Amicus Curiae Brief — TikTok Inc., et al., Petitioners v. Merrick B. Garland, Attorney General
Supreme Court briefDec 27, 2024
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Nos. 24-656, 24-657
In the
Supreme Court of the United States
TIKTOK INC. & BYTEDANCE LTD.,
Petitioners,
BRIAN FIREBAUGH, et al.,
v.
Petitioners,
MERRICK B. GARLAND,
ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE UNITED STATES,
Respondent.
On Writs of Certiorari to the
U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit
BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE
THE FORUM FOR CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS
IN SUPPORT OF NEITHER PARTY
MAHESHA P. SUBBARAMAN
Counsel of Record
SUBBARAMAN PLLC
80 S. 9th St., Ste. 900
Minneapolis, MN 55402
(612) 315-9210
mps@subblaw.com
December 27, 2024
LEGAL PRINTERS LLC ! Washington, DC ! 202-747-2400 ! legalprinters.com
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Table of Authorities ................................................
ii
Interest of the Amici Curiae ...................................
1
Summary of the Argument .....................................
2
Argument ................................................................
3
I. This Court neither gives advisory opinions
nor tolerates legislation eliciting advisory
opinions (the Muskrat rule) .........................
9
II. The Protecting Americans from Foreign
Adversary Controlled Applications Act—or
TikTok ban—elicits an advisory opinion on
terms even worse than the legislation that
the Court condemned in Muskrat................ 17
III. The Court should consider directing the
parties to address at oral argument—or
inviting an amicus to argue—the TikTok
ban’s advisory-opinion problem ................... 28
Conclusion ............................................................... 30
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
Abbott Labs. v. Gardner, 387 U.S. 136 (1967) ........... 7
Atl. Marine Constr. Co. v. U.S. Dist. Ct.,
570 U.S. 947 (2013) ............................................. 29
Bostock v. Clayton Cnty., 590 U.S. 644 (2020) ......... 22
Broadrick v. Oklahoma, 413 U.S. 601 (1973) .... 12-13
California v. Texas, 593 U.S. 659 (2021) ................... 6
Chi. & S. Airlines, Inc. v. Waterman Steamship
Corp., 333 U.S. 103 (1948) .................................. 12
Dart Cherokee Basin Operating Co. v. Owens,
574 U.S. 81 (2014) ............................................... 28
Duke Power Co. v. Carolina Envtl. Study Group,
438 U.S. 59 (1978) ................................................. 6
Durousseau v. United States, 6 U.S. 307 (1810) ...... 24
Ex parte McCardle, 74 U.S. 506 (1869) .................... 28
FBI v. Fikre, 601 U.S. 234 (2024) ............................... 1
Fla. Power & Light Co. v. Lorion,
470 U.S. 729 (1985) ............................................... 7
Flast v. Cohen, 392 U.S. 83 (1968) ........... 9, 10, 16, 29
Florida v. HHS,
716 F. Supp. 2d 1120 (N.D. Fla. 2010) ................. 6
Glidden Co. v. Zdanok, 370 U.S. 530 (1962) ............ 11
Hamdan v. Gates,
565 F. Supp. 2d 130 (D.D.C. 2008) ..................... 24
Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006).............. 23
iiii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—cont’d
Page(s)
Hayburn's Case, 2 U.S. 409 (1792)........................... 11
Hohn v. United States, 524 U.S. 236 (1998) ...... 24, 29
Hutto v. Davis, 454 U.S. 370 (1982) ......................... 24
ICC v. Brimson, 154 U.S. 447 (1894) ....................... 12
In re Aiken Cnty., 725 F.3d 255 (D.C. Cir. 2013) ..... 27
In re Beck, 526 F. Supp. 2d 1291 (S.D. Fla. 2007) ... 16
Iselin v. United States, 270 U.S. 245 (1926) ............ 22
Keller v. Potomac Elec. Power Co.,
261 U.S. 428 (1923) ............................................. 27
Liverpool, N.Y. & Phila, S.S. Co. v. Comm’rs,
113 U.S. 33 (1885) ............................................... 13
Loan Syndications & Trading Ass'n v. SEC,
818 F.3d 716 (D.C. Cir. 2016) ............................... 7
Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137 (1803) ..................... 8
Massachusetts v. Mellon, 262 U.S. 447 (1923) ......... 12
MedImmune, Inc. v. Genentech, Inc.,
549 U.S. 118 (2007) ............................................... 9
Mississippi v. Louisiana, 506 U.S. 73 (1992) ........... 20
Montgomery v. Louisiana, 575 U.S. 933 (2015) ....... 29
Morrison v. Olson, 487 U.S. 654 (1988) ................... 16
Murthy v. Missouri, 603 U.S. 43 (2024) ..................... 5
Muskrat v. United States,
219 U.S. 346 (1911) ........................... 13, 14, 15, 16
Nashville, Chattanooga, & St. Louis Ry. Co.
v. Wallace, 288 U.S. 249 (1933)........................... 12
iv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—cont’d
Page(s)
NFIB v. Sebelius, 567 U.S. 519 (2012) ....................... 6
NLRB v. Noel Canning, 537 U.S. 513 (2014) ............. 5
NRA v. Vullo, 620 U.S. 175 (2024) ............................. 4
O'Grady v. United States,
89 U.S. 641 (1875) ................................... 12, 24, 25
Ortiz v. United States, 585 U.S. 427 (2018) ............. 28
Packingham v. North Carolina,
582 U.S. 98 (2017) ................................................. 3
Plaut v. Spendthrift Farm, Inc.,
514 U.S. 211 (1995) ....................................... 11, 25
Reid v. United States, 211 U.S. 529 (1909) .............. 28
Reno v. ACLU, 521 U.S. 844 (1997) ........................... 3
Rotkiske v. Klemm, 598 U.S. 8 (2019) ...................... 23
SAS Inst., Inc. v. Iancu, 584 U.S. 357 (2018)........... 20
Slack v. McDaniel, 529 U.S. 473 (2000) ................... 22
Steel Co. v. Citizens for a Better Envt.,
523 U.S. 83 (1998) .............................................. 28
Thomas v. Collins, 323 U.S. 516 (1945) ..................... 5
TikTok Inc. v. Garland,
No. 24-1113, 2024 U.S. App. 30916
(D.C. Cir. Dec. 6, 2024) .......................................... 8
United States v. Ferreira, 54 U.S. 40 (1852) ............ 11
United States v. Fruehauf, 365 U.S. 146 (1961) ........ 9
United States v. O’Grady, 89 U.S. 641 (1875).......... 12
Warger v. Shauers, 574 U.S. 40 (2014) .................... 24
v
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—cont’d
Page(s)
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS
U.S. CONST. art. III................................................ 5–25
U.S. CONST. art. III, §2 .............................................. 24
U.S. CONST. amend. I ......................................... 3–5, 25
U.S. CONST. amend. V (Due Process Clause) ........... 14
STATUTORY & REGULATORY PROVISIONS
2 U.S.C. §1407(c) ....................................................... 21
5 U.S.C. §§701 et seq. (APA) ....................................... 7
5 U.S.C. §7123(c) ....................................................... 21
7 U.S.C. §136n(b) ...................................................... 21
7 U.S.C. §194(h) ........................................................ 21
7 U.S.C. §228b-3(h) ................................................... 21
8 U.S.C. §1252(a)(1) .................................................. 21
10 U.S.C. §950g(e)..................................................... 24
12 U.S.C. §1467(j) ..................................................... 21
12 U.S.C. §1786(j)(2) ................................................. 21
