arizona Bd. of Regents, 824 F.3d 858, 869 (CA9
2016).
The coercive baseline here is also heightened
because of the student’s age: 11, in sixth grade, “many
years away from adulthood” (per the district court).
Pet. 64a. This Court’s precedents across a variety of
doctrines reflect the susceptibility of young people to
outside influence. See, e.g., Mahmoud, 145 S. Ct. at
2355 (“Young children . . . are often impressionable
and implicitly trust their teachers.” (cleaned up)); ibid.
(“The State exerts great authority and coercive power
through public schools because of the students’
emulation of teachers as role models and the children's
susceptibility to peer pressure.” (internal quotation
marks omitted) (quoting Edwards v. Aguillard, 482
U.S. 578, 584 (1987)); FCC v. Fox Television Stations,
Inc., 556 U.S. 502, 519 (2009) (“[C]hildren mimic the
behavior they observe—or at least the behavior that is
presented to them as normal and appropriate.”);
Johnson v. Texas, 509 U.S. 350, 367 (1993) (youth “is
a time and condition of life when a person may be most
susceptible to influence”); Yoder, 406 U.S. at 211
(emphasizing the “crucial and formative adolescent
period of life”).
12
With this background coerciveness in mind, it is
hard to credit the First Circuit’s claim of “no
allegations of coercive conduct towards the Student.”
Pet. 33a (emphasis added). The complaint alleges that
school employees like the nonbinary librarian
“promote[d] the concept of gender-affirming social
transitioning” in various ways, including by “regularly
communicat[ing] privately with their children one-onone to discuss their gender identity (mental health)
issues, provide materials promoting exploration of
alternate gender identities, and otherwise encourage
children to experiment with alternate gender
identities without notifying parents.” Pet. 81a, 82a.
The librarian told “children not to use the terms
‘boys’ and ‘girls,’ but to use alternative terms rooted in
gender identity ideology.” Pet. 82a. The librarian
“directed 11-year-old B.F. to translategender.org, an
organization with which [the librarian] is affiliated
that ‘works to generate community accountability
individuals to self-determine their own genders and
gender expressions.’” Pet. 96a. The librarian used this
website and several of its workshops “to groom” the
child away from traditional conceptions of gender and
sex. Ibid. A typical Translate Gender offering is a
video it posted publicly, in which a very young child
celebrating “Trans Day of Visibility” advocates
“mak[ing] more trans and non-binary people in our
community.” Translate Gender, https://www.facebook.
com/reel/1453224735639289 (Mar. 31, 2025). The
school’s use of such material in regular, private
encouragement from an authority figure to a minor,
without parental knowledge, suggests a concerted
effort to influence the child.
13
Likewise, the school counselor told the child, “‘I
can’t be there to keep you safe,’ thereby signaling to
B.F. that her parents were not ‘safe.’” Pet. 97a. With
the child, she also questioned whether the child “was
as comfortable discussing issues with [the parents’]
counselor as she was discussing issues with” her. Ibid.
These highly coercive tactics served to alienate the
child from her parents and foster reliance on school
staff.
The First Circuit claimed that “providing
educational resources about LGBTQ-related issues to
a child who has shown interest imposes no more
compulsion to identify as genderqueer than providing
a book about brick laying could coerce a student into
becoming a mason.” Pet. 33a. But across a variety of
“contexts,” this Court has “recognized the potentially
coercive nature of classroom instruction of this kind.”
Mahmoud, 145 S. Ct. at 2355. The Court has focused
on “the specific context in which the instruction or
materials at issue are presented.” Id. at 2353. “Are
they presented in a neutral manner, or are they
presented in a manner that is . . . designed to impose
upon students a ‘pressure to conform’?” Ibid.
Here, especially when the allegations are viewed in
the light most favorable to the parents, there is no
doubt that the school’s actions tended to coerce the
child to develop a non-traditional sense of gender,
urged on by the nonbinary librarian via one-on-one
interactions that are even more coercive than
standard classroom instructions. Cf. Mahmoud, 145 S.
