Amicus Curiae Brief — Tamer Mahmoud, et al., Petitioners v. Thomas W. Taylor, et al.
Supreme Court briefMar 10, 2025
Ask Donna
What actually matters in this document.
Text
No. 24-297
In the Supreme Court of the United States
_________________
TAMER MAHMOUD, ET AL.,
Petitioners,
v.
THOMAS W. TAYLOR, ET AL.,
Respondents.
_________________
On A Writ of Certiorari To
The United States Court of Appeals
For The Fourth Circuit
_________________
BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE
PROFESSOR S. ERNIE WALTON AND
PROFESSOR ERIC A. DEGROFF
IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS
__________________
Christopher T. Holinger
Counsel of Record
Robertson Center for
Constitutional Law
1000 Regent Univ. Drive
Suite 303
Virginia Beach, VA 23464
(757) 410-2293 x709
Chriho3@regent.edu
Counsel for Amici Curiae
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................. i
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ...................................... ii
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE ............................... 1
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT ........................... 2
ARGUMENT .............................................................. 4
The Right of Parents to Oversee Their
Children’s Religious Formation Has Long Been
Part of the Western Legal Tradition ..................... 6
I.
II. The Founders Saw Educating Children as a
Religious Duty ........................................................ 8
III. Enforced Conformity Has Jeopardized
Legitimate Rights; Opt-Outs Have Been an
Effective Judicial Solution ................................... 13
A. This Court has recognized the harm done
when states and state-run schools marginalize
religious differences. ........................................ 13
B. State courts have also affirmed the role of
parents in overseeing their children’s moral and
religious development. ..................................... 19
IV. Opt-Outs Recognize the Historical Limits to
In Loco Parentis. .................................................. 22
CONCLUSION ......................................................... 28
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue, 591
U.S. 464 (2020) ......................................... 16, 18, 22
Fulton v. City of Philadelphia, 593 U.S. 522 (2021) . 6
Janus v. Am. Fed. of State, Cnty., and Mun. Emps.,
585 US. 878 (2018) ............................................... 25
Kennedy v. Bremerton Sch. Dist., 597 U.S. 507 (2022)
................................................................................ 5
Mahanoy Area School District v. B.L., 594 U.S. 180
(2021) ........................................................ 23, 24, 26
Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923)............ 16, 24
Mitchell v. Helms, 530 U.S. 793 (2000) ................... 18
Morrow v. Wisconsin, 35 Wis. 59 (1874).................. 20
New York State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n, Inc. v. Bruen,
597 U.S. 1 (2022) .................................................... 5
Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510 (1925)16, 17,
24
Spiller v. Inhabitants of Woburn, 94 Mass. 127
(1866) .................................................................... 19
State ex rel. Chambers v. Sch. Dist., 472 P.2d 1013
(Mont. 1970) ......................................................... 15
State v. Ferguson, 144 N.W. 1039 (Neb. 1914).. 19, 20
State v. School District, 48 N.W. 393 (Neb. 1891) .. 19
State v. Weedman, 226 N.W. 348 (S.D. 1929) ......... 20
Town of Greece v. Galloway, 572 U.S. 565 (2014) ..... 5
iii
Trinity Lutheran Church v. Comer, 582 U.S. 449
(2017) .............................................................. 16, 17
Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S. 57 (2000). .................... 5
Vollmar v. Stanley, 81 Colo. 276 (1927) .................. 21
Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205 (1972) ........... 21, 22
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Aviad M. Kleinberg, A Thirteenth-Century Struggle
Over Custody: The Case of Catherine of Par-auxDames, 20 Bull. Medieval Canon L. 51 (1990) ..... 8
Elizabeth Maddock McCarley, Blaine in the Joints:
The History of Blaine Amendments and Modern
Supreme Court Religious Liberty Doctrine in
Education, 18 Duke J. Const. L. & Pub. Pol’y 195
(2023) .................................................................... 15
Ephesians 6:4 ........................................................... 11
Eric A. DeGroff, Parental Rights and Public School
Curricula: Revisiting Mozert after 20 Years, 38
J.L. & Educ. 83 (2009) ..........................1, 6, 7, 8, 27
Eric A. DeGroff, Sex Education in the Public Schools
and the Accommodation of Familial Rights, 26
Child. Legal Rts. J. 21 (2006) ................................ 1
Ian Bartrum, The Political Origins of Secular Public
Education: The New York School Controversy
1840-1842, 3 N.Y.U. J.L. 267 (2008)........ 13, 14, 15
James Kent, Commentaries ................................. 9, 23
James Wilson, Of the Natural Rights of Individuals
(1790) .................................................................... 11
iv
Jared Sparks, The Life of Gouverneur Morris, with
Selections from His Correspondence and
Miscellaneous Papers (1832) ............................... 10
The Adams Papers, Diary and Autobiography of
John Adams (Lyman H. Butterfield ed., 1961) .. 10
John David Chambers, A Practical Treatise on the
Jurisdiction of the High Court of Chancery Over
the Persons and Property of Infants (2015) ........... 8
John T. McGreevy, Catholicism and American
Freedom: A History (2004) ..................13, 14, 15, 18
John Witherspoon, The Religious Education of
Children: A Sermon, Preached in the Old
Presbyterian Church in New-York, on the Second
Sabbath in May, 1789 (1790) .............................. 12
Joseph K. Griffith II, Is the Right of Parents to Direct
Their Children’s Education “Deeply Rooted” in
Our “History and Tradition”? 28 Tex. Rev. L. &
Pols. 795 (2024) ...................................................... 9
Joseph Story, Commentaries on Equity
Jurisprudence (2d ed. 1839) .................................. 9
Kyle Duncan, Secularism’s Laws: State Blaine
Amendments and Religious Persecution, 72
Fordham L. Rev. 493 (2003) .......................... 15, 16
Lee M. Friedman, The Parental Right to Control the
Religious Education of a Child, 29 Harv. L. Rev.