15 U.S.C. §21(c), (d) .................................................. 21
15 U.S.C. §45(c), (d) .................................................. 21
15 U.S.C. §77i(a) ....................................................... 21
15 U.S.C. §720e(a)..................................................... 23
15 U.S.C. §2618(a)(1)(B), (a)(1)(C)(ii), (c)(2) ............ 21
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—cont’d
Page(s)
15 U.S.C. §3416(a)(4) ................................................ 21
19 U.S.C. §1516a(g)(4)(A), (H) .................................. 21
26 U.S.C. §7482(a)(1) ................................................ 21
28 U.S.C. §1254(1) .................................................... 22
28 U.S.C. §1295(a) .................................................... 22
28 U.S.C. §1651 ......................................................... 24
28 U.S.C. §2265(c)(2) ................................................ 23
28 U.S.C. §§2341-2351 .............................................. 21
28 U.S.C. §2342, 2344 ................................................. 7
38 U.S.C. §7292(c) ..................................................... 21
42 U.S.C. §1327(b)(3) ................................................ 23
49 U.S.C. §46110(a), (c), (e) ...................................... 21
89 F.R. 60793 (2024) ................................................. 25
Act of March 3, 1863, ch. 92, §5, 12 Stat. 765.......... 11
Act of March 17, 1866, ch. 19, §1, 14 Stat. 9............ 11
Military Commissions Act,
Pub. L. No. 109-366, 120 Stat. 2600 (2006) .. 23, 24
Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary
Controlled Applications Act,
Pub. L. No. 118–50, div. H, 138 Stat. 9551–8, 17–29
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Ashwin Sehsagiri, How TikTok Changed America,
N.Y. TIMES, Apr. 19, 2024,
https://tinyurl.com/4765esvu................................. 3
vii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—cont’d
Page(s)
BLACK’S LAW DICTIONARY (8th ed. 2004) .................. 20
Brendan Bordelon, Biden and Congress Want
to Ban TikTok, POLITICO, Apr. 16, 2023,
https://tinyurl.com/52jtjrvf ................................ 3, 5
Challenge (noun), MERRIAM-WEBSTER
DICTIONARY, https:// tinyurl.com/4jcyp5y6 ......... 20
170 CONG. REC. S2970 (daily ed. Apr. 23, 2024) ........ 4
Drew Harwell, How TikTok Ate the Internet,
WASH. POST, Oct. 14, 2022,
https://tinyurl.com/4tk93mjk ............................ 3, 4
Gram Slattery, Trump Says It Could Be
Worth Keeping TikTok in US for a Little
While, REUTERS, Dec. 23, 2024,
https://tinyurl.com/5bv7mcw4 ............................. 27
H.R. REP. NO. 118-417 (2024) ..................................... 4
Letter from Supreme Court Justices to
President George Washington (Aug. 8, 1793),
https://tinyurl.com/3d82s369 .............................. 10
Letter from Thomas Jefferson to the Justices
of the U.S. Supreme Court (July 18, 1793),
https://tinyurl.com/4f8syyyt .................................. 9
Questions for Supreme Court (Enclosure
to Jefferson Letter) (July 18, 1793),
https://tinyurl.com/348ttsy8 .................................. 9
Taylor Lorenz, TikTok, a Pioneer in Short,
Vertical Videos, Now Wants Horizontal
Ones, WASH. POST, Jan. 31, 2024,
https://tinyurl.com/a8n2tfrr .................................. 3
1
INTEREST OF THE AMICUS CURIAE 1
The Forum for Constitutional Rights (FCR) is a
general non-partisan public-benefit corporation that
is organized and operated under Minnesota law. FCR
offers public education about constitutional history
and rights, including (but not limited to) the First
Amendment. FCR files amicus briefs in cases that
involve key constitutional protections. See, e.g., Brief
of Amici Curiae Restore the Fourth, Inc. & Forum for
Constitutional Rights in Support of Respondent, FBI
v. Fikre, 601 U.S. 234 (2024) (No. 22-1178); Brief of
Amici Curiae Forum for Constitutional Rights, et al.,
in Support of Petitioner, Ark. Times v. Waldrip, No.
22-379 (U.S. amicus brief filed Nov. 23, 2022).
FCR is interested in this case because of its
potential broad impact on both judicial independence
and constitutional cohesion, depending on how the
Court parses the Protecting Americans from Foreign
Adversary Controlled Applications Act. The Act’s
judicial-review provision and other related provisions
enable the Act’s constitutional validity to be decided
in the abstract—at a time when the Act expressly
bars enforcement of its terms, making the Act’s freespeech harms easier to miss. The President-elect has
also said he will not enforce the Act, leaving in doubt
the need for judicial review. Deciding this case would
then entail giving an advisory opinion—something
Congress cannot enable federal courts to do.
1
This amicus brief is filed in accordance with S. Ct. R. 37.3.
No counsel for a party authored this amicus brief in whole or in
part; nor has any person or any entity, other than the named
amicus curiae and their counsel, contributed money intended to
fund the preparation or submission of this amicus brief.
2
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
The Protecting Americans from Foreign
Adversary Controlled Applications Act (or TikTok
ban) raises key constitutional questions beyond the
First Amendment issues already briefed in this case.
The Act’s judicial-review provision and other related
provisions violate Article III in serious ways.
First, the Act grants the D.C. Circuit “exclusive
jurisdiction” over “any challenge” to the Act itself.
Unlike numerous similar statutes across the U.S.
Code, the Act contains no text preserving Supreme
Court review. The Act thereby gives the D.C. Circuit
‘supreme’ authority over the Act, violating Article
III’s creation of just “one” Supreme Court.
Second, through a reapplication procedure, the
Act permits the Executive Branch to nullify judicial
decisions invalidating applications of the Act. This
mechanism contravenes Article III, which does not
permit executive revision of judicial decisions.
Third, the Act authorizes courts to review the
Act in the abstract, divorced from the concreteness
and adversity that Article III’s case-or-controversy
rule demands. This scheme defies the oldest thread
of American jurisprudence: no advisory opinions.
Because no severability provision applies to the
Act’s defective jurisdictional terms, the entire ban
should fall with these terms. This reality then merits
thoughtful consideration at oral argument, which the
Court may secure either by prompting the parties or
by appointing an amicus to address jurisdiction.
3
ARGUMENT
Over 1 billion people across the world, including
170 million Americans, 2 use TikTok: a smartphone
application that allows individuals to create, share,
and watch short videos between 15 seconds and 10
minutes in length. 3 TikTok’s video recommendations
for each user (generated by a proprietary algorithm)
have transformed the way that Americans consume
news, books, film, music, and even politics. 4 TikTok
represents “the modern Internet”—a “protean,” stillnew revolution with “vast potential to alter how we
think, express ourselves, and define who we want to
be.” Packingham v. North Carolina, 582 U.S. 98, 105
(2017); see Reno v. ACLU, 521 U.S. 844 (1997).
Enter the TikTok ban: Congress’s response to
the fact that a company based in China owns TikTok.
