Amicus Curiae Brief — Eunice Medina, Director, South Carolina Department of Health and Human Services, Petitioner v. Planned Parenthood South Atlantic, et al.
Supreme Court briefFeb 10, 2025
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No. 23-1275
In the
Supreme Court of the United States
EUNICE MEDINA, INTERIM DIRECTOR,
SOUTH CAROLINA DEPARTMENT OF
HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES,
Petitioner,
v.
PLANNED PARENTHOOD SOUTH ATLANTIC, et al.,
Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the
United States Court of A ppeals for the Fourth Circuit
BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE
SOUTHEASTERN LEGAL FOUNDATION
IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
February 10, 2025
Braden H. Boucek
Counsel of Record
Benjamin I. B. Isgur
Southeastern Legal Foundation
560 West Crossville Road, Suite 104
Roswell, GA 30075
(770) 977-2131
bboucek@southeasternlegal.org
bisgur@southeasternlegal.org
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
120251
A
(800) 274-3321 • (800) 359-6859
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF CONTENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
ARGUMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
I. The Court Should Revisit Its Spending Clause
Jurisprudence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
II. The Medicaid Act Does Not Create a Right Even
Under Existing Jurisprudence. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
ii
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES
Page
CASES
Arlington Cent. Sch. Dist. Bd. of Educ. v. Murphy,
548 U.S. 291 (2006) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Armstrong v. Exceptional Child Ctr., Inc.,
575 U.S. 320 (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
District of Columbia v. Heller,
554 U.S. 570 (2008) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org.,
597 U.S. 215 (2022) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2, 4
Gonzaga Univ. v. Doe,
536 U.S. 273 (2002) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Health & Hospital Corporation of Marion
County v. Talevski,
599 U.S. 166 (2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5-7, 10-11
Kennedy v. Bremerton Sch. Dist.,
597 U.S. 507 (2022) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Kentucky v. Yellen,
67 F.4th 325 (6th Cir. 2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11-12
Kisor v. Wilkie,
139 S. Ct. 2400 (2019) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
iii
Cited Authorities
Page
Loper Bright Enters. v. Raimondo,
603 U.S. 369 (2024) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
N.Y. State Rifle & Piston Ass’n v. Bruen,
597 U.S. 1 (2022) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Nat’l Ass’n of Mfrs. v. Dep’t of Def.,
138 S. Ct. 617 (2018) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Nat’l Fed. of Indep. Bus. v. Sebelius,
567 U.S. 519 (2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11-13
Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman,
451 U.S. 1 (1981) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Planned Parenthood S. Atl. v. Baker,
941 F.3d 687 (4th Cir. 2019) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Texas v. Yellen,
105 F.4th 755 (5th Cir. 2024) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Town of Greece v. Galloway,
572 U.S. 565 (2014) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
United States v. Butler,
297 U.S. 1 (1936) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Util. Air Regulatory Grp. v. EPA,
573 U.S. 302 (2014) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
iv
Cited Authorities
Page
West Virginia v. U.S. Dept. of the Treasury,
59 F.4th 1124 (11th Cir. 2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11-12
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS
U.S. Const. amend. II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
U.S. Const. Art. I, § 8, cl. 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3, 7-8
STATUTES
42 U.S.C. § 1396a(a)(23) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
42 U.S.C. § 1396a(p)(1) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
42 U.S.C. § 1983 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3, 10-12
3 Debates on the Constitution 207
(J. Elliot ed. 1876) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8-9
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Affordable Care Act . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Antonin Scalia, Originalism: The Lesser Evil,