Ct. at 2357 (referring to “direct, coercive interactions
between the State and its young residents”). As the
First Circuit said in a case relied on by the courts
14
below, “[i]t is a fair inference that” these materials
were “precisely intended to influence the listening
child[] toward” a certain value. Parker v. Hurley, 514
F.3d 87, 106 (CA1 2008). “That was the point of why
[they] w[ere] chosen and used.” Ibid.
The school’s actions also tended to coerce the child
to view her parents as obstacles, urged on by a
skeptical school counselor and official policies that
approved of intentionally deceiving parents. This was
no career day talk by a brick mason; it was a
coordinated, concentrated campaign to encourage the
child to adopt certain gender theories and break with
her parents. This “instruction” “carries with it”
“objective danger” to the parents’ exercise of their
right to direct their child’s upbringing. Mahmoud, 145
S. Ct. at 2356.
3. The school’s own explanation confirms the
point.
Beyond the allegations of the complaint, perhaps
the best indicator that the school sought to coerce
students to deviate from their parents’ upbringing—
and restrain the parents’ ability to act—is that school
officials said that was the whole point of their policy.
The school superintendent’s core argument for the
policy of affirmative deception was: “For many of our
students school IS their only safe place and that safety
evaporates when they leave the confines of our
buildings.” Pet. 151a. The school asserted that its
policy was supported by “the goal of providing
transgender and gender nonconforming students with
a safe school environment,” Pet. 65a, and that
15
opposition was rooted in “prejudice and bigotry,” Pet.
151a.
In other words, the school thought that it needed to
deceive parents because it viewed those parents as a
danger to students. The point of the deception is
precisely to deprive parents of information about their
children—information critical to the children’s
identity and thus to the parents’ upbringing. The First
Circuit’s disclaimer of any coercive or restraining
effect cannot be squared with the school’s own
explanation of its policy. The policy could not support
the school’s conception of “safety” unless its point was
to deceive parents—thereby coercing and restraining
the parent-child relationship. But this Court has long
rejected the “statist notion that governmental power
should supersede parental authority in all cases
because some parents abuse and neglect children” as
“repugnant to American tradition.” Parham v. J.R.,
442 U.S. 584, 603 (1979).
Though the school lately has tried to obscure the
obvious point of its policy, its initial arguments were
not so shy. The school’s motion to dismiss opened with
the sententious pronouncement that “[t]he proudest
moments of the federal judiciary have been when we
affirm the burgeoning values of our bright youth,
rather than preserve the prejudices of the past.” D. Ct.
Dkt. 28, at 1 (quoting Grimm v. Gloucester Cnty. Sch.
Bd., 972 F.3d 586, 620 (CA4 2020)). The school said
that parents have no right “to prior notice and an
exemption from a school district’s intent (and
obligation) to not discriminate against a transgender
student.” Ibid. The school even portrayed the parents
as attacking their own child’s existence: “One cannot
16
‘opt out’ from having a transgender child.” Id. at 16.
So the school saw its deception of parents as necessary
to the equal treatment, safety, and (somehow)
existence of children. It cannot now pretend that its
deception does not affect the parent-child relationship.
Likewise, when asked at the motion to dismiss
hearing whether the school’s view was that children
“at the age of the students in this case[] could make
their own decisions as to whether or not the parents
should know,” the school repeated: “Yes, your Honor.
Yes, your Honor.” D. Ct. Dkt. 48, at 39. As the school
candidly explained, “the point” of the policy “is to
accept [the student’s] request” to “‘please don’t tell my
mom or dad.’” Id. at 38. And significantly, the school
conceded below that the information being withheld
“is important information for parents to have.” CA1
Oral Arg. at 28:10. Again, it is impossible to square
these explanations with the claim that the policy has
no meaningful effect on the parent-child relationship.