“[B]anning a popular communications tool, foreign or
otherwise, is virtually without precedent in the
United States.” 5 Yet, on April 24, 2024, Congress
enacted what it called the Protecting Americans from
Foreign Advisory Controlled Applications Act. See
Decl. of Adam Presser (TikTok Head of Operations) at
¶11, TikTok Inc. v. Garland, No. 24-1113 (D.C. Cir. dated June
17, 2024), in App’x to Pet’rs Br. 804–05, TikTok Inc. v. Garland,
No. 24-1113 (D.C. Cir. filed June 20, 2024).
3
See Taylor Lorenz, TikTok, a Pioneer in Short, Vertical
Videos, Now Wants Horizontal Ones, WASH. POST, Jan. 31,
2024, https://tinyurl.com/a8n2tfrr.
4
See Ashwin Sehsagiri, How TikTok Changed America,
N.Y. TIMES, Apr. 19, 2024, https://tinyurl.com/4765esvu; see also
Drew Harwell, How TikTok Ate the Internet, WASH. POST, Oct.
14, 2022, https://tinyurl.com/4tk93mjk.
5
Brendan Bordelon, Biden and Congress Want to Ban
TikTok, POLITICO. Apr. 16, 2023, https://tinyurl.com/52jtjrvf.
2
4
Pub. L. No. 118–50, div. H, 138 Stat. 955. Effective
January 19, 2025, the Act bans the distribution,
maintenance, or updating of any “foreign adversary
controlled application.” See id. §2(a)(1), (a)(2).
The Act defines “foreign adversary controlled
application” to mean “TikTok.” Id. §2(g)(3)(A)(ii). The
term also covers other technologies (e.g., websites) if
the technology has over 1,000,000 monthly active
users and allows users to generate, share, and view
text, images, videos, or like content. Id. §2(g)(3)(B).
The Act bans these technologies to the extent their
owners are based in any “foreign adversary country”
and the President finds such ownership is a national
security threat. Id. The Act provides just one way
that the owners of these technologies (and TikTok’s
owner) may end the ban: a “qualified divestiture,”
meaning a sale or transfer of the technology that, as
determined by the President, terminates the ability
of the relevant foreign adversary country to exercise
control over the technology. Id. §2(c)(1), (g)(6).
In passing the TikTok ban, Congress made no
secret of the fact that Congress was on a mission to
“suppress disfavored expression.” NRA v. Vullo, 620
U.S. 175, 188 (2024). The House Committee Report
accompanying the ban stressed the need to prevent
foreign adversary nations from using technology like
TikTok to “push misinformation, disinformation, and
propaganda on the American public.” H.R. REP. NO.
118–417, at 2 (2024). On the Senate floor, Senator
Pete Ricketts praised the ban as a countermeasure to
“the Chinese Communist Party using their control of
TikTok to skew public opinion on foreign events.” 170
CONG. REC. S2970 (daily ed. Apr. 23, 2024).
5
The Supreme Court has agreed to review the
TikTok ban in terms of whether the ban violates the
First Amendment’s protection of free speech. It does.
“The very purpose of the First Amendment is to
foreclose public authority from assuming a guardianship of the public mind.” Thomas v. Collins, 323 U.S.
516, 545 (1945) (Jackson, J., concurring). In banning
TikTok so long as a company in China owns TikTok,
Congress presumes to guard the public mind from
any propaganda that the government of China might
compel TikTok’s owner to push through TikTok. The
authors of the First Amendment knew better. They
did “not trust any government to separate the true
from the false for us,” realizing instead “every person
must be his own watchman for truth.” Id.
The TikTok ban poses an even greater problem,
however, beyond the ban’s derogation of free speech
—a threat that seems to have been overlooked by the
parties and the D.C. Circuit in the relatively quick
pace of this litigation. This threat stems from the
ban’s judicial-review provision and various other
elements of the ban that govern the ban’s operation.
Through these provisions, the ban violates Article III
of the Constitution, which both creates the Judicial
Branch and “limits the jurisdiction of federal courts
to ‘Cases’ and ‘Controversies.’” Murthy v. Missouri,
603 U.S. 43, 57 (2024). “If a dispute is not a proper
case or controversy, the courts have no business
deciding it . . . .” Id. (cleaned up). This rule is one of
the Constitution’s bedrock “government-structuring
provisions,” which are “no less critical to preserving
liberty than are . . . [the] provisions of the Bill of
Rights.” NLRB v. Noel Canning, 537 U.S. 513, 570
(2014) (Scalia, J., concurring in the judgment).
6
At this point, it is worth considering the strange
way that the question of the TikTok ban’s validity
reaches this Court. Pre-enforcement constitutional
challenges to statutes usually reach this Court after
having traveled one of two distinct paths:
Path #1: A party files suit in district court under
28 U.S.C. §1331 against the agency charged by law
with enforcing the challenged statute. 6 The case-orcontroversy rule then requires the party to establish
(among other things) that the challenged statute is
enforceable and that the party faces a credible threat
of enforcement from the sued agency. See California
v. Texas, 593 U.S. 659, 669–74 (2021). Otherwise,
there is no one and nothing for the court to enjoin—
any decision of the challenge amounts to an advisory
opinion. Id. The district court’s fact-finding powers
may prove critical in resolving this concern. Cf. Duke
Power Co. v. Carolina Envtl. Study Grp., 438 U.S. 59,
72 (1978) (“The District Judge held four days of
hearings on . . . standing and ripeness . . . .”).
If the case-or-controversy rule poses no bar, the
district court decides the constitutional challenge,
the court of appeals decides any appeal, and this
Court decides whether to grant review. This is how
pre-enforcement challenges to the Affordable Care
Act (ACA) reached this Court. See NFIB v. Sebelius,
567 U.S. 519, 540 (2012); see also Florida v. HHS,
716 F. Supp. 2d 1120, 1149 (N.D. Fla. 2010) (“There
is no reason whatsoever to doubt that the federal
government will enforce the [ACA] . . . .”).
6
This path assumes that the challenged statute lacks any
special judicial-review provision of its own and no other special
review scheme (like the Hobbs Act) governs the statute.
7
Path #2: A party seeks judicial review of some
“final agency action” implementing the challenged
statute (e.g., a regulation or order) before any actual
enforcement of the statute. Congress may require the
party to obtain such review by filing a petition for
review of agency action in the court of appeals. E.g.,
28 U.S.C. §§2342, 2344. Otherwise, the party may
sue the relevant agency in district court under the
Administrative Procedure Act (APA), 5 U.S.C. §§701
et seq. The case-or-controversy rule then poses no bar
to the court deciding the validity of the challenged
statute—as part of reviewing the final agency action
at issue—presuming the “administrative decision has
been formalized and its effects felt in a concrete way
by the challenging parties.” Abbott Laboratories v.
Gardner, 387 U.S. 136, 138–39, 148 (1967).
In an APA case, the district court decides the
constitutional challenge, the court of appeals decides
any appeal, and this Court decides whether to grant
review. See 28 U.S.C. §§1254, 1291, 1331. Resolution
of “petitions for direct review of agency action” entail
the court of appeals deciding any challenge raised by
the petition followed by this Court deciding whether
to grant review. Loan Syndications & Trading Ass’n
v. SEC, 818 F.3d 716, 717 (D.C. Cir. 2016). In either
circumstance, the “focal point for judicial review” is
“the administrative record already in existence.” Fla.