57 U. Cin. L. Rev. 849 (1989) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4-5
David E. Engdahl, The Contract Thesis of the Federal
Spending Power, 52 S.D. L. Rev. 496 (2007) . . . . . . . 6
v
Cited Authorities
Page
E d w i n M e e s e I I I , Pe r s p e c t i v e o n t h e
Au t h o r i t a tiv e n e ss of Su p r e m e Co u r t
Decision: the Law of the Constitution,
61 Tul. L. Rev. 979 (1987) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
General Welfare Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2-5, 7-8, 10
Jeffrey T. Renz, What Spending Clause? –
(O r t h e P r e s i d e n t ’s Pa r a m o u r): A n
Examination of the Views of Hamilton,
Madison, and Story on Article I, Section 8,
Clause 1 of the United States Constitution,
33 John Marshall L. Rev. 81 (1999) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6-7
Living Constitutionalism, Black’s Law Dictionary
(Westlaw 12th ed. 2024) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Lawrence Solum, The Fixation Thesis: The
Role of Historical Fact in Original Meaning,
91 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1 (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Medicaid Act . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1-3, 10-13
Noah Webst er, A n Examination Into the
Leading Principles of the Federal Constitution,
in Pamphlets on the Constitution of the
United States (P. Ford ed. 1888) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
vi
Cited Authorities
Page
Philip Hamburger, Purchasing Submission (2021) . . . . 6
Randy Barnett, An Originalism for Nonoriginalists,
45 Loy. U. L. Rev. 611 (1999) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Randy E. Barnett & Law rence B. Solum,
Or iginalism Af ter Dobbs, Br uen, an d
K e n n e d y : T h e R o l e o f Hi s t o r y a n d
Tradition, 118 Nw. U. L. Rev. 433 (2023) . . . . . . . . . 5
Robert Natelson, The General Welfare Clause and
the Public Trust: An Essay in Original
Understanding, 52 Kan. L. Rev. 1 (2003) . . . . . . . 6-8
Rule 37 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Spending Clause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2-3, 6, 10
The Federalist No. 41 (C. Rossiter ed. 1961) . . . . . . . . 8-9
1
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE1
Southeastern Legal Foundation, founded in 1976,
is a national, nonprofit legal organization dedicated to
defending liberty and Rebuilding the American Republic.
For nearly 50 years, SLF has advocated, both in and
out of the courtroom, to protect individual rights and
the framework set forth to protect those rights in the
Constitution. This aspect of its advocacy is reflected
in the regular representation of those challenging
government overreach and other actions in violation of the
constitutional framework. See, e.g., Util. Air Regulatory
Grp. v. EPA, 573 U.S. 302 (2014); Nat’l Ass’n of Mfrs. v.
Dep’t of Def., 138 S. Ct. 617 (2018). SLF also regularly
files amicus curiae briefs with this Court about issues of
agency overreach and deference. See, e.g., Kisor v. Wilkie,
139 S. Ct. 2400 (2019); Loper Bright Enters. v. Raimondo,
603 U.S. 369 (2024).
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
States possess the inherent sovereign authority to
decide with whom they will contract. When Congress
passed the Medicaid Act, it neither said nor suggested
that federal courts, not the State itself, would decide which
entities were qualified to provide healthcare in that State.
Despite that, the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit
appointed itself arbiter of healthcare qualifications and
forced South Carolina’s hand by requiring it to subsidize
Planned Parenthood with taxpayer money.
1. Rule 37 statement: No party’s counsel authored any of
this brief; Amicus alone funded its preparation and submission.
See Sup. Ct. R. 37.6.
2
Congress did not grant the courts that role. Indeed,
Congress labored to preserve each state’s sovereign
discretion. The Medicaid Act does not confer an individual
right enforceable in federal court—nor could it do so
consistent with our Constitution. The Fourth Circuit’s
opinion strays so far from the constitutional order
because of a faulty foundation. This case should prompt
an originalist examination of the underlying constitutional
principles at issue and the Court should return its
jurisprudence to solid ground once and for all.
