Amicus Curiae Brief — Louisiana, Appellant v. Phillip Callais, et al.
Supreme Court briefSep 3, 2025
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Nos. 24-109, 24-110
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
————
STATE OF LOUISIANA,
Appellant,
v.
PHILLIP CALLAIS, et al.,
Appellees.
————
PRESS ROBINSON, et al.,
Appellants,
v.
PHILLIP CALLAIS, et al.,
Appellees.
————
On Appeal from the United States District
Court for the Western District of Louisiana
————
BRIEF FOR LOUISIANA HISTORIANS
AS AMICI CURIAE SUPPORTING
ROBINSON APPELLANTS
————
September 3, 2025
HILARY HARRIS KLEIN
Counsel of Record
CHRISTOPHER SHENTON
JEFFREY LOPERFIDO
ADRIANNE SPOTO
LILY TALERMAN
HELENA ABBOTT
RACHEL ALLORE
MITCHELL BROWN
SOUTHERN COALITION FOR
SOCIAL JUSTICE
P.O. Box 51280
Durham, NC 27717
(610) 574 5244
hilaryhklein@scsj.org
Counsel for Amici Curiae
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................
ii
INTERESTS OF AMICI CURIAE ......................
1
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF
ARGUMENT ....................................................
1
ARGUMENT ........................................................
5
I. The Totality of the Circumstances Supports
Louisiana’s Compelling State Interest in
Complying With the Voting Rights Act ...
5
A. Louisiana Has Seen Significant
Growth, Not Decline, in its Black
Population ............................................
8
B. Louisiana’s Black Population Has Not
Dispersed .............................................
11
C. Louisiana’s
Black
Population
Remains Heavily Shaped by Racial
Discrimination .....................................
15
1. School segregation..........................
15
2. Housing segregation ......................
19
3. Other socioeconomic measures ......
21
4. Hurricane Katrina .........................
24
5. State-enacted intentional discrimination.............................................
28
CONCLUSION ....................................................
34
(i)
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
Page(s)
Alex A. v. Edwards,
No. 22-CV-573 (M.D. La) ..........................
31
Allen v. Milligan,
599 U.S. 1 (2023) .................................. 1-4, 6, 11
Bartlett v. Strickland,
556 U.S. 1 (2009) .......................................
2
Batson v. Kentucky,
476 U.S. 79 (1986) .....................................
29
Brown v. Lawrence,
No. 23-1313 (M.D. La. Feb. 19, 2025) ......
29
Callais v. Landry,
732 F. Supp. 3d 574 (W.D. La. 2024) ..... 7, 8, 11
Chisom v. Roemer,
501 U.S. 380 (1991) ...................................
2
Georgia v. Ashcroft,
539 U.S. 461 (2003) ...................................
9
Greater New Orleans Fair Hous. Action
Ctr. v. St. Bernard Parish,
641 F. Supp. 2d 563 (E.D. La. 2009) ........
31
Growe v. Emison,
507 U.S. 25 (1993) .....................................
3
Hall v. St. Helena Parish Sch. Bd.,
417 F.2d 801 (5th Cir. 1969) .....................
16
Hays v. Louisiana,
936 F. Supp. 360 (W.D. La. 1996) ............ 8, 11
In re Landry,
83 F.4th 300 (5th Cir. 2023) .....................
6
iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Johnson v. De Grandy,
512 U.S. 997 (1994) ................................... 2, 3, 5
Lewis v. Cain,
No. 15-CV-318 (M.D. La.) .........................
31
Louisiana v. Broussard,
318 So. 3d 683 (La. 2018) .........................
29
Mississippi Republican Exec. Comm. v.
Brooks, 469 U.S. 1002 (1984) ...................
3
Moore v. Tangipahoa Parish Sch. Bd.,
No. 65-CV-15556 (E.D. La.) ......................
18
Nairne v. Ardoin,
715 F. Supp. 3d 808 (M.D. La. 2024) .......
7, 8
Nairne v. Landry,
No. 24-30115, 2025 U.S. App. LEXIS
20758 (5th Cir. Aug. 14, 2025) .................
7
Ramos v. Louisiana,
590 U.S. 83 (2020) ..................................... 29, 30
Robinson v. Ardoin,
37 F.4th 208 (5th Cir. 2022) .....................
6
Robinson v. Ardoin,
86 F.4th 574 (5th Cir. 2023) ..................... 4, 6, 7
Robinson v. Ardoin,
605 F. Supp. 3d 759 (M.D. La. 2022) ...... 4-9, 15
Shelby County v. Holder,
570 U.S. 529 (2013) ...................................
1
Smith v. Concordia Parish Sch. Bd.,
No. 1:65-cv-11577 (W.D. La.) .................... 15, 16
iv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Snyder v. Louisiana,
552 U.S. 472 (2008) ...................................
29
Thomas v. Sch. Bd. of St. Martin Parish,
No. 65-CV-11314 (W.D. La.) .....................
18
Thornburg v. Gingles,
478 U.S. 30 (1986) ........................... 2, 3, 5, 7, 11
United States v. Desoto Parish Sch. Bd.,
No. 67-CV-12589 (W.D. La.) .....................
18
Voice of the Experienced v. LeBlanc,
No. 23-CV-01304, 2025 U.S. Dist. LEXIS
163943 (M.D. La. Aug. 22, 2025) ..............
31
Voinovich v. Quilter,
507 U.S. 146 (1993) ...................................
2, 3
CONSTITUTION
U.S. Const. amend. IV ..................................
28
U.S. Const. amend. VI ..................................
29
U.S. Const. amend. VIII ...............................
31
STATUTES
Voting Rights Act, § 2, 52 U.S.C.
§ 10301 ................................... 1-3, 5-8, 28, 33-34
v
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
COURT FILINGS
Page(s)
Draft Consent Order, Smith v. Concordia
Parish Sch. Bd., No. 65-CV-11577 (W.D.
La. 2024), https://core-docs.s3.us-east1.amazonaws.
com/documents/asset/uploaded_file/3196/
FHS/5100460/Proposed_Consent_Order.
pdf (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .................
17
Order, Smith vs. Concordia Parish Sch.
Bd., No 1:65-cv-11577, ECF No. 82 (W.D.
La. Jan. 20, 2015) .....................................
16
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Adam Harris, The New Secession, THE
ATLANTIC (May 20, 2019), https://www.
theatlantic.com/education/archive/2019/0
5/resegregation-baton-rouge-public-scho
ols/589381/.................................................
18
Adam Nossiter, Whites Take a Majority on
New Orleans’s Council, N.Y. TIMES (Nov.
20, 2007), https://www.nytimes.com/20
07/11/20/us/nationalspecial/20orleans.ht
ml ...............................................................
26
An Introduction to Spatial Data Science,
GEODA,
https://geodacenter.github.io/
(last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .......................
13
Ben Casselman, Katrina Washed Away
New Orleans’s Black Middle Class,
FIVETHIRTYEIGHT (Aug. 24, 2015),
https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/katrin
a-washed-away-new-orleanss-black-midd
le-class ....................................................... 24, 26
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
CARL BANKSTON & STEPHEN CALDAS, A
TROUBLED DREAM: THE PROMISE AND
FAILURE OF SCHOOL DESEGREGATION IN
LOUISIANA (2022) ......................................
18
Carlie Kollath Wells, Russell Contreras &
Kavya Beheraj,
Louisiana’s
Most
Segregated School Systems, Mapped,
AXIOS NEW ORLEANS (May 17, 2024),
https://www.axios.com/local/new-orleans/
2024/05/17/louisianas-most-segregated-sc
hool-systems-mapped ..................................
18
Change in Segregation, 1990-2019, BERKELEY
OTHERING & BELONGING INST., https://bel
onging.berkeley.edu/change-segregation1990-2019 (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .....
20
Christopher Cooper, Old-Line Families
Escape Worst of Flood and Plot the
Future, WALL ST. J. (Sept. 8, 2005),
https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB1126144
85840634882?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=ASW
zDAguwrwAbls81ohum-O90zmig-FBUE
h9kalFRvh3H5n2YY4y0Dts8J9MHqhH
RqM%3D&gaa_ts=68af1239&gaa_sig=R
zz2M2wTiIhnuP-YvpP9cifuC9IHSmI-f_
wi3c_Nq-6HC39eNUGvNm84tsvGjQB6
hzIprF-Kb219nALEDhwiuw%3D%3D .....
27
vii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Collin Binkley & Sharon Lurye, Trump
Officials Are Vowing to End School
Desegregation Orders. Some Parents Say
They’re Still Needed, L.A. TIMES (June 7,
2025), https://www.latimes.com/world-na
tion/story/2025-06-07/trump-officials-arevowing-to-end-school-desegregation-orde
rs-some-parents-say-theyre-still-needed .
17
Concordia Parish Public Schools, U.S.
NEWS & WORLD REPORT, https://www.
usnews.com/education/k12/louisiana/dist
ricts/concordia-parish-108738 (last visited
Aug. 29, 2025) ...........................................
16
Concordia
Parish
School
District,
PROPUBLICA (last updated Oct. 2018),
https://projects.propublica.org/miseducat
ion/district/2200480 (last visited Aug. 29,
2025) ..........................................................
16
David Hammer, Behind the Key Decision
That Left Many Poor Homeowners
Without Enough Money to Rebuild After
Katrina, PROPUBLICA (Dec. 13, 2022),
https://www.propublica.org/article/whylouisiana-road-home-program-based-gra
nts-on-home-values ...................................
32
viii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
David C. Radley et al., Advancing Racial
Equality in U.S. Health Care: The
Commonwealth Fund 2024 State Health
Disparities Report, THE COMMONWEALTH
FUND (Apr. 18, 2024), https://www.comm
onwealthfund.org/publications/fund-repo
rts/2024/apr/advancing-racial-equity-ushealth-care ................................................
21
Elizabeth Fussell et al., Race, Socioeconomic Status, and Return Migration to
New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, 31
POPULATION AND ENV’T 20 (2010) .............
24
Elizabeth M. Grieco & Rachel C. Cassidy,
Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin
(Mar. 2001), https://www2.census.gov/
library/publications/decennial/2000/brief
s/c2kbr01-01.pdf .......................................
10
Environmental racism in Louisiana’s
‘Cancer Alley’, must end, say UN human
rights experts, UN NEWS (Mar. 2, 2021),
https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/03/108
6172 ...........................................................
32
Equality, U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT,
https://www.usnews.com/news/best-state
s/rankings/opportunity/equality
(last
visited Aug. 28, 2025) ...............................