Power & Light Co. v. Lorion, 470 U.S. 729, 743–44
(1985). This remains so even when the record for the
final agency action at issue lacks information that
the court needs to decide a constitutional challenge
or to enforce the case-or-controversy rule. The court’s
“proper course” is to “remand [the case] to the agency
for additional investigation or explanation.” Id.
8
The pre-enforcement challenges to the TikTok
ban now before the Court did not travel either of the
above-stated paths. Rather, these challenges reach
the Court following the D.C. Circuit’s consideration
of “petitions for review of [the] constitutionality of
the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary
Controlled Applications Act.” TikTok Inc. v. Garland,
No. 24-1113, 2024 U.S. App. 30916, at *1 (D.C. Cir.
Dec. 6, 2024). This language tracks the ban’s judicialreview provision, which authorizes the filing of “[a]
petition for review challenging [the Act]” with the
D.C. Circuit “not later than 165 days after the date”
of the Act’s passage. Pub. L. No. 118–50 at §3.
Congress has thus authorized direct review of
a statute, hot-off-the-presses, making Congress the
object of the litigation rather than any government
action (actual or threatened). During oral argument
before the D.C. Circuit, Judge Rao picked up on this.
TikTok’s counsel argued that the record before the
court lacked facts necessary for the TikTok ban to
survive strict scrutiny under the First Amendment.
Judge Rao responded: “I think you’re arguing for us
to remand without vacatur to Congress for more
findings. . . . Many of your arguments want us to
treat [Congress] like they’re an agency. It’s a very
strange framework . . . .” Oral Arg. at 38:48 to 39:14,
TikTok, No. 24-1113 (D.C. Cir. Sept. 16, 2024).
And yet, that strange framework is what the
TikTok ban’s judicial-review provision enacts. It then
“becomes necessary to inquire whether a jurisdiction
so conferred can be exercised.” Marbury v. Madison,
5 U.S. 137, 175 (1803). The following analysis shows
it cannot, and this reality may sink the ban.
9
I.
This Court neither gives advisory opinions
nor tolerates legislation eliciting advisory
opinions (the Muskrat rule).
Born from Article III’s case-or-controversy rule,
“the oldest and most consistent thread in the federal
law of justiciability is that the federal courts will not
give advisory opinions.” Flast v. Cohen, 392 U.S. 83,
96 (1968). Generally speaking, advisory opinions are
“[judicial] expressions” that carry no binding effect or
that address issues lacking the “clear concreteness
provided when a question emerges precisely framed
and necessary for decision [in a case].” United States
v. Fruehauf, 365 U.S. 146, 157 (1961); see also, e.g.,
MedImmune, Inc. v. Genentech, Inc., 549 U.S. 118,
127 (2007) (distinguishing between court resolution
of a “definite and concrete” dispute “through a decree
of a conclusive character” versus what a court does
when it issues “an opinion advising what the law
would be upon a hypothetical state of facts”).
For example, in July 1793, Thomas Jefferson
presented the Supreme Court with 29 questions that
President George Washington wanted the Court to
answer in relation to “[t]he war which has taken
place among the powers of Europe” and “transactions
within [American] ports.” 7 These questions included
such inquiries as whether France could as of right
“erect courts within the jurisdiction of the U.S. for
the trial & condemnation of prizes made by armed
vessels in her service?” 8 Jefferson stressed the legal
7
Letter from Thomas Jefferson to the Justices of the U.S.
Supreme Court (July 18, 1793), https://tinyurl.com/4f8syyyt.
8
Enclosure to Jefferson Letter: Questions for Supreme
Court (July 18, 1793), https://tinyurl.com/348ttsy8.
10
nature of the questions: the questions “depend[ed] for
their solution on the construction of [American]
treaties, on the laws of nature and nations, and on
the laws of the land.” 9 Jefferson also stressed the
national security importance of the questions: the
Court’s “advice” would “secure” the nation “against
errors dangerous to the peace of the U.S.” 10
The Court turned down President Washington’s
request. 11 The Court explained that “[t]he lines of
separation drawn by the Constitution” afforded a
“strong argument[]” against “extrajudicially deciding
the questions alluded to,” as did the Court’s status as
“a court in the last resort.” 12 And that remains the
Court’s position to this day: “[f]ederal judicial power
is limited to those disputes which confine federal
courts to a role consistent with a system of separated
powers and which are traditionally thought to be
capable of resolution through the judicial process.”
Flast, 392 U.S. at 97. This “rule against advisory
opinions” ensures that federal courts stick “to the
role assigned them by Article III.” Id. at 96.
Dozens of the Court’s decisions speak to the rule
against advisory opinions. Two branches of this case
law matter here. The first branch guards against any
provision that would allow the Executive Branch to
reduce federal court decisions to advisory opinions.
The second branch guards against any provision that
would allow parties to elicit advisory opinions.
Letter from Thomas Jefferson, supra note 8.
Id.
11
Letter from Supreme Court Justices to President George
Washington, (Aug. 8, 1793), https://tinyurl.com/3d82s369.
12
Id. (some capitalization omitted).
9
10
11
No Executive Disregard—“Congress cannot vest
review of the decisions of Article III courts in officials
of the Executive Branch.” Plaut v. Spendthrift Farm,
Inc., 514 U.S. 211, 218 (1995). The Court faced this
issue for the first time in Hayburn’s Case, 2 U.S. 409
(1792). At issue was a statute empowering circuit
courts to award disability benefits to veterans subject
to later disallowance by the Secretary of War if he
suspected a mistake. See United States v. Ferreira,
54 U.S. 40, 49 (1852). Chief Justice Jay issued an
opinion declaring the statute “radically inconsistent
with the independence of that judicial power which is
vested in the courts.” Hayburn’s Case, 2 U.S. at 410
n.†. The statute violated Article III by rendering
court “judgments” subject to “revision and control” by
“an officer in the executive department.” Id.
Congress ran into this problem again in 1863
when it created the Court of Claims to administer
money claims against the federal government. See
Glidden Co. v. Zdanok, 370 U.S. 530, 552–53 (1962)
(plurality op.). Congress authorized the new court to
issue “final judgment[s]” appealable to the Supreme
Court. Act of March 3, 1863, ch. 92, §5, 12 Stat. 765,
766. But Congress also provided that government
payment of any Court of Claims judgment required
“an appropriation” by the Secretary of the Treasury.”
Id. at §14. This Court subsequently refused to review
Court of Claims judgments on appeal, deeming the
appropriation proviso to grant Treasury a “revisory
authority” over judgments at odds with the “exercise
of judicial power.” Glidden, 370 U.S. at 554.
Congress repealed the proviso. See Act of March
17, 1866, ch. 19, §1, 14 Stat. 9. But Treasury failed to
12
listen, proceeding on its own accord to offset a Court
of Claims judgment against a tax debt owed by the
judgment-holder. United States v. O’Grady, 89 U.S.
641 (1875). This Court ruled the offset unlawful. Id.
at 648. The Court explained that when “no appeal is
taken,” an Article III court’s judgment is “absolutely
conclusive of the rights of the parties” and is not
subject to “re-examination and revision” by any other
government department. See id. at 648–49.