485 (1916) ........................................................... 7, 8
Letters of Noah Webster (Harry A. Warfel ed., 1953)
.............................................................................. 10
Proverbs 22:6 ............................................................ 11
v
Robert Wolstenholme Holland, The Law Relating to
the Child: Its Protection, Education, and
Employment (1914) ................................................ 7
S. Ernie Walton, Gender Identity Ideology: The
Totalitarian, Unconstitutional Takeover of
America’s Public Schools, 34 Regent U. L. Rev.
219 (2022) ......................................................... 1, 25
S. Ernie Walton, In Loco Parentis, The First
Amendment, and Parental Rights–Can They
Coexist in Public Schools?, 55 Tex. Tech L. Rev.
461 (2023) ..................................1, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27
S. Ernie Walton, The Fundamental Right to
Homeschool: A Historical Response to Professor
Bartholet, 25 Tex. Rev. L. & Pol. 377 (2021)....... 23
Stephen L. Carter, Parents, Religion, and Schools:
Reflections on Pierce, 70 Years Later, 27 Seton
Hall L. Rev. 1194 (1997) ................................ 12, 26
Thomas Jefferson, Bill for Establishing Elementary
Schools (Sept. 9, 1817) ........................................... 9
William Blackstone, Commentaries .............. 6, 22, 23
1
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE
Amici are both Professors at Regent University
School of Law. Professor DeGroff has taught courses
in the Regent University Schools of Law,
Government, and Education in administrative law,
education law, and legal history. His scholarship has
focused on parental rights, education policy, and
religious liberty. He has lectured on topics related to
the history and principles of American education and
law and contemporary public-school issues. Associate
Dean Walton, who also serves as an Assistant
Professor and as the faculty director of the Regent
Law Center for Global Justice, is also a prominent
lecturer and scholar on the intersection of parental
authority and public schools’ gender policies. Their
publications include Eric A. DeGroff, Parental Rights
and Public School Curricula: Revisiting Mozert after
20 Years, 38 J.L. & Educ. 83 (2009); Sex Education in
the Public Schools and the Accommodation of
Familial Rights, 26 Child. Legal Rts. J. 21 (2006); S.
Ernie Walton, In Loco Parentis, The First
Amendment, and Parental Rights–Can They Coexist
in Public Schools?, 55 Tex. Tech L. Rev. 461 (2023);
and Gender Identity Ideology: The Totalitarian,
Unconstitutional Takeover of America’s Public
Schools, 34 Regent U. L. Rev. 219 (2022), among other
law review articles and frequent opinion/editorial
pieces in a variety of outlets.1
1Under Rule 37.6, no counsel for a party authored this brief in
whole or in part, and no person other than amici or their counsel
made a monetary contribution to its preparation or submission.
2
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
The idea that parents bear the primary
responsibility for educating their children, and thus
hold the primary authority over that education, has
long been a part of western legal thought. English
Common Law, and the political and legal
philosophers who influenced the founders, all
acknowledged that it was parents, not the state, who
directed and controlled their children’s upbringing
and education, especially about subjects as sensitive
as values, identity, and religious beliefs.
Schooling free from values and religious
instruction was largely unknown for much of the first
half of our Nation’s history. When education was
largely a private affair, this merging of values with
reading, writing, and arithmetic was of little
consequence, and even less so because, with few
exceptions, our new Nation was relatively religiously
homogeneous. Every person was free to exercise his
religion as he saw fit, without federal interference,
and it generally went without saying that every
child’s education was at least informed and influenced
by his parent’s religious beliefs.
As America grew, it became more dedicated to
education and, simultaneously, more religiously
diverse. Early efforts to encourage cultural (and
religious) conformity through education led to
conflicts
between
the
budding
educational
institutions and growing religious minority groups.
For a time, these conflicts played out in state
legislatures and frequently led to the kind of religious
and ethnic segregation that public school advocates
3
were trying to avoid when they envisioned education
as a way of improving community cohesion.
Eventually, courts began to step in to remind local
governments that both State constitutions and (after
Reconstruction) the Federal Constitution protected
the right of parents to direct the religious upbringing
of their children. The right to exercise one’s religion
includes the right to pass it on to one’s children, and
that right is severely curtailed when the child’s
public-school curriculum overtly inculcates ideas that
directly conflict with the values being taught at home.
Today, the vast majority of parents find
themselves with little choice but to entrust their
children to others for the purpose of education. Those
third parties (whether public or private schools, or
individual tutors) act in loco parentis within clear
boundaries, exercising only the limited authority
delegated to them by parents. No parents willingly
delegate to anyone the authority to teach their
children values that directly contradict the religious
values parents are teaching at home. Such efforts by
a school constitute a direct attack on parents’
religious exercise, whether done overtly by forced
participation in religious activities that parents find
objectionable or through the subtle infusion of values
into an ostensibly “non-religious” curriculum
intended only to teach language arts. Courts have
consistently recognized that forcing a child to use a
curriculum that conflicts with the values a parent is
teaching at home exceeds any authority a parent
might willingly delegate. In such circumstances, a
religiously based opt-out from the curriculum
preserves both the rights of the parents and the goals
of public education.