23
ix
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
FED. RSRV. BANK OF ST. LOUIS, White to
Non-White Racial Dissimilarity (5-year
estimate) Index for Caddo Parish, LA,
https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/RACED
ISPARITY022017 (last visited Aug. 28,
2025) ..........................................................
19
FED. RSRV. BANK OF ST. LOUIS, White to
Non-White Racial Dissimilarity (5-year
estimate) Index for Orleans Parish, LA,
https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/RACED
ISPARITY022071 (last visited Aug. 28,
2025) ..........................................................
19
Forecasting State and National Trends in
Household Formation and Homeownership: Louisiana, URBAN INSTITUTE,
https://www.urban.org/policy-centers/ho
using-finance-policy-center/projects/forec
asting-state-and-national-trends-househ
old-formation-and-homeownership/louisi
ana?utm (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .......
23
GOP Eyes Big Easy Gains After Incumbent
Lapses, WASH. TIMES (Oct. 26, 2005),
https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/
2005/oct/26/20051026-111834-1596r/ .......
27
Greg LaRose, Proposal would let breakaway school districts avoid statewide
votes, LOUISIANA ILLUMINATOR (Apr. 4,
2024), https://lailluminator.com/2024/04/04/
school-districts/ ................................................
18
x
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Greg Margolis & Alex Moody, Smith v.
Concordia Parish School Board, C.R.
LITIG.
CLEARINGHOUSE,
https://clearinghouse.net/
case/13739/
(last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .......................
16
How Cluster and Outlier Analysis (Anselin
Local Moran’s I) Works, ESRI, https://
pro.arcgis.com/en/pro-app/latest/tool-ref
erence/spatial-statistics/h-how-cluster-a
nd-outlier-analysis-anselin-local-m.htm
(last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .......................
13
HUD and Louisiana Announce Settlement
Agreement to End Legal Challenge to Road
Home Program, U.S. DEP’T OF HOUS. &
URB. DEV. (July 6, 2011), https://
archives.hud.gov/news/2011/pr11-138.cf
m ................................................................ 31, 32
Income Gap by Race, U.S. NEWS & WORLD
REPORT, https://www.usnews.com/news/
best-states/rankings/opportunity/equalit
y/income-gap-race (last visited Aug. 28,
2025) ..........................................................
23
Jeff Adelson et al., The Road Home
program shortchanged low-income homeowners in Louisiana. New data proves it,
NOLA.COM (Dec. 11, 2022), https://www.
nola.com/news/kat rina/how-louisianasroad-home-program-shortchanged-thepoor/article_b61193f0-773e-11ed-b339-1fb6
f4dbaa42.amp.html ..........................................
32
xi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Joanne Ryan & Stephanie L. Perrault,
Angola: Plantation to Penitentiary, U.S.
ARMY CORPS OF ENG’RS, NEW ORLEANS
DIST. (2007), https://www.crt.state.la.us/
Assets/OCD/archaeology/discoverarchae
ology/virtual-books/PDFs/Angola_Pop.pd
f (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .....................
30
JOSHUA D. ROTHMAN, THE LEDGER AND THE
CHAIN: HOW DOMESTIC SLAVE TRADERS
SHAPED AMERICA (2021) ............................
30
Junia Howell & James R. Elliott, Damages
Done: The Longitudinal Impacts of
Natural Hazards on Wealth Inequality in
the United States, 66 SOC. PROBS. 448
(2019) .........................................................
25
Kristen Lewis, A Portrait of Louisiana
2020: Human Development in an Age of
Uncertainty (2020), https://ssrc-static.s3.
amazonaws.com/moa/A_Portrait_of_Loui
siana_2020.pdf (last visited Aug. 29,
2025) ..........................................................
21
LA. FAIR HOUS. ACTION CTR., Denials,
Discounts, and Discrimination: An
Investigation into Racial Discrimination
in Rental Practices in the Gulf South
(2021), https://lafairhousing.org/wp-conte
nt/uploads/2021/07/LaFHAC-Denials-Dis
counts-and-Discrimination-in-the-GulfSouth.pdf (last visited Aug. 29, 2025) ......
20
xii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
LA. SEC’Y OF STATE, Post Election Statistics –
Parish, https://www.sos.la.gov/Elections
AndVoting/Pages/PostElectionStatistics
Parish.aspx (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) ..
27
Letter from U.S. Env’t Prot. Agency, Off. of
Env’t Just. & External C.R., to La. Dep’t
of Env’t Quality & La. Dep’t of Health
(Oct. 12, 2022), https://www.epa.gov/syst
em/files/documents/2022-10/2022%2010
%2012%20Final%20Letter%20LDEQ%2
0LDH%2001R-22-R6%2C%2002R-22-R6%
2C%2004R-22-R6.pdf .................................
32
Life in Prison Without Parole in Louisiana,
SENT’G PROJECT (Jan. 23, 2024), https://
www.sentencingproject.org/fact-sheet/lif
e-in-prison-without-parole-in-louisiana ...
30
Livia Albeck-Ripka, F.B.I. Investigating
Charges of Abuse by Baton Rouge Police
in ‘Brave Cave’, N.Y. TIMES (Sept. 24,
2023), https://www.nytimes.com/2023/09/
24/us/louisiana-police-brave-cave-abuse.
html ...........................................................
29
Louisana, PRISON POL’Y INITIATIVE, https://
www.prisonpolicy.org/profiles/LA.html
(last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .......................
30
Luc Anselin, Contiguity-Based Spatial
Weights, https://geodacenter.github.io/wo
rkbook/4a_contig_weights/lab4a.html
(last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .......................
13
xiii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Michael A. Fletcher & Spencer S. Hsu,
Storms Alter Louisiana Politics, WASH.
POST (Oct. 13, 2005), https://www.was
hingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2005/10
/14/storms-alter-louisiana-politics/a1a5
8f69-d4b0-4277-b28e-72595579d346/.......
27
MIGRATION PATTERNS, https://migration
patterns.org/ (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .
12
Most to Least Segregated Metro Regions in
2020, BERKELEY OTHERING & BELONGING
INST., https://belonging.berkeley.edu/mo
st-least-segregated-metro-regions-2020
(last visited Aug. 28, 2025) ..........................
20
Nathan Babb, “Baby Won’t You Please
Come Home:” Studying Ethnoracial
Segregation Trends in New Orleans Pre
and Post Hurricane Katrina, PRINCETON
U.: J. PUB. & INT’L AFFS. (May 5, 2021),
https://jpia.princeton.edu/news/baby-wontyou-please-come-home-studying-ethnora
cial-segregation-trends-new-orleans-preand-post .....................................................
25
Net Migration, U.S. NEWS & WORLD
REPORT, https://www.usnews.com/news/
best-states/rankings/economy/growth/netmigration (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) ........
13
Paul Rioux, Group to Comb Sheriff’s Files
for Signs of Hiring Bias, NEW ORLEANS
TIMES-PICAYUNE, Aug. 3, 2006 .................
25
xiv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Paul Rioux, Sheriff Jack Strain is Sticking
to His Guns, NEW ORLEANS TIMESPICAYUNE, July 16, 2006 ...........................
25
Racial Dissimilarity Index | Louisiana,
FED. RSRV. ECON. DATA, FED. RSRV. BANK
OF ST. LOUIS, https://fred.stlouisfed.
org/release/tables?rid=419&eid=353324
(last visited Aug. 28, 2025) .......................
19
Residential Segregation (Black/White) by
State, NAT’L INST. ON MINORITY HEALTH
AND HEALTH DISPARITIES, https://hdp
ulse.nimhd.nih.gov/data-portal/physical/
table?age=001&age_options=ageall_1&d
emo=01005&demo_options=air_pollutio
n_1&physicaltopic=100&physicaltopic_o
ptions=physical_2&race=00&race_optio
ns=raceall_1&sex=0&sex_options=sexbo
th_1&statefips=00&statefips_options=ar
ea_states&state (last visited Aug. 28,
2025) ..........................................................
19
Residential Segregation, DIVERSITY AND
DISPARITIES, https://s4.ad.brown.edu/pro
jects/diversity/segregation2010/Default.a
spx (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) ................
19
Robin McDowell & Margie Mason,
Prisoners in the US are part of a hidden
workforce linked to hundreds of popular
food brands, AP NEWS (Jan. 29, 2024),
https://apnews.com/article/prison-to-plat
e-inmate-labor-investigation-c6f0eb4747
963283316e494eadf08c4e ......................... 30, 31
xv
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Sabrina Simms Robertson, Concordia
School board, AG rep strategize on
desegregation
lawsuit,
NATCHEZ
DEMOCRAT (July 7, 2025), https://www.na
tchezdemocrat.com/2025/07/07/concordia
-school-board-meets-with-ag-representat
ive-to-plan-strategy-for-60-year-old-dese
gregation-case/ ..........................................
18
Sabrina Simms Robertson, School board
votes down DOJ consent order to
restructure schools, forms cooperative
endeavor with AG’s office to fight it in
court, NATCHEZ DEMOCRAT (Dec. 17,
2024), https://www.natchezdemocrat.com/
2024/12/17/school-board-votes -down-dojconsent-order-to-restructure-schools-for
ms-cooperative-endeavor-with-ags-officeto-fight-it-in-court/ ....................................
17
Sabrina Simms Robertson, State AG,
parish school board to review desegregation lawsuit, NATCHEZ DEMOCRAT (Dec. 9,
2024), https://www.natchezdemocrat.co
m/2024/12/09/state-ag-parish-school-boa
rd-to-review-desegregation-lawsuit/ .........
18
Shapefiles & Block Equivalency Files Based
Upon 2020 Census Geography, https://red
ist.legis.la.gov/default_ShapeFiles2020
(last visited Aug. 29, 2025) .......................
14
xvi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Student Racial Demographics: Louisiana
Elementary and Secondary Public and
Private Schools, LA. LEGIS. AUDITOR (Jan.
25, 2023), https://app.lla.state.la.us/pub
licreports.nsf/0/a4fa835e5738df4286258
9420071c04c/$file/00000951.pdf?openele
ment&.7773098 .........................................
19
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, 2010 Redistricting
Tables, Louisiana Custom Tables, Table
3, Population by Race Alone or in
Combination and Hispanic or Latino
Origin, for All Ages and for 18 Years and
Over, for Louisiana: 2000 and 2010, https
://www.census.gov/data/tables/2010/dec/
2010-redistricting-data.html?attachmen
t-list-39c07b6982%3Apage=1#attachme
nt-list-39c07b6982 (last visited Aug. 28,
2025) .......................................................... 9-10
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Historical Population
Change Data (1910-2020) (Apr. 26, 2021),
https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time
-series/dec/popchange-data-text.html ......