This prohibition applies with full force even
when Congress has granted jurisdiction to an Article
III court to “aid an administrative or executive body
in the performance of duties legally imposed upon it
by Congress.” ICC v. Brimson, 154 U.S. 447, 487
(1894). The Court has noted that for Article III courts
to “review an administrative decision” with “only the
force of a recommendation” would be “to render an
advisory opinion in its most obnoxious form.” Chi. &
S. Airlines, Inc. v. Waterman Steamship Corp., 333
U.S. 103, 113–14 (1948). Article III permits only
“conclusive” judgments immune from “later review or
alteration by administrative action.” Id.
No Granting Legislation Review—Congress can
neither authorize nor effectively allow parties “to
secure an abstract determination by the Court of the
validity of a statute.” Nashville, Chattanooga, & St.
Louis Ry. Co. v. Wallace, 288 U.S. 249, 262 (1933).
Federal courts have “no power per se to review and
annul acts of Congress on the ground that they are
unconstitutional.” Massachusetts v. Mellon, 262 U.S.
447, 488 (1923). Any such power would allow courts
to become “roving commissions . . . on the validity of
the Nation’s laws.” Broadrick v. Oklahoma, 413 U.S.
13
601, 610 (1973). Article III thus affords federal courts
“no jurisdiction to pronounce any [federal] statute . . .
irreconcilable with the Constitution, except as [the
court] is called upon to adjudge the legal rights of
litigants in actual controversies.” Liverpool, N.Y. &
Phila. S.S. Co. v. Comm’rs, 113 U.S. 33, 39 (1885)
(bold added). By extension, Congress cannot grant to
courts any jurisdiction contrary to this rule.
In Muskrat v. United States, 219 U.S. 346 (1911)
the Court rejected an effort by Congress to evade this
prohibition. Congress enacted laws in 1904 and 1906
adjusting and impairing land rights that Congress
had previously granted to Cherokee citizens under a
1902 law. Id. at 348–49. Anticipating that the 1904
and 1906 laws might raise constitutional issues (as a
matter of property rights), in 1907, Congress enacted
a judicial-review provision. Id. at 350–51 (citing Act
of March 1, 1907, ch. 2285, 34 Stat. 1015, 1028).
The provision said all of the following:
•
It authorized the filing of suits “to determine
the validity of any acts of Congress passed
since the [1902] act” insofar as the later acts
imposed additional land “restrictions” (e.g.,
limits on alienation) or served to reduce the
size of individual land allotments. Id.
•
It named as party plaintiffs four persons who
obtained land under the 1902 law—David
Muskrat, J. Henry Dick, William Brown, and
Levi Gritts—allowing them to sue “on their
own behalf” and “on behalf of all Cherokee
citizens” with similar interests. Id.
14
•
It named “as a party defendant” the “United
States” and “charged” the Attorney General
“with the defense of said suits.” Id.
•
It established the suits “shall be brought on
or before” September 1, 1907. Id.
•
It conferred “jurisdiction . . . upon the Court
of Claims, with the right of appeal, by either
party, to the Supreme Court of the United
States, to hear, determine, and adjudicate
each of said suits.” Id.
•
It allowed the named plaintiffs to recover
their attorney’s fees from the government if
the final judgment “den[ied] the validity of
any portion of the said acts authorized to be
brought into question.” Id.
In accordance with these terms, Muskrat and
the other named plaintiffs filed a timely “petition” in
the Court of Claims to have the 1904 and 1906 laws
declared “unconstitutional” as a violation of the Due
Process Clause’s protection of private property. See
Muskrat v. United States, 44 Ct. Cl. 137, 137 (1908)
(arguments of counsel). “[B]oth parties . . . asked the
court to make findings of fact,” which the court did
while observing “the findings are mainly deductions
from statutes and treaties.” Id. at 150.
In the end, the Court of Claims sustained the
validity of the 1904 and 1906 laws, dismissed the
petition, and entered judgment in favor of the United
States. See id. at 148. The court explained that while
“the right of private property is a sacred right, it has
15
its limitations.” Id. at 162. One of these limitations
was Congress’s “plenary power to guard, protect, and
administer upon the tribal property of the Cherokee
Nation.” Id. at 148. That power made the parties’
dispute one “for the legislative branch and not for the
courts to determine.” Id. Muskrat and his fellow
plaintiffs appealed to the Supreme Court.
The Supreme Court “reversed” and “remanded
to the Court of Claims, with directions to dismiss . . .
for want of jurisdiction.” Muskrat, 219 U.S. at 363.
The Court explained: “[t]hese cases arise under an
act of Congress undertaking to confer jurisdiction
upon the Court of Claims, and upon this court on
appeal, to determine the validity of certain acts of
Congress.” The “first question” the Court then had to
resolve was the Court’s “jurisdiction . . . to entertain
the proceeding.” Id. at 351. That question, in turn,
“depend[ed] on whether the jurisdiction conferred” by
the 1907 judicial-review provision was “within the
power of Congress [to grant], having in view [Article
III’s] limitations of the judicial power.” Id.
The Court said ‘no’: the 1907 judicial-review
provision violated Article III because the provision
authorized judicial review of bare legislation. See id.
at 360–63. It made no difference that Congress cast
this ‘legislation review’ in the form of a case—e.g.,
directing the Attorney General to defend the 1904
and 1906 laws. Id. The judicial-review provision’s
“whole purpose” was to “determine the constitutional
validity” of the 1904 and 1906 laws in a contrived
“proceeding against the Government” in which “the
only judgment required” was “to settle the doubtful
character of the legislation in question.” Id.
16
This led the Court to conclude: “Congress, in
the act of March 1, 1907, exceeded the limitations of
legislative authority . . . [by] requir[ing] of this court
action not judicial in its nature within the meaning
of the Constitution.” Id. at 362. The Court stressed
that judicial power to declare a law unconstitutional
did not exist so that courts may sit “as a body with
revisory power” over statutes. Id. at 361. Such power
existed only because “the rights of the litigants in
justiciable controversies require the court to choose”
between the Constitution and “a law purporting to
be enacted within constitutional authority.” Id. “It is
legitimate only in the last resort and as a necessity
in the [conclusive] determination of real, earnest and
vital controversy between individuals.” Id.
In sum: Congress cannot enact judicial-review
provisions that expressly or effectively require courts
“to give opinions in the nature of advice concerning
legislative action.” Id. at 362. “This limitation moors
the federal courts to their constitutional mandates
and keeps them from drifting into the executive or
legislative functions of government.” In re Beck, 526
F. Supp. 2d 1291, 1300 (S.D. Fla. 2007).
At the same time, applying this limitation is not
easy. The Court’s numerous decisions enforcing the
rule against advisory opinions show that violations of
the rule (like in Muskrat) often come “clad in sheep’s
clothing.” Morrison v. Olson, 487 U.S. 654, 698 (1988)
(Scalia, J., dissenting). In such cases, only “a careful
and perceptive analysis” of how the relevant judicialreview provision affects “the equilibrium of power”
will expose the violation. Id. But in the case of the
TikTok ban, “this wolf comes as a wolf.” Id.
17
II.
The Protecting Americans from Foreign
Adversary Controlled Applications Act—or
TikTok ban—elicits an advisory opinion on
terms even worse than the legislation that
the Court condemned in Muskrat.