4
The Montgomery County School Board’s
refusal to allow parents to opt out of a language arts
curriculum heavily-laden with ideas about gender
and sexuality that conflict with their religious beliefs
exceeds any reasonable limit to the in loco parentis
doctrine. The Board’s actions abrogate the rights of
parents by forcing their children to participate in
lessons that advance values fundamentally in conflict
with those the parents are instilling at home. In so
doing, the Board has infringed upon the parents’ right
to practice their religion by undermining their efforts
to pass it on to their children.
This Court should affirm the principle that
parents need not choose between a public education
and their right to protect their children from values
antithetical to their religious convictions. History
shows that parental opt-outs, such as the one sought
by Petitioners in this case, are an appropriate
compromise between the parents’ religious duty to
guide their children’s development and the state’s
desire to foster community in a religiously
heterogeneous society.
ARGUMENT
The Board’s refusal to allow parents to opt
their elementary-school-aged children out of
language-arts lessons laden with emphasis on
sexuality and gender identity violates the parents’
free exercise right to direct the religious development
of their children and the fundamental right of parents
to control the upbringing of their children. This right
has been recognized by this Court for more than one
5
hundred years. See, e.g., Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S.
57 (2000). Although schools play a role in the
development of children, the primary responsibility
for, and authority over, the development of a “child’s
social and moral character” lies with parents. Id. at
78 (Souter, J., concurring).
Essential to preserving the parents’ rights is
the authority to limit their children’s exposure to
instruction that contradicts their own values,
especially when children are most impressionable.
When state actors assume responsibility for shaping
children’s attitudes and beliefs concerning moral
principles on which religious faiths differ, they
intrude upon a role reserved in our legal tradition for
parents. Just as parents control their children’s social
companions, they also have a say in “the designation
of the adults who will influence the child in school,”
id., and, by extension, the ideas those adults will
present.
This fundamental right is protected by the
Fourteenth Amendment. “[T]o carry th[e] burden” of
justifying a law or regulation that infringes on
fundamental rights, “the government must generally
point to historical evidence about the reach of the
First Amendment’s protections.” N.Y. State Rifle &
Pistol Ass’n, Inc. v. Bruen, 597 U.S. 1, 24–25 (2022)
(emphasis added). Thus, “an analysis focused on
original meaning and history” is “the rule rather than
some exception” when it comes to constitutional
interpretation of such issues. Kennedy v. Bremerton
Sch. Dist., 597 U.S. 507, 536 (2022) (cleaned up)
(quoting Town of Greece v. Galloway, 572 U.S. 565,
576 (2014)). Historically, the First Amendment has
6
provided “broad protection for religious liberty.”
Fulton v. City of Philadelphia, 593 U.S. 522, 575
(2021) (Alito, J., concurring). This protection has often
included exemptions when generally applicable laws
conflicted with the religious practices of particular
groups, so long as the religious practice in question
did not endanger “public peace and safety.” Id. at 582.
I.
The Right of Parents to Oversee Their
Children’s Religious Formation Has Long
Been Part of the Western Legal Tradition
Under English common law, parents had both
the responsibility and the authority to “guide their
children’s development.” Eric A. DeGroff, supra, at
108
(2009)
(citing
1
William
Blackstone,
Commentaries *452–53). In fact, as early as the
seventeenth century, English philosopher John Locke
and his contemporaries could point to a common law
system in which parents were considered to have “a
God-given duty to nourish, protect, and educate their
young, and to have a corresponding right” to “fulfill
those duties.” DeGroff, supra, at 117 (citing John
Locke on Politics and Education: The Second Treatise
on Civil Government 106–08 (Howard R. Penniman,
intro., 1947)). Thus, when Blackstone asserted in his
Commentaries that it was “the duty of parents to their
children” to provide for their education, he was
explicating a body of law that had already been
developing for generations. 1 William Blackstone,
Commentaries *450–51.
This duty, originally considered a moral
responsibility, see id., was recognized by the Court of
7
Chancery as a legal right. Thus, English courts as
early as the eighteenth century were enforcing “the
right of parents to make educational choices for their
children despite the wishes of the child or even the
preferences of civil authorities.” DeGroff, supra, at
110 (collecting English cases). By the nineteenth
century, the right of parents to make educational
decisions for their child had become so ingrained in
the common law that one scholar described that right
as “absolute against all the world.” Robert
Wolstenholme Holland, The Law Relating to the
Child: Its Protection, Education, and Employment 60
(1914).
When a child’s education involved religious
matters, the common law was even more solicitous of
parental choices. See Lee M. Friedman, The Parental
Right to Control the Religious Education of a Child,
29 Harv. L. Rev. 485, 488 (1916). By the early 1700’s,
following centuries of sometimes violent conflict
between Protestant and Roman Catholic adherents,
and despite the fact that English statute books still
reflected anti-Catholic and anti-Jewish sentiment,
the Courts were taking modest but meaningful steps
toward vindicating the God-given authority of
parents to direct their children’s religious upbringing.
DeGroff, supra, at 111; Friedman, supra, at 485–88.
For example, despite its concern for the children’s
eternal welfare if raised in other faiths, the Court of
Chancery held that a guardian was not punishable for
educating his ward as a Roman Catholic and affirmed
the right of Jewish parents to educate their children
in the Jewish faith. Friedman, supra, at 487; John
David Chambers, A Practical Treatise on the
Jurisdiction of the High Court of Chancery Over the
8
Persons and Property of Infants 117–18 (2015).
Ultimately, parental authority with respect to a
child’s religion became so firmly established in the
common law that a father’s right to determine the
religion in which a child would be educated continued
even after the father’s death. Friedman, supra, at 488.
This common law heritage built on even older
canonical laws dating back to the ninth century,
which held in high regard the right of parents to
direct the education and upbringing of their children.