11
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Louisiana: 2000
(Sept. 2002), https://www2.census.gov/lib
rary/publications/2002/dec/phc-1-20.pdf .
10
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table 3, Population
of Voting Age, for States, by Race and
Spanish Origin: 1980 Census, https://
www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/cps/
tables/p25/948/tab03.pdf (last visited
Aug. 28, 2025) ...........................................
9
xvii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table B07404B,
Geographical Mobility in the Past Year
(Black or African American Alone) for
Residence 1 Year Ago in the United
States, 2023 American Community
Survey
1-Year
Estimates,
https://
data.census.gov/table/ACSDT1Y2023.B0
7404B?q=B07404B:+Geographical+Mobi
lity+in+the+Past+Year+(Black+or+Afric
an+American+Alone)+for+Residence+1+
Year+Ago+in+the+United+States&tp=tr
ue (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) ..................
12
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table B07404H,
Geographical Mobility in the Past Year
(White Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino) for
Residence 1 Year Ago in the United
States, 2023 American Community
Survey 1-Year Estimates, https://data.
census.gov/table/ACSDT1Y2023.B07404
H?q=B07404H:+Geographical+Mobility+i
n+the+Past+Year+(White+Alone,+Not+
Hispanic+or+Latino)+for+Residence+1+
Year+Ago+in+the+United+States&tp=tr
ue (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) ..................
12
xviii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table B19301B, Per
Capita Income in the Past 12 Months (in
2023 Inflation-Adjusted Dollars) (Black
or African American Alone), American
Community Survey 5-Year Estimates,
https://data.census.gov/table/ACSDT5Y2
023.B19301B?q=%22per+capita+income
%22&g=040XX00US22&y=2023
(last
visited Aug. 28, 2025) ...............................
22
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table B19301H, Per
Capita Income in the Past 12 Months (in
2023 Inflation-Adjusted Dollars) (White
Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino), American
Community Survey 5-Year Estimates,
https://data.census.gov/table/ACSDT5Y2
023.B19301H?q=%22per+capita+income
%22&g=040XX00US22&y=2023
(last
visited Aug. 28, 2025) ...............................
22
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table P3, Race for
the Population 18 Years and Older,
https://data.census.gov/table/DECENNI
ALPL2020.P3?q=&y=2020&d=DEC+Red
istricting+Data+(PL+94-171)
(last
visited Aug. 28, 2025) ...............................
10
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table S1701, Poverty
Status in the Past 12 Months, American
Community Survey 5-Year Estimates,
https://data.census.gov/table/ACSST5Y2
023.S1701?q=S1701&g=010XX00US_04
0XX00US22 (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) ..
22
xix
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table S2301,
Employment Status, American Community
Survey 5-Year Estimates, https://data.cen
sus.gov/table/ACSST5Y2023.S2301?q=%
22unemployment+rate%22&g=010XX00
US_040XX00US22&y=2023&moe=false
&tp=false (last visited Aug. 28, 2025) ......
22
U.S. DEP’T OF COM., 1990 Census of
Population, General Population Characteristics, Louisiana, https://www2.censu
s.gov/library/publications/decennial/1990
/cp-1/cp-1-20.pdf (last visited Aug. 28,
2025) ..........................................................
9
U.S. DEP’T OF JUST., CIVIL RIGHTS DIV. &
U.S. ATT’YS OFFICES FOR E., MIDDLE, AND
W. DISTS. OF LA., Investigation of the
Louisiana State Police (Jan. 16, 2025),
https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/13846
26/dl ...........................................................
28
U.S. DEP’T OF JUST., Justice Department
Dismisses Suit Against Denka, Delivering on President Trump’s Mandate to
End Radical DEI Programs (Mar. 7,
2025), https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/jus
tice-department-dismisses-suit-againstdenka-delivering-president-trumps-man
date-end .....................................................
33
xx
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
U.S. DEP’T OF JUST., Justice Department
Files Complaint Alleging Public Health
Endangerment Caused by Denka Performance Elastomer’s Carcinogenic Air
Pollution (Feb. 28, 2025), https://www.
justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-depa
rtment-files-complaint-alleging-publichealth-endangerment-caused-denka .......
33
Ursula Noye, Blackstrikes: A Study of the
Racially Disparate Use of Peremptory
Challenges by the Caddo Parish District
Attorney’s Office, REPRIEVE AUSTRALIA,
(Aug. 2015), https://www.prisonpolicy.
org/scans/reprieve_australia/Blackstrike
s_Caddo_Parish_August_2015.pdf (last
visited Aug. 28, 2025) ...............................
29
William P. Quigley, Katrina Voting
Wrongs: Aftermath of Hurricane and
Weak Enforcement Dilute African
American Voting Rights in New Orleans,
14 WASH. & LEE J. C.R. & SOC. JUST. 49
(2007) ......................................................... 25, 26
William T. Hoston, Black Legislative
Politics: Examining the Issue of Voting
Rights in the Post-Hurricane Katrina
Period, 49 SOC. SCI. J. 476 (2012) ............. 27, 28
INTERESTS OF AMICI CURIAE1
Amici2 Dr. John Bardes of Louisiana State University,
Dr. R. Blakeslee Gilpin of Tulane University, and Dr.
Heather O’Connell3 of Louisiana State University, are
expert historians of Louisiana and the greater
American South. They file this brief to assist the Court
in understanding why past and present conditions in
Louisiana, including Louisiana’s demography, support
the State’s compelling interest in compliance with
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. This recent
historical evidence, together with modern-day sociological data, reinforces the evidence in the trial and
Robinson records below. It supports a finding that the
totality of the circumstances firmly justify Louisiana’s
compliance with the Voting Rights Act in 2025, and the
reversal of the District Court accordingly.
INTRODUCTION AND
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act is a “permanent,
nationwide ban on racial discrimination in voting[.]”
Shelby County v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529, 557 (2013). The
scope of Section 2 includes congressional redistricting.
Allen v. Milligan, 599 U.S. 1, 38–41 (2023).
There is no question that Section 2 can require
powerful remedies. Accordingly, it requires a powerful
1
No counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in part,
and no person other than amicus or their counsel made a
monetary contribution to this brief’s preparation and submission.
2
Institutional affiliation of amici is for identification only;
views expressed are the authors’ own.
3
At the initial merits stage, Dr. Adam Fairclough was included
with amici rather than Dr. O’Connell. Due to Dr. Fairclough’s
unavailability, Dr. O’Connell has been added.
2
showing before those remedies are available. Section 2
redistricting effects claims can only succeed when they
prove each of the three Gingles preconditions.
Milligan, 599 U.S. at 17–19. But this is not all Section
2 requires. Merely showing the Gingles preconditions
“is not sufficient to establish a violation unless, under
the totality of the circumstances, it can also be said
that the members of the protected class have less
opportunity to participate in the political process.”
Chisom v. Roemer, 501 U.S. 380, 397 (1991). Section 2
can only require remedial redistricting when “‘an
intensely local appraisal’ of the electoral mechanism
at issue” demonstrates that such remedial action is
justified. Milligan, 599 U.S. at 19 (quoting Thornburg
v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 79 (1986)).
The totality of the circumstances analysis (also
referred to as the Senate factors analysis) is the tool
courts use to make this intensely local determination.
The totality of the circumstances is examined only
after a plaintiff has proven a prima facie case of
vote dilution by establishing the three Gingles
preconditions, and “is ‘peculiarly dependent upon the
facts of each case.’” Id. This analysis ensures that
courts do not “commit the error of treating the three
Gingles conditions as exhausting the enquiry required
by § 2.” Johnson v. De Grandy, 512 U.S. 997, 1013
(1994). “Instead the Gingles requirements are
preconditions, consistent with the text and purpose of
§ 2, to help courts determine which claims could meet
the totality of the circumstances standard for a § 2
violation.” Bartlett v. Strickland, 556 U.S. 1, 21 (2009).
Failure to prove either the preconditions or the
totality of the circumstances is failure to prove a
violation. See Voinovich v. Quilter, 507 U.S. 146, 153
(1993) (reversing district court for failing to analyze
3
whether “under the totality of the circumstances, the
devices result in unequal access to the electoral process.”).
The ultimate touchstone of both prongs of the Section
2 analysis is to “prohibit[] any practice or procedure
that, ‘interacting with social and historical conditions,’
impairs the ability of a protected class to elect its
candidate of choice on an equal basis with other
voters.” Id. at 153 (quoting Gingles, 478 U.S. at 47).
The totality of the circumstances analysis is no idle
task. It requires a “searching practical evaluation of
the past and present reality.” Milligan, 599 U.S. at 19
(quoting Gingles, 478 U.S. at 79). The totality-of-thecircumstances inquiry investigates “whether a history
of persistent discrimination reflected in the larger
society and its bloc-voting behavior portend[s] any
dilutive effect from a newly proposed districting
scheme[.]” De Grandy, 512 U.S. at 1013. The analysis
looks backwards to help determine what the
prospective effect of a redistricting scheme will be.
Present conditions are of vital importance to the
Section 2 inquiry. Section 2 is “not based on any notion
that the law gives every minority group an entitlement
to some form of proportional representation.”
Mississippi Republican Exec. Comm. v. Brooks, 469
U.S. 1002, 1004 (1984) (Stevens, J., concurring in
summary affirmance). Section 2 requires “quite the
contrary. It rest[s] on specific findings of fact
describing the impairment . . . of [minority] voting
strength[.]” Id. Only in jurisdictions where careful
examination of the facts demonstrates that racial
discrimination denies minority voters equal electoral
opportunity has there been a wrong and can Section 2
require a remedy. Cf. Growe v. Emison, 507 U.S. 25, 40–
41 (1993). This is such a circumstance.
4
That “searching practical evaluation of the past and
present reality[,]” Milligan, 599 U.S. at 19, demonstrated that “the totality of the circumstances
weigh[ed] in favor of ” a violation in Louisiana’s
congressional map. Robinson v. Ardoin, 605 F. Supp. 3d
759, 851 (M.D. La. 2022). The district court in
Robinson considered voluminous evidence in weighing
the totality of the circumstances. Id. at 844–51. And
the district court’s conclusion that the totality-of-thecircumstances supported relief was affirmed on
appeal. Robinson v. Ardoin, 86 F.4th 574, 597–98 (5th
Cir. 2023).
In the portion of their brief highlighted by this
Court’s supplemental briefing order, Appellees make a
series of assertions suggesting that the totality-of-thecircumstances cannot be satisfied here. Brief for
Appellees, Louisiana v. Callais, Docket No. 24-109, 24110 (Jan. 21, 2025), at 38 (“Appellees’ First Br.”).
