Amicus Curiae Brief — Montana, et al., Petitioners v. Planned Parenthood of Montana, et al.
Supreme Court briefMar 31, 2025
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No. 24-745
In the Supreme Court of the United States
STATE OF MONTANA,
v.
Petitioner,
PLANNED PARENTHOOD OF MONTANA, et al.,
Respondents.
ON PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME COURT OF MONTANA
BRIEF OF FLORIDA AND 16 OTHER
STATES AND THE ARIZONA LEGISLATURE AS AMICI CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF
GRANTING THE PETITION
JAMES UTHMEIER
Attorney General
JEFFREY PAUL DESOUSA*
Acting Solicitor General
DAVID M. COSTELLO
NATHAN A. FORRESTER
Chief Deputy Solicitors
General
Office of the Florida
Attorney General
The Capitol, PL-01
Tallahassee, FL 32399
jeffrey.desousa
MARCH 31, 2025
@myfloridalegal.com
Counsel for Amici Curiae
(additional signatories listed in addendum)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Table of Authorities.................................................... ii
Interest of Amici Curiae..............................................1
Summary of Argument................................................2
Argument .....................................................................3
I.
States have a compelling interest in
ensuring that parents learn of and
participate in their children’s major medical
decisions ............................................................3
A. There are compelling policy reasons for
ensuring that parents can learn of and
participate in a child’s major medical
decisions.......................................................4
B. That compelling interest accords with
America’s common-law tradition of
respecting parental rights...........................8
C. The
Montana
Supreme
Court
misapprehended these principles .............11
II.
The
Montana
Supreme
Court’s
misapprehension of the State’s compelling
interest infected all facets of its decision
below ...............................................................14
Conclusion .................................................................17
Additional Signatories ..............................................19
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases
Brown v. Ent. Merchants Ass’n,
564 U.S. 786 (2011)........................................ 8, 9, 10
Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of
Hialeah,
508 U.S. 520 (1993)................................................ 14
Coleman v. Thompson,
501 U.S. 722 (1991)................................................ 16
Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org.,
597 U.S. 215 (2022)................................................ 11
Goble v. Mont. State Fund,
325 P.3d 1211 (Mont. 2014) ................................... 17
Hodgson v. Minnesota,
497 U.S. 417 (1990)................................................ 10
In re C.H.,
683 P.2d 931 (Mont. 1984)..................................... 17
Meyer v. Nebraska,
262 U.S. 390 (1923)............................................ 5, 10
Michigan v. Long,
463 U.S. 1032 (1983).............................................. 16
Osborne v. Ohio,
495 U.S. 103 (1990)..................................................5
Parham v. J.R.,
442 U.S. 584 (1979)...................................... 5, 10, 13
Pierce v. Society of the Sisters of the Holy Names of
Jesus & Mary,
268 U.S. 510 (1925)........................................ 5, 6, 10
Planned Parenthood of Cent. Mo. v. Danforth,
428 U.S. 52 (1976).................................................. 11
Reed v. Town of Gilbert,
576 U.S. 155 (2015)................................................ 14
iii
Roe v. Wade,
410 U.S. 113 (1973)................................................ 10
Stanley v. Illinois,
405 U.S. 645 (1972)................................................ 10
Students for Fair Admissions v. Pres. & Fellows of
Harvard Coll.,
600 U.S. 181 (2023)................................................ 14
Troxel v. Granville,
530 U.S. 57 (2000).......................... 2, 3, 6, 10, 11, 12
Washington v. Glucksberg,
521 U.S. 702 (1997)................................................ 11
Wisconsin v. Yoder,
406 U.S. 205 (1972)................................................ 10
Statutes
Mont. Const. art. II, § 4 ....................................... 15, 17
Mont. Code Ann. § 50-20-509(5)(a) ........................... 13
Mont. Code Ann. § 50-20-509(5)(b) ........................... 13
U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1 ..................................... 12
Treatises
1 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of
England (1753) ........................................................8, 9
2 Samuel Pufendorf, The Whole Duty of Man According to the Law of Nature (1735)..............................8, 9
2 James Kent, Commentaries on American Law
(1873) .......................................................................8, 9
1
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE ∗
The State of Florida along with Alabama, Arkansas, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South
Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, West Virginia,
and the Arizona Legislature respectfully submit this
brief as amici curiae in support of petitioner, the State
of Montana.