Although this case is postured as a Spending Clause
case, the Court should begin with an examination of
the General Welfare Clause. The former only exists
because of a twisted reading of the latter. The Court’s
jurisprudence will not align with the text, history, and
tradition of the Constitution until the Court re-examines
the General Welfare Clause itself. Tweaking Spending
Clause jurisprudence year after year merely repaints
a constitutional façade that is built upon a rotting
foundation. Current precedent is badly out of step with
the original public meaning of the clause, as well as its
history and tradition, and even its plain text. For too long,
this misreading of the General Welfare Clause has created
spending powers divorced from Congress’s enumerated
legislative powers. That invention is as atextual as it is
ahistorical. Because an accurate reading of the General
Welfare Clause would resolve this case, the Court should
carefully re-examine its existing jurisprudence. Existing
precedent in this area is “egregiously wrong,” and “on a
collision course with the Constitution from the day it was
decided . . . .” Cf. Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org.,
597 U.S. 215, 268 (2022). The sooner it is corrected, the
better.
3
In the alternative, the Medicaid Act is too ambiguous
to have created an individual right enforceable under
§ 1983. A long tradition of cases has clarified that
enactments pursuant to the spending power, like the
Medicaid Act, must provide clear and unambiguous notice
to the recipient state of its obligations. That is not so here
for two reasons. First, the effect of the Fourth Circuit’s
reading of the Act is to transform Medicaid from a staterun system to one where the State can no longer exclude
participants without federal court say-so. And second,
even if the Act does provide clear notice that it is creating
an enforceable right, the contours and effect of that right
are anything but clear. The recipient state must actually
know what it is agreeing to. That could not occur here.
In either case, this Court should reverse the decision
of the Fourth Circuit.
ARGUMENT
I.
The Court Should Revisit Its Spending Clause
Jurisprudence.
This Court’s jurisprudence has for centuries misread
the General Welfare Clause to create a spending power.
That misreading has been dubbed the Spending Clause.
No such clause exists: “The Congress shall have Power
To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises,
to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence
and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties,
Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the
United States[.]” U.S. Const. Art. 1, § 8, cl. 1. The text
itself is clear that the second portion of the clause is a
limitation on Congress’s power to tax—not a separate
4
power to spend. This Court’s jurisprudence has strayed
far afield from the original meaning.
The Court, in recent years, has faithfully worked
to correct its jurisprudence to reflect the Constitution’s
original public meaning by analyzing its text and history.
See, e.g., N.Y. State Rifle & Piston Ass’n v. Bruen, 597 U.S.
1, 22, 24 (2022) (interpreting Second Amendment based
on “constitutional text and history”); Dobbs, 597 U.S. at
240; Town of Greece v. Galloway, 572 U.S. 565, 578–79
(2014); District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 595
(2008) (“There seems to us no doubt, on the basis of both
text and history, that the Second Amendment conferred
an individual right to keep and bear arms.”). This work
has employed “[a]n analysis focused on original meaning
and history” as the “rule,” not the “exception,” to better
enforce constitutional provisions as understood by those
who enacted them. Kennedy v. Bremerton Sch. Dist., 597
U.S. 507, 536 (2022). This case presents an opportunity
to continue that work and restore the original meaning
of the General Welfare Clause.
Originalism posits that the meaning of terms is fixed
at the time of ratification. Lawrence Solum, The Fixation
Thesis: The Role of Historical Fact in Original Meaning,
91 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1, 1–2 (2015). It ensures respect
for “the consent of the governed with which the actions
of the governors must be squared.” Edwin Meese III,
Perspective on the Authoritativeness of Supreme Court
Decision: the Law of the Constitution, 61 Tul. L. Rev. 979,
986 (1987). It excludes the notion that meaning changes
over time because a democratic society “does not, by
and large, need constitutional guarantees to ensure that
its laws will reflect ‘current values.’” Antonin Scalia,
5
Originalism: The Lesser Evil, 57 U. Cin. L. Rev. 849, 862
(1989). Originalism, therefore, “follows inexorably” from
our commitment to a written constitution. Randy Barnett,
An Originalism for Nonoriginalists, 45 Loy. U. L. Rev.
611, 636 (1999).