First, Appellees discount the importance of the
totality of the circumstances findings from the
Robinson litigation. Appellees’ First Br. at 38. This
argument is myopic. To pretend that there is no such
evidence anywhere is to ignore that the Robinson
litigation spawned these proceedings, and Louisiana’s
impetus to redraw its congressional districts in the
first place. Such a dodge does not pass muster.
Appellees then make three conclusory, erroneous
assertions: that Louisiana’s Black population has
“flatlined[,]” “dispers[ed] across the State[,]” and has
done so either as the result of “social advancements,
including integration,” or “Hurricane Katrina.” Appellees’
First Br. at 38. As set forth below, the Black population
in Louisiana has steadily grown in the last forty years
(while the White population has started to decline).
Despite this growth, Louisiana remains highly segre-
5
gated by race, for reasons linked to discrimination
throughout society. It is precisely this dynamic, the
“interact[ion] with social and historical conditions[,]”
Gingles, 478 U.S. at 47, which allowed the Robinson
court to determine that “the totality of the circumstances weigh[ed] in favor of” a finding of racial vote
dilution in Louisiana’s congressional map. Robinson v.
Ardoin, 605 F. Supp. 3d 759, 851 (M.D. La. 2022).
These errors undermine Appellees’ principal argument:
that Louisiana no longer has a compelling state
interest in compliance with the Voting Rights Act.
A careful, “searching” examination of “the past and
present reality” in Louisiana demonstrates quite the
opposite: Section 2 is still needed to ensure equal
opportunity for Black voters in Louisiana. The
judgment of the District Court should be reversed.
ARGUMENT
I. The Totality of the Circumstances Supports
Louisiana’s Compelling State Interest in
Complying With the Voting Rights Act.
Appellees argue that the totality of the circumstances analysis was not conducted in the court below,
and suggest that means no such analysis was done at
all. Appellees’ First Br. at 38. This is flatly incorrect.
Establishing vote dilution requires marshalling
facts that span the scope of a jurisdiction’s electoral
and social context, in order to determine whether past
and present effects of racial discrimination are causing
vote dilution. “[T]he ultimate conclusions about
equality or inequality of opportunity were intended by
Congress to be judgments resting on comprehensive,
not limited, canvassing of relevant facts.” De Grandy,
512 U.S. at 1011.
6
That comprehensive accounting is precisely what
happened here. The district court in Robinson considered voluminous evidence in conducting a Senatefactor-by-Senate-factor inquiry into the totality of the
circumstances. Robinson v. Ardoin, 605 F. Supp. 3d
759, 844–51 (M.D. La. 2022) (“Robinson I”).
As is required by the totality of the circumstances
analysis, the Robinson I court conducted a “searching”
examination. 605 F. Supp. 3d at 844–51; Milligan, 599
U.S. at 19. It carefully examined the evidence, and
concluded that the totality of the circumstances weighed
in favor of Plaintiffs. Robinson I, 605 F. Supp. 3d at
844–51.
These findings were not disturbed, or even meaningfully disputed, on appeal or in this collateral litigation.
The Fifth Circuit declined to issue a stay of the district
court order, and the State did not press a challenge on
the totality of the circumstances in its application.
Robinson v. Ardoin, 37 F.4th 208, 216 (5th Cir. 2022)
(“Robinson II”). A merits panel of the Fifth Circuit
agreed with the stay panel and found that the trial
court’s factual findings were “not clearly erroneous[.]”
Robinson v. Ardoin, 86 F.4th 574, 597–98 (5th Cir.
2023) (“Robinson III”).4
4
One additional proceeding in the Fifth Circuit concerned the
timing of the remedial hearing after Robinson I. In re Landry, 83
F.4th 300 (5th Cir. 2023). That panel issued partial relief, noting
that “the merits of a Section 2 violation of the Voting Rights Act
[have] no direct relationship with nor factual nor legal overlap
with the scheduling issues this panel confronts. Id. at 305.
7
As the Robinson III panel noted, “the district court
spent 39 pages in the published opinion discussing the
evidence presented and expert testimony heard during
its five-day evidentiary hearing, and 41 pages analyzing those facts and legal authority.” Id. at 598–99
(citation omitted). Only then did the district court
conclude that the totality of the circumstances favored
plaintiffs. Robinson I, 605 F. Supp. 3d at 851.
As for this litigation, the district court below made
no findings on the totality of the circumstances. See
Callais v. Landry, 732 F. Supp. 3d 574, 613 (W.D. La.
2024) (resolving case on first Gingles precondition).
The Robinson findings also align with the totalityof-the-circumstances analysis in Nairne v. Ardoin, a
challenge to Louisiana’s state legislative districts. 715
F. Supp. 3d 808 (M.D. La. 2024). There, after a full trial
on the merits concerning the same electoral
jurisdiction (the State of Louisiana), the district court
concluded that “all of the Senate Factors relevant to
the Court’s consideration in this case favor[ed]” relief.
Id. at 876. This analysis was affirmed by the Fifth
Circuit. Nairne v. Landry, No. 24-30115, 2025 U.S. App.
LEXIS 20758, at *69 (5th Cir. Aug. 14, 2025) (finding
“no clear error in each of the district court’s findings”).
Appellees’ assertion that “Appellants adduced zero
evidence at trial—and can cite nothing in the
legislative record—even beginning to apply the
Gingles totality of circumstances factors to the
Louisiana of 2024[,]” Appellees’ First Br. at 38, is
nothing more than an unremarkable observation that
this litigation did not turn on the totality-of-thecircumstances inquiry. Of course not. The totality-ofthe-circumstances, and the factfinding attendant to it,
was thoroughly litigated in the related, antecedent
action. See Robinson I, 605 F. Supp. 3d at 844–51.
8
Accord Callais v. Landry, 732 F. Supp. 3d 574, 607
(W.D. La. 2024) (recounting Robinson and assuming
“compliance with Section 2 was a compelling interest
for the State”); see also Nairne v. Ardoin, 715 F. Supp.
3d at 876 (totality of the circumstances weighed in
favor of relief).
The Robinson and Nairne findings stand for two
propositions here. First, contrary to Appellees’ argument, every court to conduct or review the relevant
statewide totality of the circumstances analysis found
it weighed in favor of a Section 2 violation. And second,
Louisiana continues to bear the effects of racial
discrimination in its electoral system. Robinson I, 605
F. Supp. 3d at 844–51; Nairne v. Ardoin, 715 F. Supp.
3d at 868–78.
* * *
Against the weight of these findings, Appellees
muster only three drive-by assertions that the totality
of the circumstances does not favor Section 2 liability.
They argue “[s]tatewide BVAP has flatlined while
dispersing across the State, propelled by social
advancements, including integration, and Hurricane
Katrina.” Appellees’ First Br. at 38. Amici discuss each
in turn.
A. Louisiana Has Seen Significant Growth,
Not Decline, in its Black Population.
In 1996, a federal district court found that a
challenged majority-minority congressional district,
which encompassed some of the same areas as District
6, was not required by the Voting Rights Act because
the minority population was too widely dispersed.
Hays v. Louisiana, 936 F. Supp. 360, 370 (W.D. La.
1996). Appellees argue this “perfectly encapsulates”
the composition of District 6 because statewide BVAP
9
has “flatlined while dispersing across the State” when
compared to 1996. Appellees’ First Br. at 23, 38.
This is simply untrue. Louisiana Census data
clearly refutes the notion that the Black population
has “flatlined[.]” Instead, Louisiana’s Black voting age
population (“BVAP”) has increased.
From 1980 to 2020, Louisiana’s BVAP clearly and
steadily increased, in both absolute numbers and as a
share of the eligible electorate. In 1980, the U.S.
Census Bureau reported that Louisiana had 766,187
Black residents of voting age, amounting to 26.6% of
the eligible electorate.5 In 1990 (the census which
furnished the population numbers at issue in Hays),
the Census reported 833,938 Black residents of voting
age, amounting to 27.87% of potential voters.6 In 20007
the Census reported 973,149 Black residents of voting
age (an increase of 27.0% relative to 1980), amounting
to 29.95% of those eligible to vote.8 And the 2020
5
See U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table 3, Population of Voting Age, for
States, by Race and Spanish Origin: 1980 Census, https://www2.
census.gov/programs-surveys/cps/tables/p25/948/tab03.pdf (last
visited Aug. 28, 2025).
6
See U.S. DEP’T OF COM., 1990 Census of Population, General
Population Characteristics, Louisiana, at 73, https://www2.cen
sus.gov/library/publications/decennial/1990/cp-1/cp-1-20.pdf (last
visited Aug. 28, 2025).
7
Beginning with the 2000 Census, respondents had the option
to select more than one race. For the 2000 Census and later, Black
population figures are calculated from all respondents who selfidentified as Black, even if they selected more than one racial
identity. Accord Robinson I, 605 F. Supp. 3d at 819 (employing this
method). This Court has confirmed the validity of this approach.
Georgia v. Ashcroft, 539 U.S. 461, 473 n.1 (2003).
8
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, 2010 Redistricting Tables, Louisiana
Custom Tables, Table 3, Population by Race Alone or in
Combination and Hispanic or Latino Origin, for All Ages and for
10
Census reported a Louisiana BVAP of 1,115,769 (an
increase of 14.7% relative to 2000), amounting to
31.25% of the potential electorate.9
Meanwhile, over the past two decades, the nonHispanic White share of the eligible Louisiana electorate
actually fell from 2,128,485 residents, or 65.5% of the
voting-age population in 2000, to 2,082,110 residents
(a decrease of 2.18%), or 58.3% of the voting age
population in 2020.10 The only population that can be
said to have “flatlined” in Louisiana in recent years is
the non-Hispanic White population.
These numbers are even more revealing in the
context of Louisiana as a whole. Louisiana’s total
population has only grown very slightly in the past 20
years. In the 2000 Census, Louisiana had 4,468,976
total (not just voting-age) residents.11 In 2020,
18 Years and Over, for Louisiana: 2000 and 2010, https://
www.census.gov/data/tables/2010/dec/2010-redistricting-data.ht
ml?attachment-list-39c07b6982%3Apage=1#attachment-list-39c
07b6982 (navigating to Louisiana Custom Tables at Table 3) (last
visited Aug. 28, 2025).
9
See U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table P3, Race for the Population
18 Years and Older, https://data.census.gov/table/DECENNIA
LPL2020.P3?q=&y=2020&d=DEC+Redistricting+Data+(PL+94171) (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
10
See id. A like-to-like analysis is not possible before the 2000
Census because “[t]he 1990 census questions on race and
Hispanic origin were changed for Census 2000.” Elizabeth M.