Like Montana, amici States have an interest in
promoting and enforcing the right of parents to learn
of and participate in the major medical decisions of
their children. Amici States represent a significant
portion of American parents who must make decisions
every day about the welfare of their children. Clarification from this Court as to the constitutional scope of
parents’ decision-making power is imperative so that
they can properly fulfill their duty to the maintenance
of their children.
Through its interpretation of the federal Constitution, the Montana Supreme Court has shrunken the
scope of parental rights for Montanan parents. Like in
many other States, Montana’s positive law—here, the
Consent Act—grants protections to parents that extend even beyond those constitutional rights that this
Counsel of Record for both parties were notified of Florida’s
intent to file this amicus curiae brief on March 25. Though notice
was given less than 10 days before the filing of this brief, see Sup.
Ct. R. 37.2, no party has opposed Florida’s filing. Specifically, Petitioner has consented to the filing, and Respondents have taken
no position. Nor will any delay in notifying the parties prejudice
Respondents, as their deadline to file a response is still a month
away on April 30, 2025.
∗
2
Court to date has acknowledged. In failing to appreciate the States’ compelling interest in safeguarding parental rights, the Montana Supreme Court flouted
history, tradition, and precedent. If more widely
adopted, that court’s narrow view of the States’ compelling interest would threaten parents nationally
who seek judicial enforcement of their decision-making rights.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The Montana Supreme Court held that because
the “fundamental right to parent” does not include the
right to know about and participate in a child’s medical decisions, the Consent Act could not withstand
strict scrutiny under the federal and state constitutions. Pet. App. 37a–38a. As that court saw it, a
State’s interest in safeguarding parental rights extends merely to the promotion of healthy families, not
to furthering “the care, custody, and control of their
children” in the context of abortion. Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S. 57, 66 (2000) (plurality op.). That holding contorts federal law all the way down.
Montana has asked the Court to grant certiorari to
decide the scope of “a parent’s fundamental right to
direct the care and custody of his or her children,” Pet.
i, a right that sounds in this Court’s substantive due
process jurisprudence. That is a pressing question.
But equally important, and supplying an additional
basis for review, is the Montana Supreme Court’s
skewed approach to the federal Equal Protection
Clause. By recognizing only the State’s compelling interest in promoting a narrow concept of family unity,
the Montana Supreme Court overlooked that States
have historically preserved the rights of parents to
3
oversee the upbringing of their children for the very
reason that minors lack the reason and judgment necessary to make pivotal life decisions. That understanding dates to Blackstone and beyond, and represents “an enduring American tradition.” Troxel, 530
U.S. at 66 (plurality op.). Parents’ involvement is especially critical when it comes to major medical treatments, and even more so when the treatment is abortion—a procedure that both ends the life of a preborn
person and is linked to increased risks of depression,
suicide, and anxiety among formerly pregnant girls
and young women.
The Montana Supreme Court’s myopic view of the
State’s compelling interest infected its analysis of
both the state and federal issues litigated below. The
Court should decide the question presented in Montana’s petition, but it should further hold that States
have a compelling interest in ensuring that parents
are notified of, and participate in, a child’s decision to
undergo an abortion, and remand to the state court to
determine how that federal-law holding alters its view
of the state constitutional issues.
ARGUMENT
I.
States have a compelling interest in ensuring that parents learn of and participate in their children’s major medical decisions.
After determining that the Consent Act implicated
both the privacy clause of Montana’s Constitution and
the Equal Protection Clauses of the Fourteenth
Amendment and Montana Constitution, the Montana
Supreme Court held that the Act failed strict scrutiny
4
because the law was not narrowly tailored to a compelling interest. Pet. App. 3a, 18a–19a, 35a–36a.
Though the court paid lip service to a parent’s “fundamental right to parent,” it assumed that Montana had
a “compelling state interest” in protecting those values only if doing so would “promot[e],” in the court’s
view, “healthy families.” Id. at 30a–32a. That
cramped reading of the State’s interest affected the
court’s understanding of how the scrutiny analysis
should shake out here, both as a matter of state and
federal law.
The Court should correct that misconstruction of
the State’s compelling interest. States have a compelling interest in ensuring that parents learn of and participate in a child’s major medical care, full stop. The
Consent Act equips parents with the knowledge that
their children seek to undergo an abortion, a major
medical procedure, and grants them a say in that decision. That in turn aids parents in constructing
healthy family dynamics and safeguarding their children from psychological harm. And that interest accords with the American common-law tradition of respecting parental rights. In overlooking these principles, the Montana Supreme Court erred as a matter
of federal law.