Following the teachings of Aquinas and earlier
medieval
authorities
concerning
parental
prerogatives, the ecclesiastical courts, for example,
ordered the return of abducted Jewish infants to their
parents despite their conviction that the children
would lose the “advantage[] of the faith” and suffer
eternal damnation if raised as Jews. Aviad M.
Kleinberg, A Thirteenth-–Century Struggle Over
Custody: The Case of Catherine of Par-aux-Dames, 20
Bull. Medieval Canon L. 67 (1990). Thus, the right of
parents to direct their children’s education in both
religious and secular environments is evident in both
the common law and the canonical law that heavily
influenced American traditions.
II.
The Founders Saw Educating Children as
a Religious Duty
America’s legal history has, if anything, been
even more sensitive to the link between education and
religion and thus more protective of parental rights
than the English common law. See Joseph K. Griffith
II, Is the Right of Parents to Direct Their Children’s
Education “Deeply Rooted” in Our “History and
9
Tradition”? 28 Tex. Rev. L. & Pols. 795, 801–02
(2024). Jurist James Kent described the role of
parents in directing their children’s development and
education as the “discharge of their sacred trust.” Id.
at 801 (quoting 2 James Kent, Commentaries *203)
(emphasis added).Likewise, Joseph Story—an
Associate Justice of this Court—explained that
“parents are ‘ordinarily entrusted with the care of
[their] children,’ . . . because it is reasonably and
rightfully presumed that parents ‘will best execute
the trust reposed in [them]; for [it] is a trust, and of
all trusts the most sacred.’” Id. at 801–02 (quoting 2
Joseph Story, Commentaries on Equity Jurisprudence
§ 1343 (2d ed. 1839)) (emphasis added) Even Thomas
Jefferson, a champion of local public education, stated
that it would be preferable to risk the miseducation of
a child than to forcibly interfere with his parents’
right to direct his upbringing: “It is better to tolerate
the rare instance of a parent refusing to let his child
be educated than to shock the common feelings and
ideas by the forcible asportation and education of the
infant against the will of the father.” Thomas
Jefferson,
Bill
for
Establishing
Elementary
Schools
(Sept.
9,
1817),
https://founders.archives.gov/documents/
Jefferson/03-12-02-0007
[https://perma.cc/WH8VA2EL].
At the time of the Founding, philosophers and
leading political thinkers alike acknowledged the
basic truth that God gave to parents the natural right,
duty, and responsibility to educate their children, and
to direct and govern their moral improvement.
Education, as we think of it today, devoid of moral
direction and distinct from religious instruction, was
10
entirely alien to the founders of our Republic. John
Adams, a signer of the Declaration of Independence
and our Nation’s second president, clearly understood
the connection between education and morality and
the natural role of parents in inculcating values: “The
foundations of national Morality must be laid in
private Families. In vain are Schools, Academies and
universities instituted, if loose Principles and
licentious habits are impressed upon Children in
their earliest years. The Mothers are the earliest and
most important Instructors of youth.” John Adams,
Entry of June 2, 1778, in The Adams Papers, Diary
and Autobiography of John Adams vol. 4 123 (Lyman
H. Butterfield ed., 1961).
Early Americans’ understanding of education
did not restrict the purpose of teaching to the mere
accumulation of knowledge. Rather, education was
suffused with moral, and ultimately religious,
instruction, focused on the formation of a civilized and
virtuous man. “Any system of education,” wrote Noah
Webster, “which limits instruction to the arts and
sciences, and rejects the aids of religion in forming the
characters of citizens, is essentially defective.” Letter
from Noah Webster to David McClure (Oct. 25, 1836),
in Letters of Noah Webster 453–54 (Harry A. Warfel
ed., 1953). Gouverneur Morris, a signer of the
Constitution, put the prevailing view on education
succinctly: “I believe that religion is the only solid
base of morals and that morals are the only possible
support of free governments. [T]herefore education
should teach the precepts of religion and the duties of
man towards God.” Jared Sparks, The Life of
Gouverneur Morris, with Selections from His
Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers 483 (1832).
11
This education, both moral and temporal, was
the natural prerogative, and the Divinely commanded
duty, of parents. Men such as James Wilson, who
signed the Declaration of Independence before later
serving as an Associate Justice of this Court,
promoted the traditional, common law understanding
of the parental duty to educate children, locating its
origins in the Bible. “It is the duty of parents to
maintain their children decently,” Wilson said, “and
according to their circumstances; to protect them
according to the dictates of prudence; and to educate
them according to the suggestions of a judicious and
zealous regard for their usefulness, their
respectability, and their happiness.” James Wilson,
Of the Natural Rights of Individuals (1790), reprinted
in 2 Collected Works of James Wilson loc. Ch. XII
(Kermit L. Hall & Mark D. Hall eds., 2007),
https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/wilson-collectedworks-of-james-wilson-vol-2 [https:// perma.cc/9VRYJ59F].
In an overwhelmingly Christian society,
fathers understood that it was a religious imperative,
ordered by the Almighty, to “train a child up in the
way he should go,” Proverbs 22:6, and to “bring
[children] up in the nurture and admonition of the
Lord,” Ephesians 6:4. And if parents were not aware
of this religious mandate, preachers such as John
Witherspoon, another signer of the Declaration of
Independence, would remind them: “Let us consider
the duties incumbent on parents. . . . [P]arents should
be . . . early and diligent in instruction. . . . Let not,
therefore, the devil and the world be too far beforehand with you, in possessing their fancy, engaging
12
their affections, and misleading their judgement. . . .”
John Witherspoon, The Religious Education of
Children: A Sermon, Preached in the Old Presbyterian
Church in New-York, on the Second Sabbath in May,
1789 10–11 (1790).