Grieco & Rachel C. Cassidy, Overview of Race and Hispanic
Origin, at 1 (Mar. 2001), https://www2.census.gov/library/
publications/decennial/2000/briefs/c2kbr01-01.pdf.
11
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Louisiana: 2000 (Sept. 2002), https://
www2.census.gov/library/publications/2002/dec/phc-1-20.pdf.
11
Louisiana had 4,657,757 total residents,12 for a growth
rate of only 4.2% in a time where the population of the
United States as a whole has grown 17.8%.13 This is
the main driver of Louisiana’s loss of a congressional
representative after the 2010 Census. To the extent
Louisiana’s population has not shrunk, it is in large
part due to growth in its Black population.
B. Louisiana’s Black Population Has Not
Dispersed.
Next, Appellees rely on the District Court’s finding
that the Black population in Louisiana has become
“even more [dispersed] since Hays’ nearly identical
slash district was struck down in the 1990s.” Appellees’
First Br. at 38, 47; see also Callais v. Landry, 732 F.
Supp. 3d at 613 (finding Louisiana’s Black population
to be more dispersed than when Hays was decided).14
Again, Appellees’ argument, and the court below’s
similar conclusion, is erroneous. The Black population
in Louisiana remains highly concentrated and segregated.
Louisiana is characterized more by residential stability
than dispersion. Louisiana migration data indicate
unusually low rates of migration; most Black (and
White) residents still reside in the area in which they
12
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Historical Population Change Data
(1910-2020) (Apr. 26, 2021), https://www.census.gov/data/tables/
time-series/dec/popchange-data-text.html.
13
14
Id.
If this argument were correct, it would bear on both the first
Gingles precondition, by making it difficult to draw a reasonably
configured demonstrative district, see Milligan, 599 U.S. at 28–
29, and the totality of the circumstances, by demonstrating
decreased racial segregation in Louisiana. Because it is not
correct, it does neither.
12
were born. When Louisianans do move, the largest
percentage relocates to surrounding areas.15
Black residents of Louisiana have some of the very
lowest rates of both inter-parish and interstate
migration, relative to Black residents of other U.S.
states. According to the U.S. Census American
Community Survey (“ACS”) 1-year estimates, 95.3% of
Black Louisiana residents lived in the same parish as
they had one year earlier. Only five states had lower
rates of Black intercounty or interstate migration.16
And according to U.S. News & World Report, Louisiana
is 50th out of 50 states in net migration to and from the
15
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table B07404B, Geographical Mobility
in the Past Year (Black or African American Alone) for Residence
1 Year Ago in the United States, 2023 American Community
Survey 1-Year Estimates, https://data.census.gov/table/ACSDT
1Y2023.B07404B?q=B07404B:+Geographical+Mobility+in+the+
Past+Year+(Black+or+African+American+Alone)+for+Residence
+1+Year+Ago+in+the+United+States&tp=true (last visited Aug.
28, 2025); U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table B07404H, Geographical
Mobility in the Past Year (White Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino) for
Residence 1 Year Ago in the United States, 2023 American
Community Survey 1-Year Estimates, https://data.census.gov/tab
le/ACSDT1Y2023.B07404H?q=B07404H:+Geographical+Mobility
+in+the+Past+Year+(White+Alone,+Not+Hispanic+or+Latino)+fo
r+Residence+1+Year+Ago+in+the+United+States&tp=true (last
visited Aug. 28, 2025). See also MIGRATION PATTERNS, https://
migrationpatterns.org/ (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
16
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table B07404B, Geographical Mobility
in the Past Year (Black or African American Alone) for Residence
1 Year Ago in the United States, 2023 American Community
Survey 1-Year Estimates, https://data.census.gov/table/ACSDT1Y
2023.B07404B?q=B07404B:+Geographical+Mobility+in+the+Pa
st+Year+(Black+or+African+American+Alone)+for+Residence+1
+Year+Ago+in+the+United+States&tp=true (last visited Aug. 28,
2025).
13
state. Louisiana is a state characterized not by
population dispersal, but by historic population stasis.
17
Geographic clustering is also commonly measured
using Local Moran’s I statistic, which assesses how
similar an area is to its neighbors.18 This tool is
especially useful for identifying “hot” (High-High) and
“cool” (Low-Low) spots—areas where high or low
values of a particular attribute cluster together. It also
flags outliers, such as High-Low (high values of an
attribute surrounded by low values) and Low-High
(the reverse). Applying this metric to Louisiana’s
racial demographics reveals significant spatial
clustering of the Black population in Louisiana.19
There are six distinct clusters indicating regions of the
state where parishes of starkly different percent Black
concentrations abut one another. Parishes with high
Black population shares are clustered along the
Mississippi and Red Rivers—corridors historically
shaped by intensive cotton cultivation, forced
17
Net Migration, U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, https://www.us
news.com/news/best-states/rankings/economy/growth/net-migrat
ion (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
18
How Cluster and Outlier Analysis (Anselin Local Moran’s I)
Works, ESRI, https://pro.arcgis.com/en/pro-app/latest/tool-referen
ce/spatial-statistics/h-how-cluster-and-outlier-analysis-anselin-lo
cal-m.htm (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
19
These results were produced using a first-order Queen’s
contiguity spatial weights matrix and the free software GeoDa.
See Luc Anselin, Contiguity-Based Spatial Weights, https://geod
acenter.github.io/workbook/4a_contig_weights/lab4a.html (last
visited Aug. 28, 2025); An Introduction to Spatial Data Science,
GEODA, https://geodacenter.github.io/ (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
14
migration of tens of thousands of enslaved people, and
Black majorities.20
Descendants of the enslaved communities living
along the Red River system in 1860 are still
concentrated in the Red River Valley today. Tracking
the surnames of Black Louisianans descended from
those enslaved in District 6 finds that the large
majority of descendants of the enslaved communities
resided either in the same parish as their ancestors, or
in another parish within District 6.21 For example, a
plantation owner with the surname Joubert claimed
ownership of 74 enslaved people in St. Landry Parish
in 1860. Nearly 100 years later, there were 182 Black
Louisianans with the surname Joubert, and less than
10% of them lived outside of District 6 (with 83% still
residing in St. Landry).22 This finding is consistent
with other surnames analyzed.
Zooming in past the parish level, an analysis of
census blocks and voting precincts shows substantial
spatial concentration of Black voters statewide.
Roughly 7 in 10 Black adults (69.48%) live within
majority-Black census blocks.23 Nearly half (44.92%)
20
See Brief for Louisiana Historians as Amici Curiae
Supporting Appellants, Louisiana v. Callais, Docket No. 24-109,
24-110 (2024).
21
Id. at 21–25.
22
Id.
23
These figures are calculated using the 2025 redistricting
block equivalency file available on the Louisiana Secretary of
State website. See Shapefiles & Block Equivalency Files Based
Upon 2020 Census Geography, https://redist.legis.la.gov/defau
lt_ShapeFiles2020 (last visited Aug. 29, 2025) (2025 Block
Equivalency File). The block equivalency file gives the population
(including population by race) of every Census block in Louisiana,
along with each block’s corresponding precinct and parish. This
15
live in census blocks that are extremely segregated
(80% Black or more). Likewise, the overwhelming
majority of White adults (89.16%) live in majorityWhite census blocks and over half (57.61%) live in
census blocks that are extremely segregated (80%
White or more). In short, the racial concentration of
the voting-age population remains extremely
pronounced in Louisiana.
C. Louisiana’s Black Population Remains
Heavily Shaped by Racial Discrimination.
Appellees finally argue that the alleged flatlining
and dispersal of Louisiana’s Black population is due at
least in part to “social advancements, including
integration[.]” Appellees’ First Br. at 28, 38. This too is
incorrect. Lasting racial discrimination and inequality
continue to influence Louisiana’s Black population.
Amici do not purport to replicate the entire totalityof-the-circumstances analysis here. That analysis was
ably conducted by the Robinson I court, 605 F. Supp.
3d at 844–51. Instead, Amici highlight a few salient
categories, all of which provide significant evidence
that, counter to Appellees’ assertions, Louisiana’s
continued racial segregation is driven by discrimination.
1. School segregation.
School desegregation has remained painfully static
in Louisiana since the 1960s. Numerous parishes
across Louisiana have failed to comply with decadesold desegregation orders. In Concordia Parish, for
example, the 1965 desegregation case (Smith v.
enables calculation of the population demographics for each
Census block, precinct, and parish in Louisiana.
16
Concordia Parish School Board, No. 1:65-cv-11577
(W.D. La.)) remains active; the district has not been
declared unitary. After continued delays to
desegregation, the Fifth Circuit ordered district courts
in May of 1969 to “solicit alternative plans from
various defendant school boards.”24 A September 1970
order by the district court demanded an exhaustive set
of requirements for ensuring the school board was
complying with the desegregation order.25 There have
been hundreds of responses, motions and orders since,
all concerning the exact nature of compliance or lack
thereof with the desegregation orders of 1969-70.
The especially egregious example of Concordia
demonstrates how Louisiana’s schools and resources
are sharply divided by race. Despite a nearly even
districtwide demographic split (approximately 47.0%
White, 46.6% Black),26 discipline and access to rigor in
Concordia diverge: White students are 1.5 times more
likely than Black students to take at least one AP
class, while Black students are 2.6 times more likely
to be suspended than White students.27 Recent
24
Greg Margolis & Alex Moody, Smith v. Concordia Parish Sch.
Bd., C.R. LITIG. CLEARINGHOUSE, https://clearinghouse.net/ca
se/13739/ (last visited Aug. 28, 2025); see also Hall v. St. Helena
Parish Sch. Bd., 417 F.2d 801, 809, 812 (5th Cir. 1969)
(consolidating appeals of cases from across Louisiana).
25
Smith v. Concordia Parish Sch. Bd., No 1:65-cv-11577, ECF
No. 82 (W.D. La. Jan. 20, 2015) (digitizing order entered on Sept.
3, 1970).
26
Concordia Parish Public Schools, U.S. NEWS & WORLD
REPORT, https://www.usnews.com/education/k12/louisiana/distric
ts/concordia-parish-108738 (last visited Aug. 29, 2025).
27
Concordia Parish School District, PROPUBLICA (last updated
Oct. 2018), https://projects.propublica.org/miseducation/district/2
200480 (last visited Aug. 29, 2025).