A. There are compelling policy reasons for
ensuring that parents can learn of and
participate in a child’s major medical decisions.
A State’s interest in promoting the parental right
to know about and participate in their child’s medical
decisions is compelling. Beyond doubt, States have a
compelling interest in “safeguarding the physical and
5
psychological wellbeing of a minor.” Osborne v. Ohio,
495 U.S. 103, 109 (1990). This interest can play out in
different ways. Sometimes it entails direct regulation
of the sorts of medical procedures a child can undergo.
See United States v. Skrmetti, No. 23-477. Such regulations are justifiable because the State may sometimes conclude, as a broad policy matter, that certain
types of procedures are unsuitable for a minor. Other
times, like here, the State’s interest in protecting children instead means empowering parents to participate in the major medical decisions of their children.
Indeed, a State may reasonably conclude that the government is ill-equipped to make decisions at the family level, and so state laws have historically recognized
the broad right and duty of parents to handle familial
decision making.
This Court has repeatedly acknowledged the important role of parents in this regard. “Most children,
even in adolescence, simply are not able to make
sound judgments concerning many decisions, including their need for medical care or treatment.” Parham
v. J.R., 442 U.S. 584, 603 (1979) (citing
“a tonsillectomy, appendectomy, or other medical procedure” as examples). While a “child may balk at hospitalization or complain about a parental refusal to
provide cosmetic surgery,” a parent typically will
know better and should have the “authority to decide
what is best for the child.” Id. at 604. “Parents,” this
Court has said, “can and must make those judgments.” Id. at 603; see also Meyer v. Nebraska, 262
U.S. 390, 400 (1923) (extolling the “natural duty” of
parents to provide “children education suitable to
their station in life”); Pierce v. Society of the Sisters of
the Holy Names of Jesus & Mary, 268 U.S. 510, 534–
6
35 (1925) (explaining that parents must “direct the
upbringing” of “children under their control”).
Children, in other words, are not “mere creature[s]
of the state.” Pierce, 268 U.S. at 535. Rather, the State
relies principally on parents to “prepar[e]” children for
the “obligations” of adulthood. Troxel v. Granville, 530
U.S. 57, 65–66 (2000) (plurality op.).
Medical and social-science literature supports this
view. Research shows that children are not able to “deliberate maturely” towards their own best interests.
Ferdinand Schoeman, Parental Discretion and Children’s Rights: Background and Implications for Medical-Decision-Making, 10 J. Med. & Phil. 45, 46 (1985).
Because a child’s prefrontal cortex is undeveloped and
because children lack life experience, they cannot
fully appreciate the implications of their decisions.
Adele Diamond, Normal Development of Prefrontal
Cortex from Birth to Young Adulthood: Cognitive
Functions, Anatomy, and Biochemistry, in D. Stuss &
R. Knight, eds., Principles of Frontal Lobe Function
466 (2002) (noting that the prefrontal cortex takes
over two decades to reach full maturity), https://tinyurl.com/4j5xvbpa. All parents intrinsically know
this. And so, it is up to them to teach children basic
lessons like the benefits of eating vegetables or doing
their homework. Applied to a major medical decision,
children are woefully unprepared to reliably exercise
mature judgment.
The risks to children of making their own major
medical judgments are particularly acute in the context of abortion—a decision that even adults struggle
with. Parental involvement in abortion decisions is
7
critical because of the psychological trauma associated with abortion. Maureen Curley, An Explanatory
Model to Guide Assessment, Risk and Diagnosis of
Psychological Distress, 4 Open J. of Obstetrics & Gynecology 944, 945 (2014). Patients who have had an
abortion often report sadness, grief, and feelings of
loss, id.; David C. Reardon, The Abortion and Mental
Health Controversy: A Comprehensive Literature Review of Common Ground Agreements, Disagreements,
Actionable Recommendations, and Research Opportunities, 6 SAGE Open Med. 1, 2 (2018), https://tinyurl.com/2cwwy7wc, potentially leading to depression, suicide, and anxiety, see Curley, supra, at 945.