Because the Founders understood the moral
and religious nature of education, and the religious
duty of parents to direct their children’s education,
this Court can easily infer that the Founders
considered parental control over their children’s
education to be, at least in part, a religious exercise
protected by the First Amendment’s Free Exercise
Clause. As Yale Professor Stephen Carter has well
said, the practice of religion “represents a story
extended over time” and “across the generations.” See
Stephen L. Carter, Parents, Religion, and Schools:
Reflections on Pierce, 70 Years Later, 27 Seton Hall L.
Rev. 1194, 1204 (1997). “A religion survives through
tradition, and tradition is multi-generational. A
religion that fails to extend itself over time . . . might
be a . . . collection of folk tales . . . or a list of
interesting rules, but . . . it is not . . . a religion.” Id.
at 1205. If state authorities unduly interfere with the
transmission of religious values from parent to child,
they effectively deny parents the free exercise of
religion.
13
III.
Enforced Conformity Has Jeopardized
Legitimate Rights; Opt-Outs Have Been an
Effective Judicial Solution
A. This Court has recognized the harm
done when states and state-run
schools marginalize religious
differences.
The Founders enjoyed a society in which a
large majority shared a “Christian” worldview and
religious adherents could live in states that supported
their preferred denominations. That changed,
however, as our Nation grew. As the common school
movement took root, and the Nation grew more
religiously diverse, efforts to impose conformity in
public education bred conflict, discrimination, and
deep division. The issue was apparent in the
treatment of Catholic students and families, who
faced coercive classroom practices and even physical
punishment for resisting Protestant-dominated
public education. John T. McGreevy, Catholicism and
American Freedom: A History 7–8 (2004). These
conflicts were not merely cultural; they were deeply
embedded in state laws, school policies, and judicial
rulings that sought to erase religious differences in
the name of national unity. See Ian Bartrum, The
Political Origins of Secular Public Education: The
New York School Controversy 1840-1842, 3 N.Y.U.
J.L. 267, 291–92 (2008). From the New York School
Controversy to the Eliot School Rebellion and the
passage of Blaine Amendments, Catholic families
fought to protect their children from state-enforced
ideological indoctrination. Id.; McGreevy, supra. Over
time, courts began to recognize these injustices,
14
affirming that government-mandated educational
conformity violated Free Exercise rights and the
fundamental right of parents to direct their children’s
upbringing.
The New York School Controversy of 1840–
1842 was an early example of systemic discrimination
against Catholicism in education. When Catholic
leaders petitioned for equal funding for Catholic
schools, they were denied, while Protestant-affiliated
schools continued to receive public support. Bartrum,
supra, at 299. The message was clear: public
education would serve as a vehicle for Protestant
assimilation, not a system that accommodated
religious pluralism. Id. at 286. As Protestant control
over public schools remained unchallenged, Catholic
families were forced to choose between exposing their
children to religious coercion or bearing the financial
burden of private education.
In one particularly egregious example of antiCatholic animosity, the Eliot School Rebellion of 1859
highlighted the dangers of forcing conformity in
education by compelling students to violate their
religious beliefs. On March 7, 1859, in a Boston
classroom, Thomas Whall, a ten-year-old Irish
Catholic student, was whipped for thirty minutes for
refusing to read from the King James Bible.
McGreevy, supra, at 7–8. The school principal later
declared that any boy unwilling to recite the Ten
Commandments from the King James Bible must
leave, leading to the expulsion of approximately one
hundred Catholic students. Id. at 8. Whall’s father
pursued legal action against the assistant principal
for excessive use of force, but the court ruled in favor
15
of the school, reinforcing the institutionalized
discrimination against Catholic students. Id. In
response, Boston’s Catholic community founded St.
Mary’s Institute, one of the first Catholic parochial
schools, to provide an avenue for parents to honor
their religious convictions in the education of their
children. Id. at 42. Rather than fostering community,
the school’s policy of dictating conformity drove a
wedge between the Catholic and Protestant
populations.
As Catholic families sought alternatives to
state-imposed discrimination, Protestant-led publicschool systems responded with a legal strategy
designed to deprive the parochial schools of resources.
Bartrum, supra, at 300. In 1875, Congressman James
Blaine
introduced
a
federal
constitutional
amendment to permanently enshrine this exclusion,
but it failed by a narrow margin. Elizabeth Maddock
McCarley, Blaine in the Joints: The History of Blaine
Amendments and Modern Supreme Court Religious
Liberty Doctrine in Education, 18 Duke J. Const. L. &
Pub. Pol’y 195, 200 (2023). However, the damage was
already done; many states incorporated Blaine
provisions into their own constitutions, often as a
prerequisite for statehood. Kyle Duncan, Secularism’s
Laws: State Blaine Amendments and Religious
Persecution, 72 Fordham L. Rev. 493, 516 (2003); see
also State ex rel. Chambers v. Sch. Dist., 472 P.2d
1013, 1016 (Mont. 1970). For example, Montana’s
Blaine Amendment, imposed through the 1889
Enabling Act, ensured that Catholic schools were
denied public support, reinforcing a system of
religious exclusion that persisted well into the
twentieth century. Chambers, 472 P.2d at 1016.
16
While originally enacted to target Catholics, Blaine
Amendments remained embedded in over half of state
constitutions, where they continued to restrict
religious families’ educational choices and prevented
faith-based institutions from participating in
generally available public programs. Duncan, supra
at 493. It took constitutional challenges, through
cases such as Trinity Lutheran Church v. Comer, 582
U.S. 449 (2017), and Espinoza v. Montana
Department of Revenue, 591 U.S. 464 (2020), to finally
undo this long history of state-sponsored religious
discrimination.