This contrasts with living constitutionalism, or “the
doctrine that the Constitution should be interpreted
and applied in accordance with changing circumstances
and, in particular, with changes in social values.” Living
Constitutionalism, Black’s Law Dictionary (Westlaw
12th ed. 2024). Living constitutionalism “allow[s] judges
to adopt novel constitutional constructions in response to
changing values and circumstance.” Randy E. Barnett &
Lawrence B. Solum, Originalism After Dobbs, Bruen,
and Kennedy: The Role of History and Tradition, 118 Nw.
U. L. Rev. 433, 451 (2023). Originalists maintain that living
constitutionalists (1) subvert the rule of law by permitting
judges to make constitutional rulings based on their
subjective beliefs instead of the fixed meaning of the text;
(2) undermine the separation of powers by empowering
judges to make and apply constitutional law instead of
effecting the meaning of the constitutional text and
preexisting legal rules; and (3) undermine popular
sovereignty by elevating the authority of judges over the
people’s will as expressed through enacting supermajorities
or constitutional conventions. Id. at 479–80.
This Court was presented with an opportunity to
revisit its General Welfare Clause jurisprudence with
an originalist eye in Health & Hospital Corporation of
Marion County v. Talevski. See 599 U.S. 166, 177–80
(2023). The majority explained then that “something
more than ambiguous historical evidence is required
6
before we will flatly overrule a number of major decisions
of this Court.” Id. at 179 (quotation marks omitted). Yet
a thorough review of the evidence shows anything but
ambiguity because both the text and historical record
support only one conclusion: there is no Spending Clause,
and Congress’s power to spend is a component of the
necessary and proper exercise of its enumerated powers.
The evidence unambiguously shows that the Constitution
limits Congress’s authority to spend to its enumerated
powers. Congress does not possess an indiscriminate
power to spend in the name of “general Welfare,”
disconnected from its enumerated powers.
Justice Thomas highlighted that evidence in his
Talevski dissent. Id. at 206 (Thomas, J., dissenting). And
although he was alone in his dissent, his views on the
topic find many allies in the scholarship. See, e.g., Philip
Hamburger, Purchasing Submission 76 (2021); Jeffrey
T. Renz, What Spending Clause? – (Or the President’s
Paramour): An Examination of the Views of Hamilton,
Madison, and Story on Article I, Section 8, Clause 1
of the United States Constitution, 33 John Marshall L.
Rev. 81 (1999); David E. Engdahl, The Contract Thesis of
the Federal Spending Power, 52 S.D. L. Rev. 496 (2007);
Robert Natelson, The General Welfare Clause and the
Public Trust: An Essay in Original Understanding,
52 Kan. L. Rev. 1, 23–29 (2003). There is a remarkable
consensus that the clause limits the taxing power rather
than creates an independent power to spend. That
consensus comes from not only the text itself, but also
the historical record.
One compelling anecdote is that of Gouverneur
Morris’s attempt to shift the meaning of the clause as part
7
of the Constitutional Convention’s Committee of Style.
Gouverneur Morris was one proponent of giving Congress
a general legislative power. He was not alone. In fact,
proposals to include a general legislative power failed no
less than five separate times during the Convention. See
Renz, 33 John Marshall L. Rev. at 104–05 (recounting five
rejected attempts “to insert a grant of general legislative
power into the Constitution”).
After these many failed (and well-documented)
attempts to introduce a general legislative spending power
openly, Gouverneur Morris attempted to sneak the power
into the Constitution. Id. at 105. He replaced the comma
after “Excises” with a semicolon, altering the meaning of
the clause to create two separate powers rather than one
limited and conjoined power. See Talevski, 599 U.S. at 208
n.23 (Thomas, J., dissenting) (recounting this anecdote).
Replacing the comma with a semicolon created a new
clause with a standalone power to spend: the power “to
pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and
general Welfare of the United States.” See U.S. Const.