These adverse psychological effects are attributable to
the stress of the abortion itself, aggravation of prior
existing mental health issues, and conflicting
thoughts about having the abortion at all. Id.
Sadly, the “highest rates” of abortion-related posttraumatic stress disorder are “observed in women
aged 15–24 years.” Huiling Liu et al., Impact of the
Intensive Psychological Intervention Care on PostTraumatic Stress Disorder and Negative Emotions of
Teenage Female Patients Seeking an Induced Abortion, 14 Frontiers in Psychiatry 1, 5 (2023), https://tinyurl.com/3n976wrj. And studies report that “young
women who had abortions appeared to be at moderately increased risk of both concurrent and subsequent mental health problems.” David M. Fergusson,
et al., Abortion in Young Women and Subsequent Mental Health, 47:1 J. Child Psych. & Psychiatry 16, 23
(2005). Given the risk of post-abortion trauma, and
since children have a lowered ability to make sound
judgments, parents have an increased interest in participating in the decision.
8
In short, States have an overwhelming interest in
ensuring that parents are both armed with the information necessary to guide their children in making
major medical decisions like abortion, and empowering parents to ultimately decide.
B. That compelling interest accords with
America’s common-law tradition of respecting parental rights.
From the above, the State’s compelling interest in
parental notification and consent is clear enough. But
history, tradition, and precedent only underscore the
importance of parental rights in our society.
Because of the vulnerabilities inherent in youth,
parents have long enjoyed broad rights to direct the
upbringing of their children. As seventeenth-century
commentators recognized, children do not understand
“how to govern themselves.” 2 Samuel Pufendorf, The
Whole Duty of Man According to the Law of Nature
202 (1735). Their innate naivete, as Blackstone said,
leaves them prone to “injur[y].” 1 William Blackstone,
Commentaries on the Laws of England 447 (1753).
Their “wants and weaknesses” thus “render it necessary that some person maintain them” until adulthood. 2 James Kent, Commentaries on American Law
190 (1873); see also Blackstone, Commentaries at 447;
Pufendorf, Whole Duty of Man at 202; Brown v. Ent.
Merchants Ass’n, 564 U.S. 786, 828–29 (2011)
(Thomas, J., dissenting).
Parents have traditionally been understood as “the
most fit and proper person[s]” for that task. Kent,
American Law at 190. The common law therefore im-
9
posed a “duty o[n] parents” to “maintain[] and educat[e]” their children “during the season of infancy
and youth.” Id. By “bringing [children] into the world,”
parents assumed a “duty . . . to provide for the[ir]
maintenance.” Blackstone, Commentaries at 447. Parents were expected, as “natural guardians,” to “mak[e]
reasonable provision for their [children’s] future usefulness and happiness in life.” Id. So serious was the
task that early municipal law held parents liable for
shirking their duties. Id.; Kent, American Law at 190–
91.
To help parents carry the weighty burdens placed
on them, the common law equipped parents with
equally robust parental rights. “[H]ousehold heads”
were empowered to “speak for their dependents in
dealings with the larger world,” Toby L. Ditz, Ownership and Obligation: Inheritance and Patriarchal
Households in Connecticut, 1750–1820, 47 Wm. &
Mary Q. 235, 236 (1990), and parents enjoyed the
“right . . . to govern their children’s growth,” Brown,
564 U.S. at 828 (Thomas, J., dissenting). As a consequence, minors remained subject to their parents’
“power” until they reached the age of majority. Blackstone, Commentaries at 452–53. During that period,
parents could “order[] the Actions of their Children for
their Good,” even over the child’s objection. Pufendorf,
The Whole Duty of Man at 202. Children largely could
not “participate in public life” without their parents’
approval, Ditz, Ownership and Obligation at 237—
from enlisting in the military, see Act of Mar. 16, 1802,
2 Stat. 132, 135, to participating in a lawsuit, see
Blackstone, Commentaries at 464, to accessing information, like books, see Brown, 564 U.S. at 831–32
(Thomas, J., dissenting). And at all times, children
10
“were expected to be dutiful and obedient” to their
parents, id. at 830 (Thomas, J., dissenting), “subject
[always] to the authority of household heads,” Ditz,
Ownership and Obligation at 237.