17
reporting by the Los Angeles Times captures the onthe-ground contrast: Ferriday High (90% Black)
appears “old and worn, surrounded by barbed wire,”
while just eight miles away, Vidalia High (62% White)
boasts “clean and bright” facilities and a fresh paint
job; “Even at a glance, the differences are obvious,”
notes the paper. For Brian Davis, father of a Ferriday
student, these stark discrepancies suggest “we’re not
supposed to have the finer things. . . . It’s almost like
our kids don’t deserve it. . . . A lot of parents over here
in Ferriday, they’re stuck here because here they don’t
have the resources to move their kids from A to B. . . .
You’ll find schools like Ferriday — the term is, to me,
slipping into darkness.”28
Nevertheless, local and state leaders have
consistently fought to prevent any equalization of
resources. In 2024, the Department of Justice proposed
a consent order, which the Concordia Parish School
Board rejected.29 Louisiana’s Attorney General offered
to defend the Concordia Parish School Board at no
28
Collin Binkley & Sharon Lurye, Trump Officials Are Vowing
to End School Desegregation Orders. Some Parents Say They’re
Still Needed, L.A. TIMES (June 7, 2025), https://www.latimes.
com/world-nation/story/2025-06-07/trump-officials-are-vowing-toend-school-desegregation-orders-some-parents-say-theyre-still-n
eeded.
29
Draft Consent Order at 7, Smith v. Concordia Parish Sch.
Bd., No. 65-CV-11577 (W.D. La. 2024), available at https://coredocs.s3.us-east-1.amazonaws.com/documents/asset/uploaded_file/
3196/FHS/5100460/Proposed_Consent_Order.pdf (last visited
Aug. 28, 2025); Sabrina Simms Robertson, School board votes
down DOJ consent order to restructure schools, forms cooperative
endeavor with AG’s office to fight it in court, NATCHEZ DEMOCRAT
(Dec. 17, 2024), https://www.natchezdemocrat.com/2024/12/17/sch
ool-board-votes-down-doj-consent-order-to-restructure-schools-fo
rms-cooperative-endeavor-with-ags-office-to-fight-it-in-court/.
18
cost, and her office has been holding strategy sessions
with the school board.30
The pattern of protracted resistance to school
desegregation, and the hoarding of public resources for
White students, has been replicated statewide.31
Moreover, segregation in public schooling does not
account for the additional racial segregation produced
by private schooling. While 23.7% of White students in
30
Sabrina Simms Robertson, Concordia School board, AG rep
strategize on desegregation lawsuit, NATCHEZ DEMOCRAT (July 7,
2025), https://www.natchezdemocrat.com/2025/07/07/concordiaschool-board-meets-with-ag-representative-to-plan-strategy-for60-year-old-desegregation-case/; Sabrina Simms Robertson, State
AG, parish school board to review desegregation lawsuit, NATCHEZ
DEMOCRAT (Dec. 9, 2024), https://www.natchezdemocrat.com/
2024/12/09/state-ag-parish-school-board-to-review-desegregationlawsuit/.
31
Carlie Kollath Wells, Russell Contreras & Kavya Beheraj,
Louisiana’s Most Segregated School Systems, Mapped, AXIOS NEW
ORLEANS (May 17, 2024), https://www.axios.com/local/new-orle
ans/2024/05/17/louisianas-most-segregated-school-systems-mapped
(noting that “Louisiana’s public schools have become more
racially segregated in the past 30 years”). See generally CARL
BANKSTON & STEPHEN CALDAS, A TROUBLED DREAM: THE
PROMISE AND FAILURE OF SCHOOL DESEGREGATION IN LOUISIANA
(2022); United States v. Desoto Parish Sch. Bd., No. 67-CV-12589
(W.D. La.); Thomas v. Sch. Bd. of St. Martin Parish, No. 65-CV11314 (W.D. La.); Moore v. Tangipahoa Parish Sch. Bd., No. 65CV-15556 (E.D. La.). See also Adam Harris, The New Secession,
THE ATLANTIC (May 20, 2019), https://www.theatlantic.
com/education/archive/2019/05/resegregation-baton-rouge-publicschools/589381/; Greg LaRose, Proposal would let breakaway
school districts avoid statewide votes, LOUISIANA ILLUMINATOR
(Apr. 4, 2024), https://lailluminator.com/2024/04/04/school-districts/.
19
Louisiana attended private school in 2021-22, only
5.8% of Black students did the same.32
2. Housing segregation.
Louisiana is ranked moderately high in terms of
Black-White residential segregation relative to other
states.33 There is even greater Black-White separation
at the local level. By the standard dissimilarity index,
Orleans Parish scores about 0.6—a level researchers
classify as very high—and Caddo Parish (Shreveport)
is around 0.53.34 Independent analyses label both New
Orleans and Baton Rouge as high-segregation metros.
The New Orleans metro area is the fifteenth-most
segregated region in the United States; Baton Rouge,
Lake Charles, and Shreveport-Bossier City each make
32
Student Racial Demographics: Louisiana Elementary and
Secondary Public and Private Schools, LA. LEGIS. AUDITOR (Jan.
25, 2023), https://app.lla.state.la.us/publicreports.nsf/0/a4fa835e
5738df42862589420071c04c/$file/00000951.pdf?openelement&.7
773098.
33
Residential Segregation (Black/White) by State, NAT’L INST.
ON MINORITY HEALTH AND HEALTH DISPARITIES, https://hdpulse.ni
mhd.nih.gov/data-portal/physical/table?age=001&age_options=a
geall_1&demo=01005&demo_options=air_pollution_1&physicalt
opic=100&physicaltopic_options=physical_2&race=00&race_opti
ons=raceall_1&sex=0&sex_options=sexboth_1&statefips=00&st
atefips_options=area_states&state (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
34
FED. RSRV. BANK OF ST. LOUIS, White to Non-White Racial
Dissimilarity (5-year estimate) Index for Orleans Parish, LA,
https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/RACEDISPARITY022071 (last
visited Aug. 28, 2025); FED. RSRV. BANK OF ST. LOUIS, White to
Non-White Racial Dissimilarity (5-year estimate) Index for Caddo
Parish, LA, https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/RACEDISPARITY02
2017 (last visited Aug. 28, 2025). See also Residential Segregation,
DIVERSITY AND DISPARITIES, https://s4.ad.brown.edu/projects/di
versity/segregation2010/Default.aspx (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
20
the top fifty. Since 1991, five of Louisiana’s six largest
metro areas have become more racially segregated.36
Louisiana’s parishes are also becoming more racially
segregated: From 2013 to 2023, the average parish
racial dissimilarity index score climbed from 37.5 to
39.0.37
35
Housing audit studies, which ask people with
comparable qualifications but of different races to
record how they are treated, are widely recognized as
the gold standard for identifying housing discrimination. A study focusing on New Orleans and several
other major U.S. cities found that Black auditors were
far more likely to be denied housing than White
auditors.38 In New Orleans, the Black auditor was
treated “unfavorably” relative to the White auditor in
43 out of 75 tests. The discrimination was notably
more severe in New Orleans than in the other cities
because there was a strikingly high rate of outright
refusals to even show the housing unit to Black
auditors. These findings underscore how Louisiana
35
Most to Least Segregated Metro Regions in 2020, BERKELEY
OTHERING & BELONGING INST., https://belonging.berkeley.edu/mo
st-least-segregated-metro-regions-2020 (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
36
Change in Segregation, 1990-2019, BERKELEY OTHERING &
BELONGING INST., https://belonging.berkeley.edu/change-segrega
tion-1990-2019 (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
37
Racial Dissimilarity Index | Louisiana, FED. RSRV. ECON.
DATA, FED. RSRV. BANK OF ST. LOUIS, https://fred.stlouisfed.org/re
lease/tables?rid=419&eid=353324 (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
38
LA. FAIR HOUS. ACTION CTR., Denials, Discounts, and
Discrimination: An Investigation into Racial Discrimination in
Rental Practices in the Gulf South (2021), https://lafairhousing.
org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/LaFHAC-Denials-Discounts-andDiscrimination-in-the-Gulf-South.pdf (last visited Aug. 29, 2025).
21
housing access, and therefore residential patterns,
remain shaped by racial discrimination.
3. Other socioeconomic measures.
The American Human Development Index (AHDI) is
a widely used tool that combines official data on
health, education, and standard of living to measure
overall life quality on a scale of 0 to 10.39 The 2020
report shows an overall United States score of 5.24; a
Louisiana score of 4.35; but a White Louisianan score
of 5.15 compared with a Black Louisianan score of
2.93.40 The factors driving this differential are that
Black Louisianans have significantly shorter life
expectancy, more limited educational access, and
significantly lower income levels.
Mortality rates in the state further demonstrate the
vast gulf that still exists between Black and White
Louisianans. Measured in deaths per 100,000
residents, Whites have a premature avoidable
mortality rate of just 393.6 while Blacks have a rate of
617.2—an absolute gap of 223.6 per 100,000, meaning
the Black rate is about 56.8% higher.41
Unemployment rates follow the same pattern.
According to the ACS 2019–2023 5-year estimates, the
unemployment rate for Black Louisianans (9.7%) is
39
See Kristen Lewis, A Portrait of Louisiana 2020: Human
Development in an Age of Uncertainty, 9 (2020), https://ssrcstatic.s3.amazonaws.com/moa/A_Portrait_of_Louisiana_2020.pdf
(last visited Aug. 29, 2025).
40
41
Id. at 26.
David C. Radley et al., Advancing Racial Equality in U.S.
Health Care: The Commonwealth Fund 2024 State Health
Disparities Report, THE COMMONWEALTH FUND (Apr. 18, 2024),
https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/fund-reports/20
24/apr/advancing-racial-equity-us-health-care.
22
more than twice that of White Louisianans (4.6%)—a
disparity of 110.9%. This gap vastly surpasses the
national average: Nationally, the disparity between
Black and non-Hispanic White unemployment rates is
84.6%.42
So too with poverty. According to the ACS 2019–2023
5-year estimates, 29.8% of Black Louisianans live
below the poverty line, compared with 12.4% of nonHispanic White Louisianans—a 140.3% higher rate.43
Income figures tell the same story. Using the ACS
2019–2023 5-year per-capita income figures, the
average income for non-Hispanic White Louisianans is
nearly twice that of Black Louisianans—$41,753 vs.