The Fourteenth Amendment provided a
constitutional foundation for legal challenges to
religious discrimination in public schooling. Over
time, courts increasingly recognized that state laws
forcing children to participate in school activities that
conflicted with their parents’ religious convictions—
while excluding alternatives—violated fundamental
principles of religious liberty and parental authority.
In Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390, 400–01
(1923), this Court ruled that the liberty protected by
the Fourteenth Amendment encompasses the right of
parents to direct their children’s education. This
principle laid the groundwork for Pierce v. Society of
Sisters, 268 U.S. 510, 534–35 (1925), where the Court
struck down an Oregon law mandating public school
attendance for all children. Citing Meyer, the Court
held that Oregon’s compulsory public-school law
“unreasonably interfere[d] with the liberty of parents
and guardians to direct the upbringing of children
under their control.” Id. Rejecting state-imposed
17
ideological uniformity, the Court firmly established
the following:
The fundamental theory of liberty upon
which all governments in this Union
repose excludes any general power of
the State to standardize its children by
forcing them to accept instruction from
public teachers only. The child is not
the mere creature of the State; those who
nurture him and direct his destiny have
the right, coupled with the high duty, to
recognize and prepare him for
additional obligations.
Id. at 535 (emphasis added).
The decision was not simply about Catholic
education; it was a broad reaffirmation of the
principle that parents—not the government—hold
the primary responsibility for directing their
children’s moral and religious formation.
The legal barriers faced by Catholics in
directing their children’s religious upbringing
reflected the broader pedagogical failure of
attempting to impose ideological conformity through
the education system, rather than accommodating a
diverse student body. Courts, including this Court,
eventually recognized that excluding religious schools
from state programs designed to support education,
solely because of their religious character, violated
the Free Exercise Clause. In Trinity Lutheran, 582
U.S. at 565, this Court struck down Missouri’s
exclusion of a religious preschool from a generally
18
available grant program, holding that denying a
public benefit solely based on religious identity is
“odious to our Constitution” and “cannot stand.”
Building on this principle, in Espinoza, 591 U.S. at
482, this Court ruled that Montana’s Blaine
Amendment violated the Free Exercise Clause by
prohibiting religious schools from receiving public
scholarship funds solely due to their religious status.
The Court explicitly recognized that Blaine
Amendments were “born of bigotry” and cannot
justify modern-day religious discrimination. Id.
(quoting Mitchell v. Helms, 530 U.S. 793, 828–29
(2000)).
The discrimination against religious practice
that this Court rejected in Espinoza and Trinity
Lutheran is nowhere near as severe as in this case,
where Petitioners are not just deprived of an
educational opportunity because of their religious
practice, but face active opposition from the schools.
Petitioners are being denied even the option of
keeping their children from instruction that directly
contradicts their values and hinders their efforts to
teach those values to their children. This mindset
harkens back to the “bad old days” when children
were forced, in school, to read a version of the Bible
that their church found heretical. McGreevy, supra
at 7. It must not stand.
19
B. State courts have also affirmed the
role of parents in overseeing their
children’s moral and religious
development.
Even before Pierce, state courts had begun
resisting compulsory ideological instruction by
invoking constitutional protections and recognizing
religious opt-outs. As early as Spiller v. Inhabitants
of Woburn, 94 Mass. 127, 129 (1866), the
Massachusetts Supreme Court ruled that compelling
students to engage in activities contrary to their
religious convictions violated the state constitution,
which guaranteed that no person shall be “hurt or
molested in his person, liberty, or estate” for
worshipping God according to his conscience. The
court upheld a local rule requiring daily Bible
readings and prayer—only because parents had the
right to excuse their children from this portion of the
curriculum. Id. at 130.
By the late 19th and early 20th centuries,
courts increasingly recognized that parents had the
right to exempt their children from school activities
that conflicted with their beliefs. In State v. School
District, 48 N.W. 393, 395 (Neb. 1891), and State v.
Ferguson, 144 N.W. 1039, 1042 (Neb. 1914), the
Nebraska Supreme Court affirmed parents’
authority to opt their children out of school subjects,
including grammar and home economics. The court
unequivocally stated that “the right of the parent . . .
is superior to that of the school officers and the
teachers.” Ferguson, 144 N.W. at 1042. To rule
otherwise, it warned, would “destroy both the Godgiven and constitutional right of a parent to have
20
some voice in the bringing up and education of his
children.” Id. at 1043.
State courts have long recognized a
constitutional barrier to forced participation in school
activities when the school orders a child to do
something the parents forbid. In Morrow v.
Wisconsin, 35 Wis. 59, 62–63 (1874), for instance, the
Supreme Court of Wisconsin resolved a disagreement
between a parent and a teacher regarding the child’s
course selection. The parent wanted his child to focus
on orthography, reading, writing, and arithmetic at
the expense of geography. Id. His teacher disagreed,
but the court ruled for the parent, holding that the
teacher “does not have an absolute right to prescribe
and dictate what studies a child shall pursue.” Id. at
64. The father had “the right to direct what studies,
included in the prescribed course, his child shall
take.” Id. “[I]n case of a difference of opinion between
the parent and teacher upon the subject,” there was
“no reason for holding that the views of the teacher
must prevail.” Id. at 66.
Other states would later extend this primacy of
the parent’s wishes when the conflict crossed into the
realm of religion. In State v. Weedman, 226 N.W. 348,
354 (S.D. 1929), the South Dakota Supreme Court
held that compelling Catholic students to attend
Protestant Bible readings violated the Free Exercise
protections of the state constitution, emphasizing
that “[i]t is essential to religious liberty that one be
free to worship according to the dictates of his own
conscience, and not only that, but to live and teach his
religion.”