Precedents of this Court reflect that historical respect for parental rights. Those rights, the Court has
said, are “perhaps the oldest of the fundamental liberty interests recognized by this Court.” Troxel, 530
U.S. at 65 (plurality op.). Because children are “not
able to make sound judgments concerning many decisions,” the Court has understood our Constitution to
incorporate “Western civilization concepts of . . . broad
parental authority over minor children.” Parham, 442
U.S. at 602–03. Expounding on that authority, it has
acknowledged a parent’s right to direct children’s education, see Meyer, 262 U.S. at 400; Pierce, 268 U.S. at
534–535; their religious upbringing, see Wisconsin v.
Yoder, 406 U.S. 205, 214 (1972); and their relationship
with their parent, see Stanley v. Illinois, 405 U.S. 645,
651 (1972). Most relevant here, it has long heralded a
parent’s right “to make decisions concerning the care,
custody, and control of their children,” Troxel, 530
U.S. at 65–66 (plurality op.)—“including their need for
medical care or treatment,” Parham, 442 U.S. at 603.
And the Court has gone so far as to pronounce that a
State’s “strong and legitimate interest in the welfare
of its young citizens” is enough to justify “state-imposed requirements that a minor obtain his or her parent’s consent before undergoing an operation.” Hodgson v. Minnesota, 497 U.S. 417, 444–45 (1990) (plurality op.). 1
1 To be sure, in the era when this Court had located a right
to abortion in substantive due process, see Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S.
11
To date, the Court has situated its recognition of
parental rights in the doctrine of substantive due process, Troxel, 530 U.S. at 65, reflecting the verdict that
those rights are “deeply rooted in this Nation’s history
and tradition.” Washington v. Glucksberg, 521 U.S.
702, 720–21 (1997).
In sum, our historical and legal traditions make
clear that the State has a compelling interest in ensuring parents’ involvement in their children’s medical care.
C. The Montana Supreme Court misapprehended these principles.
The Montana Supreme Court acknowledged that
“[p]arents do have a fundamental right to parent,”
Pet. App. 37a (citing Troxel, 530 U.S. 57), and that
“the promotion of healthy families is undoubtedly a
compelling state interest,” id. But it misconstrued the
principles discussed above and how they apply here.
In evaluating Montana’s claims of a compelling state
interest, for example, the court reasoned that “any parental right that exists within this framework is a
right to parent free from state interference, not a right
to enlist the state’s powers to gain greater control over
a child or to make it more difficult for a minor to exercise their fundamental rights.” Pet. App. 38a (emphasis added). And as to the State’s asserted interest in
maintaining healthy families, the Montana Supreme
Court thought that giving a “veto power” to parents
113 (1973), it struck down parental-consent laws in the abortion
context. See Planned Parenthood of Cent. Mo. v. Danforth, 428
U.S. 52, 72–75 (1976). But Danforth was based on Roe, id. at 74,
75, which this Court has now repudiated. See Dobbs v. Jackson
Women’s Health Org., 597 U.S. 215, 302 (2022).
12
over their children’s medical decisions would result in
a family that “fundamentally is in conflict.” Id.
That was wrongheaded in three ways. First,
though a parent’s constitutional rights, enshrined in
substantive-due-process holdings like Troxel, Meyer,
and Pierce, have thus far been understood to operate
against the government, not private actors, see U.S.
Const. amend. XIV, § 1 (“[N]or shall any State deprive
any person of life, liberty, or property, without due
process of law.” (emphasis added)), a State’s compelling interest is in no way limited to vindicating the
constitutional rights of parents. Far from it, a State is
entitled to conclude, as Montana has through the Consent Act, that its positive law should extend additional
protections to parents—protections that operate
against even private action. Put differently, a State
can decide that medical providers should be required
to consult a parent before offering life-altering services, even if the Constitution itself might not require
that doctors do so.
Such was Justice Scalia’s view in Troxel. “[A] right
of parents to direct the upbringing of their children,”
Justice Scalia wrote, “is among the ‘unalienable
Rights’” described in the Declaration of Independence
and “retained by the people.” Troxel, 530 U.S. at 91
(Scalia, J., dissenting) (quoting U.S. amend. IX)
(cleaned up). Justice Scalia did not think that parental rights, as “unenumerated right[s],” were enforceable by judges; he thought it “entirely compatible with
the commitment to representative democracy” that
the scope of parental rights would be sketched out in
“legislative chambers” and “electoral campaigns.” Id.
at 91–92. Montana has done that here, entrenching in
13
its positive law certain natural rights that make up
“an enduring American tradition.” Id. at 66 (plurality
op.) (cleaned up).