Confirming this is the defense of the policy offered
by the school’s allies. As amicus below, the ACLU
argued that the policy would satisfy strict scrutiny
because “[a]lthough many parents are supportive of
their children, it is not uncommon for parents to reject
their children’s transgender or gender nonconforming
identity, leading to significant familial conflict.” Brief
of Amici Curiae American Civil Liberties Union et al.
19, Foote v. Ludlow Sch. Comm., No. 23-1069, 2023
WL 4558586 (CA1 July 6, 2023) (emphasis added).
This emphasis on familial conflict reflects the reality
that the policy actively interferes with the parentchild relationship; how else could a policy of
17
transparency lead to “familial conflict” and a
purported threat to “the safety of students” (id. at 21)?
The ACLU also argued that transparency would
interfere “with the trusting relationships between
educators and students.” Id. at 21. In the same way,
active deception interferes with the relationship
between the parents and children—which, unlike the
ACLU’s purported public school administratorstudent relationship, is protected as a fundamental
constitutional right.
Last, the ACLU defended the school’s actions as an
element of “awakening the child to cultural values.”
Id. at 22. Yet again, this defense gives away the game.
It only “works” if the school’s efforts have an element
of coercion, pushing the child away from their parents’
guidance and toward the school’s (and its nonbinary
librarian’s) vision of gender and parental detachment.
The school and the ACLU cannot have it both ways:
if the policy meaningfully affects the parent-child
relationship, it should be subject to strict scrutiny.
Everyone here—the parents, school officials, the
ACLU, and the courts below—seems to agree that the
purpose and effect of the school’s policy is to affect the
parent-child relationship by intentionally deceiving
parents.
This interference by the school with the parents’
right to direct their child’s upbringing could be
characterized in many ways. It could be described as
coercion: it coerces the ordinary parent-child
relationship and encourages the child to depart from
the parents’ guidance. It could be described as
restraint: it intentionally deprives the parents of
18
critical knowledge about their child’s development. Or
it could simply be described as a substantial burden
on the parents’ right to raise their child. No matter
how it is described, the implication is the same: the
parents here state a violation of their fundamental
right to direct their child’s education and upbringing.
The First Circuit egregiously erred in holding
otherwise.
II. The parental right properly asserted here is
unlike any claimed right to access prohibited
medical interventions.
This Court has said that the Constitution generally
“protects the fundamental right of parents to make
decisions concerning the care, custody, and control of
their children.” Troxel, 530 U.S. at 66 (plurality
opinion). As shown above, core parental decisions over
education and upbringing are protected by this right.
But parents do not have a constitutional right to
everything that could conceivably bear on a child’s
“care, custody and control.” Ibid. “[R]ights of
parenthood are [not] beyond limitation,” and “the
state has a wide range of power for limiting parental
freedom and authority in things affecting the child’s
welfare.” Prince, 321 U.S. at 166–67. Here, as in other
constitutional fields, the permissibility of a
government action depends on whether it “is
consistent with the [historical] principles that
underpin our regulatory tradition.” United States v.
Rahimi, 602 U.S. 680, 692 (2024).
Recently, some district courts have held that
parents “have a fundamental right to treat their
children with transitioning medications subject to
medically accepted standards” for purported gender
19
dysphoria. Eknes-Tucker v. Marshall, 603 F. Supp. 3d
1131, 1144 (M.D. Ala. 2022), vacated, Eknes-Tucker v.
Governor of Alabama, 80 F.4th 1205 (CA11 2023).
Indeed, the ACLU has argued for this position—that
parents have a deeply-rooted right to access
experimental
treatments
prohibited
by
the
government because of permanently sterilizing effects
and no proven benefits—while simultaneously
arguing here that parents have no right not to be
deceived about their child’s gender identity at school.