$22,710. Put another way, Black Louisianans earn
45.6% less than White Louisianans.44
42
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table S2301, Employment Status,
American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, https://data.
census.gov/table/ACSST5Y2023.S2301?q=%22unemployment+ra
te%22&g=010XX00US_040XX00US22&y=2023&moe=false&tp=
false (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
43
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table S1701, Poverty Status in the Past
12 Months, American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates,
https://data.census.gov/table/ACSST5Y2023.S1701?q=S1701&g=
010XX00US_040XX00US22 (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
44
U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table B19301H, Per Capita Income in
the Past 12 Months (in 2023 Inflation-Adjusted Dollars) (White
Alone, Not Hispanic or Latino), American Community Survey 5Year Estimates, https://data.census.gov/table/ACSDT5Y2023.B19
301H?q=%22per+capita+income%22&g=040XX00US22&y=2023
(last visited Aug. 28, 2025); U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, Table B19301B,
Per Capita Income in the Past 12 Months (in 2023 InflationAdjusted Dollars) (Black or African American Alone), American
Community Survey 5-Year Estimates, https://data.census.gov/
table/ACSDT5Y2023.B19301B?q=%22per+capita+income%22&g
=040XX00US22&y=2023 (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
23
U.S. News & World Report rankings bear out these
findings. Their study of racial income inequality labels
Louisiana the 13th worst state for racial income
inequality (38th overall).45 The magazine’s “Equality
Metric,” which encompasses race, gender, and
disability, is even harsher, with Louisiana ranked 44th
overall.46
Finally, consider homeownership rates by the race of
householder:47
Year
White
Black
1990
72.3%
50.9%
2000
75.7%
51.8%
2010
76.0%
51.1%
2020
77.3%
46.1%
Despite the Black voting-age population growing
from 26.6% to 31.25% of the electorate, the
homeownership rate fell for Black residents (by 4.8%)
while increasing for White residents (by 5%). Overall,
the White-Black gap in homeownership rates grew by
9.8%, from 21.4% in 1990 to 31.2% in 2020.
45
Income Gap by Race, U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, https://
www.usnews.com/news/best-states/rankings/opportunity/equality/
income-gap-race (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
46
Equality, U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, https://www.
usnews.com/news/best-states/rankings/opportunity/equality (last
visited Aug. 28, 2025).
47
Forecasting State and National Trends in Household
Formation and Homeownership: Louisiana, URBAN INSTITUTE,
https://www.urban.org/policy-centers/housing-finance-policy-cen
ter/projects/forecasting-state-and-national-trends-household-for
mation-and-homeownership/louisiana?utm (last visited Aug. 28,
2025).
24
4. Hurricane Katrina.
Appellees also suggest that Hurricane Katrina is a
non-discriminatory explanation for the purported
dispersal of Black Louisianans. Appellees’ First Br. at
38. But careful study of the events following Hurricane
Katrina illustrates that racial discrimination played a
key role in migration and return.
Return migration to storm-affected areas was highly
racially selective.48 White residents were generally
able to return home more quickly than Black
residents, due in large part to the severity of the
damage sustained by the houses of Black residents.49
Half of White residents had returned to New Orleans
within 3 months of Katrina, whereas fewer than half
of Black residents had returned to the city within 14
months.50 By one 2015 estimate, over 175,000 Black
residents left New Orleans in the year after Katrina,
and more than 75,000 never returned—and in
Katrina’s aftermath, while the city’s poor remained
overwhelmingly Black, the upper and middle classes
were increasingly White.51
While some New Orleans neighborhoods became
more racially diverse after Katrina, this change
largely reflected the inability of many Black residents
to return, combined with White residents moving into
48
Elizabeth Fussell et al., Race, Socioeconomic Status, and
Return Migration to New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, 31
POPULATION AND ENV’T 20 (2010).
49
Id.
50
Id. at 31.
51
Ben Casselman, Katrina Washed Away New Orleans’s Black
Middle Class, FIVETHIRTYEIGHT (Aug. 24, 2015), https://five
thirtyeight.com/features/katrina-washed-away-new-orleanss-blackmiddle-class.
25
predominantly Black neighborhoods.52 Several neighboring parishes implemented discriminatory measures
intended to prevent those displaced by Katrina from
obtaining housing in their parishes: one restricted
homeowners’ abilities to rent single-family homes to
non-relatives (until federal civil rights litigation forced
them to stop), while another passed a resolution
opposing low-income, multi-family housing in the
areas closest to New Orleans.53 And in response to
evacuees arriving in St. Tammany Parish post-Katrina
the sheriff “announced that people with dreadlocks or
‘chee wee hairstyles’ could ‘expect to be getting a visit
from a sheriff ’s deputy.’”54 A broader body of research
demonstrates that disasters often exacerbate racial
inequality, in part due to inequities in how FEMA aid
is distributed.55
Black New Orleans residents also disproportionately faced obstacles to voting after the storm. During
the mayoral elections following Katrina in 2006,
52
Nathan Babb, “Baby Won’t You Please Come Home:” Studying
Ethnoracial Segregation Trends in New Orleans Pre and Post
Hurricane Katrina, PRINCETON U.: J. PUB. & INT’L AFFS. (May 5,
2021), https://jpia.princeton.edu/news/baby-wont-you-please-comehome-studying-ethnoracial-segregation-trends-new-orleans-preand-post.
53
William P. Quigley, Katrina Voting Wrongs: Aftermath of
Hurricane and Weak Enforcement Dilute African American Voting
Rights in New Orleans, 14 WASH. & LEE J. C.R. & SOC. JUST. 49,
57–58 (2007).
54
Id. at 58 (quoting Paul Rioux, Sheriff Jack Strain is Sticking
to His Guns, NEW ORLEANS TIMES-PICAYUNE, July 16, 2006, at A1;
Paul Rioux, Group to Comb Sheriff’s Files for Signs of Hiring
Bias, NEW ORLEANS TIMES-PICAYUNE, Aug. 3, 2006, at A1).
55
E.g., Junia Howell & James R. Elliott, Damages Done: The
Longitudinal Impacts of Natural Hazards on Wealth Inequality
in the United States, 66 SOC. PROBS. 448 (2019).
26
turnout actually increased in White areas that had
been less affected by the storm, but notably decreased
in Black neighborhoods, which had suffered more
damage.56
Facing litigation, the state legislature adopted some
limited measures to ease the burden on displaced
voters ahead of the 2006 elections, but they were
cumbersome and left out many displaced residents.57
First-time voters were not able to vote by mail unless
they had registered between October 5, 2004, and
September 25, 2005 (just one month after Katrina).58
Satellite voting centers were available at ten locations
within the state, but excluded many voters refuging in
other states.59 Even these limited measures expired
ahead of the 2007 elections,60 despite continued
displacement.61 And sure enough, in 2007, for the first
time in over two decades, the city council became
majority-White, following an election in which more
White voters participated than Black voters and
voting was largely along racial lines.62 Two New
Orleans seats in the state legislature and a state court
judgeship also flipped from Black to White elected
56
Quigley, supra note 53, at 71–72.
57
Id. at 67–71.
58
Id. at 69 & n.134.
59
Id.
60
Id. at 73–74.
61
See, e.g., Casselman, supra note 51 (finding that a large
number of Black residents still had not returned even by 2015).
62
Adam Nossiter, Whites Take a Majority on New Orleans’s
Council, N.Y. TIMES (Nov. 20, 2007), https://www.nytimes.
com/2007/11/20/us/nationalspecial/20orleans.html (noting that
“[r]acial divisions on the Council have been sharp”).
27
officials. The percentage of Black registrants who
voted in the October and November 2007 races in
Orleans Parish decreased by 18.22% and 31.13%,
respectively, compared to those elections in 2003,
whereas White percentages decreased by only 6.68%
and 20.51%, respectively.64
63
This displacement was astoundingly welcomed by
some as a political opportunity.65 Following Katrina,
some suggested that the electoral “margin of victory
[in Louisiana] was living in the Astrodome in Houston.”66
Some residents expressed a desire to see the city
rebuilt “in a completely different way: demographically, geographically, and politically.”67 And although
Black legislators sought to facilitate ballot access for
displaced Black voters, many of their efforts failed.68
63
Id.
64
LA. SEC’Y OF STATE, Post Election Statistics – Parish,
https://www.sos.la.gov/ElectionsAndVoting/Pages/PostElectionSt
atisticsParish.aspx (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
65
GOP Eyes Big Easy Gains After Incumbent Lapses, WASH.
TIMES (Oct. 26, 2005), https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/
2005/oct/26/20051026-111834-1596r/.
66
Michael A. Fletcher & Spencer S. Hsu, Storms Alter
Louisiana Politics, WASH. POST (Oct. 13, 2005), https://www.
washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2005/10/14/storms-alter-lou
isiana-politics/a1a58f69-d4b0-4277-b28e-72595579d346/.
67
Christopher Cooper, Old-Line Families Escape Worst of Flood
and Plot the Future, WALL ST. J. (Sept. 8, 2005), https://www.
wsj.com/articles/SB112614485840634882?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=A
SWzDAguwrwAbls81ohum-O90zmig-FBUEh9kalFRvh3H5n2Y
Y4y0Dts8J9MHqhHRqM%3D&gaa_ts=68af1239&gaa_sig=Rzz2
M2wTiIhnuP-YvpP9cifuC9IHSmI-f_wi3c_Nq-6HC39eNUGvNm
84tsvGjQB6hzIprF-Kb219nALEDhwiuw%3D%3D.
68
William T. Hoston, Black Legislative Politics: Examining the
Issue of Voting Rights in the Post-Hurricane Katrina Period, 49
SOC. SCI. J. 476, 481, 483 (2012).
28
Nor was this failure strictly along partisan lines, as
White Democrats were less likely to support such
measures than their near-unanimous Black
counterparts.69
These events are but the tip of the iceberg of
challenges faced by southeastern Louisianans after
Hurricane Katrina. To conclude that any dispersal
resulting from these events somehow proves the
Voting Rights Act is no longer needed in Louisiana is
a profound misreading of this history.
5. State-enacted intentional discrimination.
Federal courts and federal agencies have repeatedly
determined that Louisiana’s local, parish, and state
officials engaged in shocking, flagrant, and widespread
intentional racial discrimination in the past decade
alone.
In January 2025, the U.S. Department of Justice
determined that the Louisiana State Police engage in
a statewide “pattern or practice” of conduct that
violates the Fourth Amendment, characterized by
excessive use of force that was disproportionately
directed towards Black residents. Troopers repeatedly
used racially derogatory language—for example, one
trooper, who was never disciplined, called a coworker
a “f---ing n-----.” The agency systematically “failed to
meaningfully impose discipline in the face of instances
of explicit racial bias.”70
69
70
Id. at 481–82.
U.S. DEP’T OF JUST., CIVIL RIGHTS DIV. & U.S. ATT’YS OFFICES
E., MIDDLE, AND W. DISTS. OF LA., Investigation of the
Louisiana State Police at 1–2, 6, 23 (Jan. 16, 2025), https://www.
justice.gov/crt/media/1384626/dl.