21
Similarly, in Vollmar v. Stanley, 81 Colo. 276,
282 (1927), the Colorado Supreme Court upheld a
Catholic parent’s right to excuse his child from
readings from the King James Bible, ruling that
forced participation violated both state and federal
constitutional
protections.
These
decisions
demonstrate that, even before Pierce and around the
time of the Pierce decision, courts recognized the
fundamental injustice of compelling children to
participate in educational practices that violated
their parents’ convictions.
This Court’s ruling in Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406
U.S. 205, 232–33 (1972), reaffirmed a principle that
had been emerging in state courts for decades:
parents, not the government, hold the ultimate
authority over their children’s religious and moral
education. In striking down Wisconsin’s compulsory
school attendance law for Amish students, the Court
ruled that state interests in educational uniformity
do not override parental and religious liberty rights.
Id. The Court explicitly reaffirmed that “the primary
role of the parents in the upbringing of their children
is now established beyond debate as an enduring
American tradition.” Id. at 232.
From the Catholic school conflicts of the 19th
century to Yoder, courts have consistently affirmed
that the government cannot impose ideological
conformity in public education at the expense of
parental and religious liberty rights. The persecution
and exclusion faced by Catholic families—ranging
from compulsory religious exercises to legal barriers
against
Catholic
schools—demonstrate
the
22
significant
principle.
consequences
of
disregarding
this
As cases such as Spiller, Ferguson, Vollmar,
and Yoder illustrate, the solution to balancing a
shared curriculum with respect for religious and
parental rights lies in recognizing reasonable optouts. Today, as in the past, such accommodations
serve as constitutional safeguards, ensuring that
public education remains inclusive while respecting
the religious diversity of American society. America
has an “enduring . . . tradition” of protecting the right
of parents to direct “the religious upbringing” of their
children.” Espinoza, 591 U.S. at 486 (quoting Yoder,
406 U.S. at 213–14). This tradition must not be
limited to forcing (or allowing) religious parents to
seek alternate schools for their children. Curriculum
opt-outs further that tradition without forcing
parents to uproot their children from an otherwise
acceptable school.
IV.
Opt-Outs Recognize the Historical Limits
to In Loco Parentis.
As discussed, English common law recognized
the natural law right of parents to educate their
children. 1 William Blackstone, Commentaries *446–
47, *452. The educational right belonged “exclusively”
to parents. S. Ernie Walton, In Loco Parentis, The
First Amendment, and Parental Rights–Can They
Coexist in Public Schools?, 55 Tex. Tech L. Rev. 461,
466 (2023). Indeed, “[s]o strong” was the educational
right of parents at common law that third parties
could only educate another person’s children if and
when “parents chose to delegate that right to them.”
23
S. Ernie Walton, The Fundamental Right to
Homeschool: A Historical Response to Professor
Bartholet, 25 Tex. Rev. L. & Pol. 377, 402 (2021). “And
even then, the third party stood ‘in loco parentis,’ i.e.,
in place of the parents.” Id. (quoting 1 William
Blackstone, Commentaries *453).
This tradition, and the corresponding principle
of in loco parentis, was recognized in the early history
of our Nation by commentators such as Justice James
Wilson and Chancellor James Kent. Walton, In Loco
Parentis, supra, at 469; 2 James Kent, Commentaries
*205 (“[T]he power allowed by law to the parent
over . . . the child, may be delegated to a tutor or
instructor.”). American courts, both before the
existence of public schools and after they became a
regular fixture of American culture, applied the
doctrine of in loco parentis to public schools to resolve
conflicts between teachers and students. Walton, In
Loco Parentis, supra, at 472–76. Yet even then, tutors
or schoolmasters exercised only “that portion of the
power of the parent . . . as may be necessary to
answer the purposes for which he is employed.” 1
William Blackstone, Commentaries *453; see also
Mahanoy Area School District v. B.L., 594 U.S. 180,
200 (2021) (Alito, J., concurring) (calling in loco
parentis a “doctrine of inferred parental consent” for
the school to wield the degree of authority
“commensurate with the task that the parents ask the
school to perform”).
While the delegation of authority from parents
to public schools might have been broader in the
nineteenth century, a number of changes arising over
the past two hundred years mandate that courts
24
construe the delegation of authority “much more
narrowly than was done in the early days of the
Republic.” Walton, In Loco Parentis, supra, at 492.
These changes include the rise of compulsory
education, the inability of parents to sign employment
contracts with public schools, the increasingly
coercive economic power of the state in public
education, and state-mandated educational agendas
that often directly conflict with parents’ values. Id. at
489–92; see also Mahanoy, 594 U.S. at 199–201 (Alito,
J., concurring) (discussing changes in education since
the rise of in loco parentis in common law England).
In addition to these changes, this Court has
also made clear that the state has no authority to
indoctrinate children against parental wishes.
Starting with Meyer, this Court located in parents the
power and duty to educate children and
acknowledged that schools exercise educational
power only to the extent that parents delegate it to
the schools. 262 U.S. at 399–400. Referencing the
practice of Sparta under which children were removed
from their parents at an early age and educated solely
by “guardians,” this Court noted that any practice
empowering agents of the state above a child’s
parents in matters of character development rests on
ideas about “the relationship between individual and
state” that would do “violence to both letter and spirit
of the Constitution.” Id. at 402. Pierce reaffirmed this
concept with its reminder that a child “is not the mere
creature of the State.” 268 U.S. at 534–35. These
cases, and those from state courts discussed above,
make clear that parents retain their right to direct
their children’s moral upbringing and education in
25
public schools. Walton, In Loco Parentis, supra, at
497.