See generally Pet. for Writ of Cert., L.W. v. Skrmetti,
No. 23-466 (U.S. Nov. 1, 2023). This gets it backwards:
the real parental right asserted here—not to be
deceived about critical parts of their child’s education
and development—is unlike the novel asserted right
to access generally prohibited medical treatments.
Parents have never had the right to demand access to
illegal medical procedures. Deeply-rooted parental
rights revolve around who makes decisions on a child’s
behalf, not whether a parent gets special access to
reasonably banned treatments on their child’s behalf.
“In deciding whether a right” is fundamental and
thus protected by the Constitution, “the Court has
long asked whether the right is ‘deeply rooted in [our]
history and tradition’ and whether it is essential to our
Nation’s ‘scheme of ordered liberty.’” Dobbs v. Jackson
Women’s Health Org., 597 U.S. 215, 237 (2022). “[A]
careful analysis of the history of the right” is
necessary, and the right must not be defined “at a high
level of generality.” Id. at 238, 257; see Glucksberg,
521 U.S. at 722 (courts must “carefully formulat[e] the
interest at stake”). Courts look for “historical
analogue[s]” to decide whether a particular regulation
20
is consistent with the constitutional right. Rahimi,
602 U.S. at 700–01.
As Chief Judge Sutton explained, this country
“does not have a ‘deeply rooted’ tradition of preventing
governments from regulating the medical profession
in general or certain treatments in particular,
whether for adults or their children.” L.W. v. Skrmetti,
83 F.4th 460, 473 (CA6 2024). “Quite to the contrary
in fact.” Ibid. The “Nation’s history and tradition”
show that “states can prohibit medical treatments for
adults and children.” Brandt v. Griffin, ___ F.4th ___,
No. 23-2681, 2025 WL 2317546, at *9 (CA8 Aug. 12,
2025); see, e.g., Dent v. West Virginia, 129 U.S. 114,
122 (1889) (recognizing state power to regulate the
medical profession to “provide for the general
welfare”).
Courts have repeatedly rejected the proposition
that the Constitution guarantees a fundamental right
to a particular medical treatment. See Abigail All. for
Better Access to Developmental Drugs v. Eschenbach,
495 F.3d 695, 711 (CADC 2007) (en banc) (no “right to
procure and use experimental drugs”); Raich v.
Gonzales, 500 F.3d 850, 864–66 (CA9 2007) (no right
to medical marijuana); Rutherford v. United States,
616 F.2d 455, 456 (CA10 1980) (no right for terminally
ill patients “to take whatever treatment they wished”).
“A parent’s right to demand [a medical
intervention] for his child could not be stronger than
the child’s right to access it.” K.C. v. Individual
Members of Med. Licensing Bd. of Indiana, 121 F.4th
604, 627 (CA7 2024) (citing Whalen v. Roe, 429 U.S.
589, 604 (1977)). “The government has the power to
reasonably limit the use of drugs,” which is “true for
21
adults” and “assuredly true for their children.”
Skrmetti, 83 F.4th at 475. Given that neither the
parent nor the child has a personal, fundamental right
to access specific interventions, the parent acting on
the child’s behalf cannot access them, either. “This
country does not have a custom of permitting parents
to obtain banned medical treatments for their children
and to override contrary legislative policy judgments
in the process.” Ibid.
No doubt, “our longstanding traditions may give
individuals,” including parents, “a right to refuse
treatment” in some circumstances. Id. at 476; see
Cruzan v. Dir., Missouri Dep’t of Health, 497 U.S. 261,
270 (1990). But this parental right stems from the
deeply-rooted right to make decisions on their child’s
behalf. When a State substitutes its judgment for a
parent to make certain medical decisions, it may
violate the Constitution. See, e.g., Kanuszewski v.
Michigan Dep’t of Health & Human Servs., 927 F.3d
396, 419 (CA6 2019) (striking down Michigan’s choice
to take children’s blood samples without parental
consent because “it is logically the parents who
possess a fundamental right to direct the medical care
of their children”); Mann v. Cnty. of San Diego, 907
F.3d 1154, 1158, 1161 (CA9 2018) (holding that a
county violated parents’ rights to “make important
medical decisions for their children” when it
performed “gynecological and rectal exams” without
notifying parents or obtaining their consent).