Second, the Montana Supreme Court missed the
mark with its concern that giving parents a “veto
power” over the medical decisions of their children
would result only in the further “fractur[ing]” of the
family unit. Pet. App. 37a–38a. When a parent and
child disagree—or would disagree if only the parents
were aware—over the proper medical course, they are
already in a sense “fractured,” as the Montana Supreme Court acknowledged. Pet. App. 38a. Montana’s
law, then, addresses who in that circumstance has the
final say in deciding whether to undergo the medical
procedure. It stands to reason that parents, as the mature party, should sign off on critical medical decisions. And to the extent that the child can make a
showing of “physical abuse, sexual abuse, or emotional abuse” by a parent, or that parental consent “is
not in the best interests of the minor,” the child can
obtain a judicial waiver of the law’s parental-consent
requirement. Mont. Code Ann. § 50-20-509(5)(a)–(b).
Third, and even spotting the Montana Supreme
Court its views on “fractured” families, the court seriously overvalued the importance of family unity relative to the importance of empowering parents to supervise their children’s medical treatment. Parents
and children disagree all the time. Cf. Parham, 442
U.S. at 603 (noting that a child “may balk” at a parent’s decisions for the child). Such disagreement inheres in the parent/child relationship. But parents, by
virtue of their age and experience, are better positioned to make reasoned judgments, and thus “can
14
and must make those judgments.” Id. And historically, the common law has entrusted parents to make
difficult decisions for their children, even when those
children disagree. Supra Section I.B.
In concluding otherwise, the Montana Supreme
Court wrongly discounted the State’s compelling interest in promoting a parent’s authority to oversee
major medical decisions for his or her child.
II.
The Montana Supreme Court’s misapprehension of the State’s compelling interest
infected all facets of its decision below.
Montana has asked this Court to decide “[w]hether
a parent’s fundamental right to direct the care and
custody of his or her children includes a right to know
and participate in decisions concerning their minor
child’s medical care.” Pet. i. That is a pressing question. Yet this case also presents the matter of whether,
aside from any constitutional right of parents, the
State has a compelling state interest in promoting, as
sound policy, parental rights within its borders. That
issue has relevance any time a court is called upon to
assess whether the State’s infringement of a constitutional right is justified. See, e.g., Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155, 163–64 (2015) (applying strict scrutiny in the free-speech context); Students for Fair Admissions v. Pres. & Fellows of Harvard Coll., 600 U.S.
181, 206–07 (2023) (equal protection); Church of the
Lukumi Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah, 508 U.S.
520, 546 (1993) (free exercise). An opinion by this
Court reversing the state court’s analysis of the equalprotection question would provide Montana effective
relief on the Fourteenth Amendment issue while also
15
requiring the state court to reconsider its assessment
of even the state constitutional questions.
Below, the Montana Supreme Court concluded
that the Consent Act violated both the privacy clause
of the state constitution and the Equal Protection
Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Pet. App. 19a,
22a–23a, 42a–43a. By two separate routes, the Montana Supreme Court arrived at the conclusion that
strict scrutiny applied. The court first found that the
Consent Act implicated Montana’s privacy clause. Pet.
App. 21a–22a (calling the state “right of privacy” a
“fundamental right” that “must be reviewed under a
strict scrutiny analysis”). It then found that the Act
implicated the federal and state Equal Protection
Clauses. Pet. App. 22a–25a (invoking “the Fourteenth
Amendment” and “Article II, Section 4, of the Montana Constitution” and holding that the “the classification discriminates against minors who choose a particular type of medical care—an abortion”—and therefore requiring the court to “apply a strict scrutiny
analysis”). Either theory, the court thought, required
it to apply strict scrutiny. But when the court turned
to scrutiny, it did not distinguish between strict scrutiny’s application to the state rights, on the one hand,
and the federal right, on the other. It instead held—in
a single section of its opinion collectively addressing
the “Application of Strict Scrutiny to a Minor’s Rights
of Privacy and Equal Protection,” Pet. App. 25a—that
the State had failed to show that the Consent Act was
“narrowly tailored to further [] a compelling state interest,” Pet. App. 38a–39a.