FOR
29
In 2023, the FBI opened an investigation into the
East Baton Rouge Police Department’s use of an
unmarked warehouse, known as the “Brave Cave,” to
strip, humiliate, and torture detainees, the overwhelming majority of whom were Black and Latino. In
February 2025, the Middle District of Louisiana ruled
that civil claims against the officers involved may
proceed.71
Higher courts, including this Court, have repeatedly
reversed Louisiana convictions for violations of Batson
v. Kentucky, 476 U.S. 79 (1986). E.g., Snyder v.
Louisiana, 552 U.S. 472 (2008); Louisiana v.
Broussard, 318 So. 3d 683 (La. 2018)). An empirical
study of Caddo Parish felony trials found that
prosecutors from the Caddo Parish District Attorney’s
Office struck Black prospective jurors 46% of the time,
compared with 15% for non-Black jurors; some
prosecutors struck Black jurors at 4.5 to 5 times the
rate of others.72
This Court has also recognized the direct line
between Jim Crow-era policies and contemporary
racial discrimination. In 2020, this Court struck down
Louisiana’s non-unanimous (split) jury rule, holding
that the Sixth Amendment requires unanimous
verdicts in state criminal trials. Ramos v. Louisiana,
71
See generally Brown v. Lawrence, No. 23-1313
(M.D. La. Feb. 19, 2025). See also Livia Albeck-Ripka, F.B.I.
Investigating Charges of Abuse by Baton Rouge Police in ‘Brave
Cave’, N.Y. TIMES (Sept. 24, 2023), https://www.nytimes.com/20
23/09/24/us/louisiana-police-brave-cave-abuse.html.
72
Ursula Noye, Blackstrikes: A Study of the Racially Disparate
Use of Peremptory Challenges by the Caddo Parish District
Attorney’s Office, REPRIEVE AUSTRALIA, 2, 7–11 (Aug. 2015),
https://www.prisonpolicy.org/scans/reprieve_australia/Blackstrik
es_Caddo_Parish_August_2015.pdf (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
30
590 U.S. 83 (2020). In its opinion, the Court attributed
the origins of the rule to Louisiana’s 1898
constitutional convention, whose stated aim was to
“establish the supremacy of the white race.” Id. at 87.
Louisiana’s overall incarceration rate is among the
highest in the nation, and Black Louisianans are
vastly overrepresented within the state’s prisons.73
Roughly 75% of people serving life sentences without
parole are Black; a staggering 81% of those who were
26 and younger when sentenced to life without parole
are Black.74 The state’s largest penitentiary—Louisiana
State Penitentiary at Angola—is a former slave
plantation developed by one of the nation’s largest
slave traders, Isaac Franklin.75 It remains a place
where prisoners, overwhelmingly Black, are coerced to
perform unpaid field labor by hand. Former inmates
routinely liken conditions at Angola to chattel
slavery: “You can’t call it anything else. It’s just
slavery,” stated Calvin Thomas, a former detainee, in
2024.76 Courts have repeatedly found that living and
73
Louisiana, PRISON POL’Y INITIATIVE, https://www.prison
policy.org/profiles/LA.html (last visited Aug. 28, 2025).
74
Life in Prison Without Parole in Louisiana, SENT’G PROJECT
(Jan. 23, 2024), https://www.sentencingproject.org/fact-sheet/lifein-prison-without-parole-in-louisiana.
75
Joanne Ryan & Stephanie L. Perrault, Angola: Plantation to
Penitentiary, U.S. ARMY CORPS OF ENG’RS, NEW ORLEANS DIST., 1
(2007), https://www.crt.state.la.us/Assets/OCD/archaeology/disco
verarchaeology/virtual-books/PDFs/Angola_Pop.pdf (last visited
Aug. 28, 2025). See generally JOSHUA D. ROTHMAN, THE LEDGER
AND THE CHAIN: HOW DOMESTIC SLAVE TRADERS SHAPED AMERICA
(2021).
76
Robin McDowell & Margie Mason, Prisoners in the US are
part of a hidden workforce linked to hundreds of popular food
brands, AP NEWS (Jan. 29, 2024), https://apnews.com/article/
31
labor conditions at Angola violate detainees’ Eighth
Amendment rights.77 In May 2025, a federal court
ordered enhanced heat protections for prisoners
working on the “field line,” where summer temperatures routinely exceed 90 degrees and often top 100
degrees.78 About 65% of Angola’s incarcerated
population is Black.79
In Louisiana housing and zoning cases, federal
courts have repeatedly found racial discrimination.
After Hurricane Katrina, St. Bernard Parish passed a
series of parish ordinances and zoning measures
aimed at excluding Black New Orleanians from
moving into the parish, including a “blood relative
rule” that restricted rental housing to an owner’s blood
relative. In 2009, the U.S. District Court for the
Eastern District of Louisiana held that the Parish’s
actions violated the Fair Housing Act and were
undertaken with racially discriminatory intent.80 The
state’s post-Katrina “Road Home” grant formula also
disproportionately disfavored poor, predominantly
Black homeowners, prompting litigation that
culminated in a 2011 HUD–Louisiana settlement
prison-to-plate-inmate-labor-investigation-c6f0eb474796328331
6e494eadf08c4e.
77
See, e.g., Lewis v. Cain, No. 15-CV-318 (M.D. La.); Alex A. v.
Edwards, No. 22-CV-573 (M.D. La).
78
Voice of the Experienced v. LeBlanc, No. 23-CV-01304, 2025
U.S. Dist. LEXIS 163943, at *11 (M.D. La. Aug. 22, 2025).
79
80
McDowell & Mason, supra note 76.
Greater New Orleans Fair Hous. Action Ctr. v. St. Bernard
Parish, 641 F. Supp. 2d 563 (E.D. La. 2009).
32
delivering an additional $62 million in compensation
to affected owners.81
The Environmental Protection Agency and the
Department of Justice have also repeatedly found
strong evidence that Black residents have been
subjected to discrimination through the state’s failure
to enforce environmental regulations, particularly in
the majority-Black Mississippi River corridor known
as “Cancer Alley.” Home to more than 200 petrochemical plants and refineries, the region’s estimated
cancer risks from air pollution exceed federal
thresholds. In 2022, the EPA found strong evidence
that Black residents and schoolchildren near Denka’s
LaPlace plant have been subjected to racial discrimination via state permitting and enforcement patterns.82
In February 2023, the Department of Justice, on behalf
of the EPA, filed a complaint alleging that emissions
81
Jeff Adelson et al., The Road Home program shortchanged
low-income homeowners in Louisiana. New data proves it,
NOLA.COM (Dec. 11, 2022), https://www.nola.com/news/katrina/
how-louisianas-road-home-program-shortchanged-the-poor/artic
le_b61193f0-773e-11ed-b339-1fb6f4dbaa42.amp.html; David Hammer,
Behind the Key Decision That Left Many Poor Homeowners
Without Enough Money to Rebuild After Katrina, PROPUBLICA
(Dec. 13, 2022), https://www.propublica.org/article/why-louisianaroad-home-program-based-grants-on-home-values; HUD and
Louisiana Announce Settlement Agreement to End Legal Challenge
to Road Home Program, U.S. DEP’T OF HOUS. & URB. DEV. (July 6,
2011), https://archives.hud.gov/news/2011/pr11-138.cfm.
82
Letter from U.S. Env’t Prot. Agency, Off. of Env’t Just. &
External C.R., to La. Dep’t of Env’t Quality & La. Dep’t of Health
(Oct. 12, 2022), https://www.epa.gov/system/files/documents/20
22-10/2022%2010%2012%20Final%20Letter%20LDEQ%20LDH
%2001R-22-R6%2C%2002R-22-R6%2C%2004R-22-R6.pdf. See also
Environmental racism in Louisiana’s ‘Cancer Alley’, must end, say
UN human rights experts, UN NEWS (Mar. 2, 2021), https://
news.un.org/en/story/2021/03/1086172.
33
from Denka’s LaPlace facility created unsafe concentrations around homes and schools in predominantly
Black St. John the Baptist Parish.83 In March 2025,
the Justice Department voluntarily dismissed that
lawsuit; that dismissal, however, did not alter the
EPA’s underlying risk assessments or findings that
Louisiana’s environmental permitting and enforcement practices impose disproportionate pollution
burdens on Black communities and may violate
federal civil rights law.84
These formal findings, court orders, data, and lived
conditions all demonstrate that present-day discrimination in Louisiana is systemic and state-enabled. The
recurrence of the same harms reflects institutional
choices traceable to Jim Crow and reproduced through
contemporary practices, ongoing and mutually
reinforcing. Black Louisianans, and through them
Louisiana as a whole, therefore have a compelling
interest in the continued strength and vigorous
enforcement of Section 2, and in robust remedies that
secure equal access to the political process.
* * *
Every patriotic American looks forward to the day
when enforcement under the Voting Rights Act is no
longer necessary. Yet aspiration cannot substitute for
83
U.S. DEP’T OF JUST., Justice Department Files Complaint
Alleging Public Health Endangerment Caused by Denka Performance Elastomer’s Carcinogenic Air Pollution (Feb. 28, 2025),
https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/justice-department-filescomplaint-alleging-public-health-endangerment-caused-denka.
84
U.S. DEP’T OF JUST., Justice Department Dismisses Suit
Against Denka, Delivering on President Trump’s Mandate to End
Radical DEI Programs (Mar. 7, 2025), https://www.justice.gov/
opa/pr/justice-department-dismisses-suit-against-denka-deliveri
ng-president-trumps-mandate-end.
34
evidence. Until discriminatory practices by government institutions are truly relegated to the past, the
Voting Rights Act remains an essential safeguard to
prevent current harm. The totality of the circumstances analysis ensures that Section 2 remains
available where needed and operates only when
discriminatory harm is present. The history and
current conditions—of Louisiana, the Voting Rights
Act, and our nation—demand nothing less.
* * *
CONCLUSION
The judgement of the three-judge district court
should be reversed.
Respectfully submitted,
HILARY HARRIS KLEIN
Counsel of Record
CHRISTOPHER SHENTON
JEFFREY LOPERFIDO
ADRIANNE SPOTO
LILY TALERMAN
HELENA ABBOTT
RACHEL ALLORE
MITCHELL BROWN
SOUTHERN COALITION FOR
SOCIAL JUSTICE
P.O. Box 51280
Durham, NC 27717
(610) 574 5244
hilaryhklein@scsj.org
September 3, 2025
Counsel for Amici Curiae
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.