Section 3 of Protecting Americans from Foreign
Adversary Controlled Applications Act sets forth the
Act’s judicial-review provision. For clarity’s sake, §3’s
full text is reproduced below, but with all references
to “division” replaced with the synonym “Act”:
(a) RIGHT OF ACTION.—A petition for review
challenging this [Act] or any action,
finding, or determination under this [Act]
may be filed only in the United States
Court of Appeals for the District of
Columbia Circuit.
(b) EXCLUSIVE JURISDICTION.—The United
States Court of Appeals for the District of
Columbia Circuit shall have exclusive
jurisdiction over any challenge to this
[Act] or any action, finding, or
determination under this [Act].
(c) STATUTE OF LIMITATIONS.—A challenge
may only be brought—
(1) in the case of a challenge to this
division, not later than 165 days
after the [Apr. 24, 2024] date of the
enactment of this [Act];
(2) in the case of a challenge to any
action, finding, or determination
under this [Act], not later than 90
days after the date of such action,
finding, or determination.
18
Four other provisions of the Act also bear upon
the proper interpretation of the Act’s judicial-review
provision (and its advisory-opinion problem):
Under §2(g)(3), the Act identifies who is subject
to the Act’s prohibitions. Subsection (g)(3)(A) states
that the Act’s prohibitions apply directly to “TikTok,”
to TikTok’s parent company (“ByteDance, Ltd.”), and
to subsidiaries or future successors of either entity.
Subsection (g)(3)(B) then provides that the applies to
any “covered company” that is both “controlled by a
foreign adversary” and determined by the President
to be “a significant threat to the national security.”
Subsections (g)(3)(A) and (g)(3)(b) thereby enact two
separate, independent ways that an entity may be (or
may become) subject to the Act’s prohibitions.
Under §2(a)(2), the Act prescribes exactly when
the Act’s prohibitions become enforceable against the
TikTok entities described under (g)(3)(A) and against
any later, President-designated “covered company”
falling under (g)(3)(B). For the TikTok entities, the
Act becomes enforceable on January 19, 2025—i.e.,
“270 days after the date of the enactment” of the Act.
Id. §2(a)(2)(A). And for later President-designated
covered companies, the Act becomes enforceable “270
days after the date” of the President’s designation of
the covered company as a national-security threat.
Id. §2(a)(2)(B). The President may grant to a (g)(3)(A)
or (g)(3)(B) entity “a 1-time extension” of the Act’s
enforceability, but the extension cannot be for more
than 90 days. Id. §2(a)(3). The President must also
make several certifications to Congress that together
confirm the extension is part of a broader “path to [a
violator] executing a qualified divestiture.” Id.
19
Under §2(d), the Act prescribes “enforcement”
of the Act’s prohibitions. Subsection (d)(1)(A) dictates
that violators shall pay a “civil penalty” not to exceed
$5,000 multiplied by the number of people using the
violator’s application. Subsection (d)(2) then states
that the U.S. Attorney General (AG) “shall conduct
investigations related to potential violations.” If the
AG “determin[es] that a violation has occurred,” the
AG “shall pursue enforcement” of the civil penalty
and “may bring an action in an appropriate [federal]
district court . . . for appropriate relief.” Id.
Finally, in §2(e), the Act addresses the subject of
“[s]everability.” This severability provision expressly
limits its effect to invalidation of §2—i.e., it does not
prescribe a rule of severability for §3’s judicial-review
provision. In this regard, subsection (e)(1) provides
that if a court invalidates “any provision of this
section” or invalidates “applications of this section
to any person or circumstance,” then “the invalidity
shall not affect the other provisions or applications of
this section that can be given effect.” Subsection
(e)(2) then provides that “[i]f the application of any
provision of [§2] is held invalid with respect to” a
“(g)(3)(A) [entity],” this “shall not affect or preclude
the application of the same provision . . . by means of
. . . (g)(3)(B)” to the same (g)(3)(A) entity.
With all of these provisions in mind, it becomes
clear that the TikTok ban violates the rule against
advisory opinions in two ways: (1) through §2(e)(2)’s
severability text, which allows the Executive Branch
to disregard invalidation of the ban; and (2) through
§3(b)’s grant of legislation review. But first, there is a
critical jurisdictional impediment to consider.
20
1. Jurisdictional Impediment. Section 3 of the
Act states: “[t]he United States Court of Appeals for
the District of Columbia Circuit shall have exclusive
jurisdiction over any challenge to this [statute] . . . .”
Section 3’s “description of [D.C. Circuit] jurisdiction
as ‘exclusive’ necessarily denies jurisdiction . . . to
any other federal court” to hear formal questioning of
the Act’s legality. Mississippi v. Louisiana, 506 U.S.
73, 77–78 (1992). The “uncompromising language” of
§3 would then appear to bar this Court’s exercise of
jurisdiction here, as this matter consists entirely of a
formal questioning of the Act’s legality. Id.
This result follows from “the plain meaning of
‘exclusive.’” Id. It also follows from the plain meaning
of “any”—a word that “naturally carries an expansive
meaning.” SAS Inst., Inc. v. Iancu, 584 U.S. 357, 362
(2018) (cleaned up). “When used (as here) with a
singular noun in affirmative contexts, the word ‘any’
ordinarily refers to a member of a particular group or
class without distinction or limitation and in this
way implies every member of the class or group.” Id.
at 363. In short: “‘any’ means ‘every.’” Id. at 359–60.
Finally, this result follows from the plain meaning of
‘challenge’: “a calling to account or into question” 13
or, as legal dictionaries put it, “an act or instance of
formally questioning the legality of . . . [a] thing.”
BLACK’S LAW DICTIONARY 244 (8th ed. 2004).
Review of comparable statutes bolsters the view
that §3 bars the Court from exercising jurisdiction.
Surveying the U.S. Code, a familiar pattern appears:
13
Challenge (noun), MERRIAM-WEBSTER DICTIONARY, https://
tinyurl.com/4jcyp5y6 (last accessed Dec. 26, 2024).
21
virtually every time that Congress grants “exclusive
jurisdiction” to a court of appeals, Congress pairs this
grant with additional language conferring appellate
jurisdiction on this Court. The most obvious example
is the Administrative Orders Review Act, also known
as the Hobbs Act. See 28 U.S.C. §§2341–2351. Under
§2342, the Hobbs Act establishes that “[t]he court of
appeals . . . has exclusive jurisdiction to enjoin, set
aside, suspend (in whole or in part), or to determine
the validity of” a host of final agency actions when
performed by certain federal agencies.” 14 Then,
under §2350, the Hobbs Act provides that any
injunctive order or final judgment “of the court of
appeals in a [Hobbs Act] proceeding . . . are subject to
review by the Supreme Court on a writ of certiorari.”
Dozens of statutes authorizing exclusive circuit
court review mirror this kind of pairing. Sometimes
the pair appears in the same sentence or subsection.
See e.g., 7 U.S.C. §136n(b); 7 U.S.C. §194(h); 7 U.S.C.
§228b–3(h); 12 U.S.C. §1467(j); 15 U.S.C. §77i(a); 15
U.S.C. §3416(a)(4); 26 U.S.C. §7482(a)(1); 38 U.S.C.
§7292(c). Other times, as the Hobbs Act illustrates,
the grants appear in different subsections, sections,
or divisions of the same statute. See, e.g., 12 U.S.C.