Given the drastic changes in education and this
Court’s repeated pronouncements in favor of parental
authority, this Court should construe the delegation
of authority from parents to public schools to
correspond only to education in traditional subjects
and non-ideological matters. Walton, In Loco
Parentis, supra, at 499. In other words, “education in
‘matters of public concern’ should be deemed to fall
outside the scope of the parental delegation of
authority[.]” Id. Gender identity ideology is a “matter
of public concern.” Janus v. Am. Fed. of State, Cnty.,
and Mun. Emps., 585 US. 878, 913–14 (2018)
(referring to sexual orientation and gender identity,
among other things, as “sensitive political topics” and
“matters of profound ‘value and concern to the
public’”). Courts should therefore not construe
parents to have delegated to public schools their
authority over how their children are instructed
about matters of such profound moral significance.
See S. Ernie Walton, Gender Identity Ideology: The
Totalitarian, Unconstitutional Takeover of America’s
Public Schools, 34 Regent U. L. Rev. 219, 261 (2022).
Gender ideology is rooted in a worldview called
expressive individualism, which holds that human
identity is primarily sexual and is rooted in a person’s
own psychological and subjective view of oneself. It
“touches on the deepest moral, social, and religious
questions, even going to the heart of what it means to
be human.” Id. at 261. Accordingly, decisions about
what children will be taught about sexuality, gender
identity, and gender expression––and at what age
26
they will be taught, remain solely a matter of parental
authority.
The curriculum and books at issue involve
instruction in gender identity ideology. Teachers in
Montgomery County Public Schools are required to
utilize the Pride Storybooks. App. 12a. And when they
do, the district provides teachers with a toolkit to
“[d]isrupt the either/or thinking” of any child who
expresses traditional views on sexuality. App. 12a.
One tool is to contradict the child’s belief: “[A]ctually,
people of any gender can like whoever they like.” App.
12a. Another tool is to shame the child: “How do you
think it would make (character’s name) [feel] to hear
you say that? Do you think it’s fair for people to decide
for us who we can and can’t like?” App. 12a. It should
go without saying that the parent petitioners did not
explicitly or implicitly grant the school authority to
secretly repudiate and shame their children for
expressing the very beliefs the parents taught them.
In other words, it is “not reasonable to infer that [the
parents] gave the school th[at] authority . . . .”
Mahanoy, 594 U.S. at 210 (Alito, J., concurring).
Contrary to the Fourth Circuit’s holding,
intentionally disrupting their children’s “either/or”
thinking about biological sex imposes a burden on the
parent petitioners’ right to freely exercise their
religion. What the Fourth Circuit decision failed to
recognize
is
that
religion
is
inherently
intergenerational. See Stephen L. Carter, supra, at
1204. The transfer of core values and beliefs from one
generation to the next is central to the practice of any
of the major religions. If the State has the power
through its institutions to inhibit the transfer of
27
moral and religious values by parents, then religious
freedom has lost its meaning. The School Board must
not be allowed to negate parental authority to decide
how children will be taught, and what they will be
taught, about matters of such profound moral and
religious concern as human sexuality, sexual
behavior, and individual identity.
The simplest way for schools to respect the
limits on their delegated authority and comply with
the First Amendment is with a parental opt-out
provision, as petitioners are seeking in this case.
Walton, In Loco Parentis, supra, at 488–89.
Reasonable opt-outs are employed throughout our
Nation with little effect on the day-to-day functioning
of our Nation’s schools, and they are normally applied
in subject areas where questions of values, morals,
and religious ideas are at stake. DeGroff, Revisiting
Mozert, supra at 129–30.
Importantly, this Court need not even consider
whether imposing an opt-out in this case would be too
burdensome on the school. This is because
Respondents themselves originally allowed such an
opt-out for the very materials at issue. App. 14a. And
they continue to offer opt-outs for other areas of the
curriculum that implicate values and sexuality. App.
170a–173a. It was only the District’s sudden and
unexplained elimination of the Pride Storybooks optout which gave rise to this litigation. App. 16a–17a.
Granting an opt-out in this case will uphold our
Nation’s longstanding tradition of honoring parental
rights in education, vindicate the right of parents to
transmit core values as part of their free exercise of
28
religion, and remind public schools that they have no
authority to indoctrinate children in matters of public
concern. For far too long lower courts have effectively
told parents that they have no rights at public schools.
This Nation’s history belies that notion. Parents have
the primary educational right in the United States,
and they do not lose that right when they send their
children to public schools. This Court has recognized
this right, as have many state courts. While schools
do stand in loco parentis, this Court should hold that
they only do so with respect to traditional subjects,
and the Court should bar school districts from
indoctrinating children in ideologies that conflict with
their parents’ faith. The history of the world—and
this Nation—demonstrate the danger and folly of
allowing the state to use public education to
undermine parental authority. This Court should
reverse the Fourth Circuit’s decision and restore the
primacy of parental authority in education to its
rightful place.
CONCLUSION
The Court should reverse the decision of the
Fourth Circuit and realign the relationship between
parents and schools with this Nation’s history and
tradition of respecting parents’ ability to direct their
children’s upbringing, moral formation, and
education.
29
Respectfully submitted,
Christopher T. Holinger
Counsel of Record
Robertson Center for
Constitutional Law
1000 Regent Univ. Drive
Suite 303
Virginia Beach, VA 23464
(757) 410-2293 x709
Chriho3@regent.edu
Counsel for Amici Curiae
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.