As a result, the Montana Supreme Court’s analysis
of the State’s compelling interest for the two claims
16
was inextricably intertwined. Accordingly, any decision from this Court confirming that States have a
compelling interest in promoting parental rights to
their full extent would necessarily impact both the
lower court’s equal-protection analyses and its analysis of the state right to privacy. Put another way, this
Court’s conclusion that Montana has a compelling interest in not only facilitating healthy family dynamics
but also entrusting to parents the responsibility to
oversee their children’s medical decisions will require
reconsideration below of both the federal and state
law determinations.
For those reasons, the state court’s privacy-clause
holding does not constitute an adequate and independent state ground that might otherwise deprive
this Court of jurisdiction. See, e.g., Michigan v. Long,
463 U.S. 1032, 1038–42 (1983). Because the state
court knotted the federal and state claims together
when conducting scrutiny, its assessment of the statelaw question is “interwoven with the federal law” such
that this Court has jurisdiction to consider the federal
claim. Id. at 1040; Coleman v. Thompson, 501 U.S.
722, 729 (1991) (noting that the “independent and adequate state ground doctrine is jurisdictional”). At a
minimum, it certainly is not “clear from the face of the
opinion” that the Montana Supreme Court viewed
strict scrutiny as operating differently in the privacyclause setting as contrasted with the federal equalprotection setting. Long, 463 U.S. at 1040–41. 2
2 Moreover, though at times the Montana Supreme Court’s
equal-protection inquiry appeared to revolve around state law,
Pet. App. 14a–15a, 42a–43a (finding, for instance, that “the Con-
17
The Court should take this opportunity to address
the Montana Supreme Court’s erroneous understanding of the State’s compelling interest.
CONCLUSION
The petition for a writ of certiorari should be
granted.
sent Act violates the Constitution of the State of Montana”), elsewhere the court clarified that it was considering an equal-protection theory under both “the Fourteenth Amendment to the
United States Constitution[] and Article II, Section 4 of the Montana Constitution,” id. at 22a. And the Montana precedents the
court cited for the equal-protection framework it applied below
themselves turned on the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Id. at 23a (citing Goble v. Mont. State Fund,
325 P.3d 1211 (Mont. 2014); In re C.H., 683 P.2d 931 (Mont.
1984)). Indeed, the Montana Supreme Court has previously described the Fourteenth Amendment and Article II, Section 4 of
the Montana Constitution as “similar and provid[ing] generally
equivalent but independent protections.” C.H., 683 P.2d at 938.
And while the court here remarked that “Montana’s Constitution
affords significantly broader protections than the federal constitution,” it identified the source of those broader protections as
being “the minors’ rights provisions and the right of privacy” in
the Montana Constitution, not the state equal protection clause.
Pet. App. 15a.
18
Respectfully submitted,
MARCH 31, 2025
JAMES UTHMEIER
Attorney General
JEFFREY PAUL DESOUSA*
Acting Solicitor General
DAVID M. COSTELLO
NATHAN A. FORRESTER
Chief Deputy Solicitors
General
Office of the Florida
Attorney General
The Capitol, PL-01
Tallahassee, FL 32399
jeffrey.desousa@
myfloridalegal.com
Counsel for Amici Curiae
(additional signatories listed in addendum)
ADDITIONAL SIGNATORIES
STEVE MARSHALL
Attorney General
State of Alabama
LIZ MURRILL
Attorney General
State of Louisiana
STEVE MONTENEGRO
Speaker of the Arizona
House of Representatives
ANDREW BAILEY
Attorney General
State of Missouri
WARREN PETERSON
President of the Arizona
Senate
TIM GRIFFIN
Attorney General
State of Arkansas
RAÚL R. LABRADOR
Attorney General
State of Idaho
THEODORE E. ROKITA
Attorney General
State of Indiana
BRENNA BIRD
Attorney General
State of Iowa
KRIS KOBACH
Attorney General
State of Kansas
MICHAEL T. HILGERS
Attorney General
State of Nebraska
DREW H. WRIGLEY
Attorney General
State of North Dakota
GENTER DRUMMOND
Attorney General
State of Oklahoma
ALAN WILSON
Attorney General
State of South Carolina
MARTY J. JACKLEY
Attorney General
State of South Dakota
KEN PAXTON
Attorney General
State of Texas
DEREK BROWN
Attorney General
State of Utah
JOHN B. MCCUSKEY
Attorney General
State of West Virginia
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.