§1786(j)(2); 15 U.S.C. §21(c), (d); 15 U.S.C. §45(c), (d);
15 U.S.C. §2618(a)(1)(B), (a)(1)(C)(ii), (c)(2); 19 U.S.C.
§1516a(g)(4)(A), (H); 49 U.S.C. §46110(a), (c), (e). And
then some laws say “[c]hapter 158 of title 28 shall
apply to judicial review”—language incorporating the
Hobbs Act and its grant of Supreme Court review.
See 2 U.S.C. §1407(c), 8 U.S.C. §1252(a)(1).
14
Some statutes make circuit court jurisdiction exclusive by
saying that: “[u]pon the filing of the record with the court, the
jurisdiction of the court shall be exclusive.” 5 U.S.C. §7123(c).
22
The general statute governing the jurisdiction of
the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit
vests “exclusive jurisdiction” of 14 separate matters
in that court without a paired reference to Supreme
Court review. See 28 U.S.C. §1295(a)(1)–(a)(14). But
for all 14 matters, the exclusive jurisdiction granted
by §1295(a) pertains to “an appeal” or takes force “by
appeal.” 15 “While an appeal is a continuation of the
litigation started in the trial court, it is a distinct
step.” Slack v. McDaniel, 529 U.S. 473, 482 (2000).
Section 1295(a)’s grant of exclusive jurisdiction to the
Federal Circuit over “appeals” then poses no conflict
with Supreme Court review as this later step occurs
by “certiorari” (not appeal). 28 U.S.C. §1254(1).
By contrast, §3(b) of the TikTok ban states the
D.C. Circuit “shall have exclusive jurisdiction over
any challenge to this [Act]”—not just any ‘petition for
review.’ And a certiorari petition asking the Court to
void the ban is no less a ‘challenge’ to the ban than a
brief arguing the same to the D.C. Circuit. The ban’s
drafters may not have realized §3’s broad language
(exclusive, any, challenge) would bar Supreme Court
review. “But the limits of the drafters’ imagination
supply no reason to ignore the law’s demands.”
Bostock v. Clayton Cnty., 590 U.S. 644, 653 (2020).
The Court also cannot simply read an allowance of
Supreme Court jurisdiction into §3, which is “not a
construction” of §3, but “an enlargement of it.” Iselin
v. United States, 270 U.S. 245, 250–51 (1926).
15
Section 1295(a)(6)g grants the Federal Circuit exclusive
jurisdiction ”to review the final determinations of the United
States International Trade Commission [ITC],” as made by the
ITC under 19 U.S.C §1337. Section 1337 authorizes parties to
take “appeal[s] . . . [to the] Federal Circuit.” Id. §1337(c).
23
“Atextual judicial supplementation” is especially
“inappropriate” when “Congress has shown that it
knows how to adopt the omitted language.” Rotkiske
v. Klemm, 598 U.S. 8, 14 (2019). And in statute after
statute granting exclusive circuit court jurisdiction,
Congress has shown exactly this. See, e.g., 15 U.S.C.
§720e(a) (“Except for review by the Supreme
Court on writ of certiorari, the United States Court
of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit shall
have original and exclusive jurisdiction . . . .”) 28
U.S.C. §2265(c)(2) (“The Court of Appeals for the
District of Columbia Circuit shall have exclusive
jurisdiction . . . subject to review by the Supreme
Court . . . .”); 42 U.S.C. §1327(b)(3) (same).
Turning to precedent, in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld,
548 U.S. 557 (2006), the Court briefly considered
whether Congress’s grant of “exclusive jurisdiction”
to the D.C. Circuit under the Detainee Treatment
Act (DTA) ousted Supreme Court’s jurisdiction. See
id. at 581 & n.11. Despite the relevant DTA sections
lacking any reference to the Supreme Court review,
the Court summarily declared: “[t]he [D.C.] Circuit's
jurisdiction, while ‘exclusive’ in one sense, would not
bar this Court’s review on appeal from a decision
under the DTA.” Id. at 581 n.11. The Court’s sole
authority for this view was the government’s reply
brief in Hamdan, see id., in which the government
“[did] not dispute that the DTA leaves unaffected
[the Court’s] certiorari jurisdiction under 28 U. S. C.
§1254(1).” Id. at 671 (Scalia, J., dissenting).
Of greater significance is what happened four
months after Hamdan: Congress passed the Military
Commissions Act (or MCA), Pub. L. No. 109-366, 120
24
Stat. 2600 (Oct. 17, 2006). See Hamdan v. Gates, 565
F. Supp. 2d 130, 131–33 (D.D.C. 2008) (detailing this
history). Like the DTA, the MCA granted the D.C.
Circuit “exclusive jurisdiction” over certain matters.
120 Stat. 2622 (text of §950g(a)). But the MCA then
provided: “[t]he Supreme Court may review by writ
of certiorari.” Id. (text of §950(d)). That text remains
present in the current version of the MCA. See 10
U.S.C. §950g(e). If Hamdan’s drive-by jurisdictional
dicta was right, “[i]t would have been unnecessary”
for Congress to adopt the text of §950g(e). Hohn v.
United States, 524 U.S. 236, 249–50 (1998).
An unavoidable Article III violation emerges. 16
“[T]he Constitution does not contemplate that there
shall be more than one Supreme Court . . . .” See
O’Grady, 89 U.S. at 647–48. Yet, the TikTok ban
gives the D.C. Circuit the first and last word here,
making the D.C. Circuit ‘supreme’ in this context. 17
Article III (§2) does render the Court’s “appellate
jurisdiction” subject to “such exceptions . . . as the
Congress shall make.” But Congress may not ignore
“the hierarchy of the federal court system created by
the Constitution.” Hutto v. Davis, 454 U.S. 370, 374
(1982); see Durousseau v. United States, 6 U.S. 307,
318 (1810) (Marshall, C.J., jurisdictional op.).
16
The All Writs Act, 28 U.S.C. §1651, does not change this
reality. Because the TikTok ban “specifically addresses the
particular issue at hand, it is that authority, and not the All
Writs Act, that is controlling.” Pa. Bureau of Correction, 474
U.S. 34, 43 (1985). The All Writs Act does not allow the Court
“to issue ad hoc writs whenever compliance with statutory
procedures appears inconvenient or less appropriate.” Id.
17
Because the TikTok ban’s preclusion of Supreme Court
review is unambiguous, the constitutional-avoidance canon has
“no application.” Warger v. Shauers, 574 U.S. 40, 50 (2014).
25
2. Executive Disregard. The TikTok ban allows
the Executive Branch to disregard court judgments,
creating an advisory-opinion problem. Section 2(e)(2)
provides that court invalidation of “the application of
any [ban] provision” to the entities described under
(g)(3)(A) “shall not affect or preclude the application
of the same provision” to the same entities “by means
of . . . (g)(3)(B).” So even if this Court invalidates the
ban in full as applied to TikTok—a (g)(3)(A) entity—
the Attorney General may resume enforcing the ban
in full against TikTok upon the President’s decision
that TikTok falls under (g)(3)(B) and the end of the
270-day waiting period following this determination.
And since the President has delegated all his powers
under the ban to the Attorney General, §2(e)(2) in
effect gives the AG a means to veto any merits-based
loss that the Court might hand him here. See 89 F.R.
60793 (2024) (delegation of authority to AG).