Even in this sphere, though, “[p]arents do not have
unlimited authority to make medical decisions for
their children.” Brandt, 2025 WL 2317546, at *8. For
instance, “[e]very state, as well as the District of
22
Columbia, allows some minors to receive some medical
treatments without the consent of their parents.” Ibid.
And “[e]very state, as well as the District of Columbia,
includes failure to provide necessary medical care as
child neglect or abuse.” Ibid.
The affirmative right claimed by medical
transitioning proponents is much different than a
right to decline treatment, for it would entail more
than a parental right to make decisions on their child’s
behalf. It would mean a parental right to access
treatments that the child could not. But “there is no
historical support for an affirmative right to specific
treatments.” Skrmetti, 83 F.4th at 476. Many courts in
a variety of contexts “have drawn the same sensible
line, noting a material distinction between the State
effectively sticking a needle in someone over their
objection and the State prohibiting the individual from
filling a syringe with prohibited drugs.” Ibid.
(collecting cases). And this Court has said nothing
about what medical procedures a State must
affirmatively make available to a child—or anyone
else. Cf. Gonzales v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124, 157 (2007)
(“[I]t is clear the State has a significant role to play in
regulating the medical profession.”). Affirmative
access to a particular medical treatment lacks
historical grounding.
Even less is there support for the “more precise”
(Glucksberg, 521 U.S. at 723) claimed right to access
gender transitioning drugs and surgeries. See EknesTucker, 80 F.4th at 1220–21; K.C., 121 F.4th at 625–
26. “The mere novelty of such a claim is reason enough
to doubt that ‘substantive due process’ sustains it,”
and “the alleged right certainly cannot be considered
23
so rooted in the traditions and conscience of our people
as to be ranked as fundamental.” Reno v. Flores, 507
U.S. 292, 303 (1993) (cleaned up).
Thus, “[a]s long as it acts reasonably, [the
government] may ban even longstanding and
nonexperimental treatments for children.” Skrmetti,
83 F.4th at 477. “[A] parent’s right to control a child’s
medical treatment does not give the parent a right to
insist on treatment that is properly prohibited on
other grounds.” Doe v. Ladapo, 737 F. Supp. 3d 1240,
1287 (N.D. Fla. 2024). Holding otherwise would lead
to chaos. “If parents could veto legislative and
regulatory policies about drugs and surgeries
permitted for children, every such regulation—there
must be thousands—would come with a springing
easement: It would be good law until one parent in the
country opposed it.” Skrmetti, 83 F.4th at 475. “At that
point, either the parent would take charge of the
regulation or the courts would.” Ibid. “And all of this
in an arena—the care of our children—where sound
medical policies are indispensable and most in need of
responsiveness to the democratic process.” Ibid.
In sum, there is no fundamental parental right to
access sterilizing hormones and surgeries for gender
transition in minors. Parents’ right to make informed
decisions about crucial aspects of their child’s
upbringing has “been carefully refined by concrete
examples involving fundamental rights found to be
deeply rooted in our legal tradition.” Glucksberg, 521
U.S. at 722. A supposed parental right to override the
reasoned judgment of the state to access prohibited
medical treatment has not. That is why the former is
a constitutional right, while the latter falls within the
24
traditional power of state regulation. The parents’
claim in this case fits squarely within the deeplyrooted right for parents to make decisions on their
child’s behalf by directing the child’s education and
upbringing.
CONCLUSION
The Court should grant the petition.
Respectfully submitted,
CHRISTOPHER E. MILLS
Counsel of Record
Spero Law LLC
557 East Bay Street
#22251
Charleston, SC 29413
(843) 606-0640
cmills@spero.law
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
AUGUST 21, 2025
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.