Article III forbids this. “Congress cannot vest
review of the decisions of Article III courts in officials
of the Executive Branch.” Plaut, 514 U.S. at 218. If
this Court should uphold TikTok’s First Amendment
claim and hold that the TikTok ban violates freedom
of speech, neither the President nor the AG may turn
around and say: “Well, I’m going to keep enforcing
the ban against TikTok anyway, but this time I’ll do
it through (g)(3)(B).” When a party’s claim “passes
into judgment in a court of competent jurisdiction it
ceases to be open, under any existing act of Congress,
to revision by any one of the executive departments
or of all such departments combined.” O’Grady, 89
U.S. at 648. Section 2(e)(2) of the TikTok ban violates
this structural principle, which safeguards both the
separation of powers and individual liberty.
26
3. Legislation Review. The TikTok ban grants
jurisdiction to review its bare legislative terms apart
from any enforcement or threatened enforcement of
the ban. The ban’s judicial-review provision makes
this clear in the two contrasting forms of jurisdiction
that §3(b) authorizes: review of “any challenge to this
[Act]” and review of “any challenge to . . . any action,
finding, or determination under this [Act].”
By its plain text, “any challenge to this [Act]—
the jurisdiction on which the present litigation rests
—allows judicial review of the “bare existence of [a
purportedly] unlawful statute” California, 593 U.S.
at 683. The Court squarely rejected such ‘legislation
review’ in Muskrat: “there is neither more nor less in
this procedure than an attempt to provide for a
judicial determination . . . of the constitutional
validity of an act of Congress.” 219 U.S. at 361.
Muskrat’s relevance does not stop there. Much
like the improper 1907 judicial-review provision in
Muskrat, the TikTok ban’s judicial-review provision
creates a right of action (§3(a)), confers jurisdiction
(§3(b)), and sets deadlines for filing suit (§3(c)). See
Muskrat, 219 U.S. at 350. The ban effectively names
party-plaintiffs through §2(g)(3)(A)’s naming of the
TikTok entities. And the ban effectively commits the
Attorney General to defending the ban in stating the
AG “shall pursue enforcement” (§2(d)(2)(A)).
That’s where the TikTok ban, much like the
1907 judicial-review provision, really falls apart. In
Muskrat, the Court observed: “[i]t is true the United
States is made a defendant to this action, but it has
no interest adverse to the claimants.” 219 U.S. at
27
361. Here, the government has no adverse interest as
the ban cannot be enforced until January 19, 2025.
“In the absence of contemporary enforcement . . . a
plaintiff . . . must show that the likelihood of future
enforcement is ‘substantial.’” California, 593 U.S. at
670. But President-elect Trump, who takes office on
January 20, 2025, has expressed his desire to save
TikTok, making the likelihood of future enforcement
of the ban anything but substantial. 18 And there can
be no question of the President’s “clear constitutional
authority to exercise prosecutorial discretion to
decline to prosecute violators.” In re Aiken Cnty. 725
F.3d 255, 266 (D.C. Cir. 2013) (Kavanaugh, J.).
“[L]egislative or administrative jurisdiction, it is
well settled, cannot be conferred” on federal courts
“either directly or by appeal.” Keller v. Potomac Elec.
Power Co., 261 U.S. 428, 444 (1923). Section 3 of the
TikTok ban violates this rule in authorizing judicial
review of “any challenge to this [Act]” separate and
apart from judicial review of “any action, finding, or
determination under this [Act].” The only question
that remains is severability. Congress included a
severability provision under §2(e)(1) of the ban and
limited the sweep of this provision to violations in §2.
No similar provision exists for §3’s judicial-review
provision. “When a statute limits a thing to be done
in a particular mode, it includes the negative of any
other mode.” Botany Worsted Mills v. United States,
278 U.S. 282, 289 (1929). Plain text then supports
the conclusion that if §3 is unconstitutional for any
reason, then the entire ban should fall. Id.
18
See, e.g., Gram Slattery, Trump Says It Could Be Worth
Keeping TikTok in US for a Little While, REUTERS, Dec. 23,
2024, https://tinyurl.com/5bv7mcw4.
28
III. The Court should consider directing the
parties to address at oral argument—or
inviting an amicus to argue—the TikTok
ban’s advisory-opinion problem.
“Without jurisdiction the court cannot proceed
at all in any cause.” Ex parte McCardle, 74 U.S. 506,
514 (1869). The Court has thus refused to cast aside
or assume away jurisdictional problems—even when
the problem is raised solely by an amicus curiae. See,
e.g., Ortiz v. United States, 585 U.S. 427, 435 (2018)
(“Both the Federal Government and Ortiz view th[e]
grant of jurisdiction as constitutionally proper. But
an amicus curiae, Professor Aditya Bamzai, argues
that it goes beyond what Article III allows.”); Dart
Cherokee Basin Op. Co., v. Owens, 574 U.S. 81, 90
(2014) (“An amicus brief filed . . . by Public Citizen
. . . raised a jurisdictional impediment.”).
In doing so, the Court has kept faith with the
maxim that “jurisdiction is not a matter of sympathy
or favor” and “courts are bound to take notice of the
limits of their authority.” Reid v. United States, 211
U.S. 529, 539, 29 S. Ct. 171, 172 (1909). The Court
has further avoided the advisory-opinion conundrum
that neglecting jurisdictional problems itself poses.
“Hypothetical jurisdiction produces nothing more
than a hypothetical judgment—which comes to the
same thing as an advisory opinion, disapproved by
this Court from the beginning.” Steel Co. v. Citizens
for a Better Envt., 523 U.S. 83, 101 (1998).
With this in mind—and presuming the Court
finds merit in the jurisdictional arguments raised by
FCR—the Court should consider directing the parties
29
to address FCR’s arguments at oral argument. The
Court has taken similar steps in other cases. See,
e.g., Atl. Marine Constr. Co. v. U.S. Dist. Ct., 570
U.S. 947, 947 (2013) (“The parties . . . should be
prepared to address at oral argument the arguments
raised in the brief of Professor Stephen E. Sachs as
amicus curiae in support of neither party.”).
Such prompting is especially appropriate here
given the accelerated briefing schedule and the fact
that no substantive debate over jurisdiction appears
to have occurred at the D.C. Circuit. The Court may
also wish to consider appointing an amicus to argue
against the Court’s jurisdiction (or even granting
FCR leave to do so) in the event that the parties
jointly maintain jurisdiction exists here. See, e.g.,
Montgomery v. Louisiana, 575 U.S. 933, 933 (2015)
(“invit[ing] [counsel] to brief and argue, as amicus
curiae, against this Court’s jurisdiction”); Hohn v.
United States, 522 U.S. 944, 945 (1997) (same).
30
CONCLUSION
The TikTok ban violates “the oldest and most
consistent thread in the federal law of justiciability”:
“federal courts will not give advisory opinions.” Flast
v. Cohen, 392 U.S. 83, 96 (1968). For that reason—
and because the offending provisions are inseverable
from the rest of the ban—the entire ban falls.
Respectfully submitted,
MAHESHA P. SUBBARAMAN
Counsel of Record
SUBBARAMAN PLLC
80 S. 8th St., Ste. 900
Minneapolis, MN 55402
(612) 315-9210
mps@subblaw.com
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
Dated: December 27, 2024
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.