Art. 1, § 8, cl. 1. “The Convention, however, recognized
the alteration and restored the comma, ‘corroborat[ing]
the conclusion that the General Welfare Clause was not
an independent power.’” Talevski, 599 U.S. at 208 n.23
(Thomas, J., dissenting) (quoting Natelson, 52 Kan. L.
Rev. at 28).
And the evidence from the Convention does not stand
alone. Accounts of the time provide further corroboration.
As Federalist advocates went out to defend the General
Welfare Clause to the public, “their basic message
was that the language in question was not a grant at
all—rather it was a restriction on federal authority.”
8
Natelson, 52 Kan. L. Rev. at 39; see also, e.g., 3 Debates
on the Constitution 207 (J. Elliot ed. 1876) (E. Randolph,
Virginia Convention) (“The plain and obvious meaning of
this is, that no more duties, taxes, imposts, and excises,
shall be laid, than are sufficient to pay the debts, and
provide for the common defence and general welfare, of
the United States . . . .”); Noah Webster, An Examination
Into the Leading Principles of the Federal Constitution,
in Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States 50
(P. Ford ed. 1888).
What this demonstrates is that the General Welfare
Clause is not an independent source of federal power, but
a limitation on the taxing power. Although Congress can
tax, it can only do so for the three listed purposes—debts,
defense, and general welfare. That does not mean that
Congress is empowered to spend on anything it deems
in the “general Welfare.” Rather, it limits Congress’s
use of the taxing power to pay for only those uses of its
enumerated powers that serve “the common Defence and
general Welfare . . . .” U.S. Const. Art. 1, § 8, cl. 1.
Few said it with more vigor than did Madison in
Federalist 41:
Some, who have not denied the necessity of the
power of taxation, have grounded a very fierce
attack against the Constitution, on the language
in which it is defined. It has been urged and
echoed, that the power “to lay and collect
taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
debts, and provide for the common defense and
general welfare of the United States,” amounts
to an unlimited commission to exercise every
9
power which may be alleged to be necessary
for the common defense or general welfare. No
stronger proof could be given of the distress
under which these writers labor for objections,
than their stooping to such a misconstruction.
The Federalist No. 41, at 262 (C. Rossiter ed. 1961). Or,
as Governor Randolph put it, “[y]ou must violate every
rule of construction and common sense, if you sever it
from the power of raising money, and annex it to anything
else, in order to make it that formidable power which it
is represented to be.” 3 Debates on the Constitution 600.
The original public meaning of the clause is in little doubt.
That fact alone provides good reason to revise this Court’s
jurisprudence to accord with the Constitution.
Yet another reason exists in how the Court moved
to the understanding common today. The change was
hastily penned with cursory reasoning. After laying out
the question, the Court explained that,
We shall not review the writings of public men
and commentators or discuss the legislative
practice. Study of all these leads us to conclude
that the reading advocated by Mr. Justice Story
is the correct one. While, therefore, the power
to tax is not unlimited, its confines are set in the
clause which confers it, and not in those of § 8
which bestow and define the legislative powers
of the Congress. It results that the power of
Congress to authorize expenditure of public
moneys for public purposes is not limited by
the direct grants of legislative power found in
the Constitution.
10
United States v. Butler, 297 U.S. 1, 65–66 (1936); see also
Talevski, 599 U.S. at 211–19 (Thomas, J., dissenting)
(providing the historical evolution of the meaning of the
General Welfare Clause and discussing the transition
from Jefferson and Hamilton’s initial agreement that the
clause provided no “independent font of legislative power”
to the pre-Butler view that it permitted spending but no
regulation).
Butler’s reasoning is sharply out of alignment with
the Court’s jurisprudential focus on the text, history,
and tradition of the Constitution. The Court should take
this opportunity to align its precedent on the General
Welfare Clause, and thus the ill-conceived doctrine of the
“Spending Clause,” with the text, history, and original
public meaning of the Constitution.
II. The Medicaid Act Does Not Create a Right Even
Under Existing Jurisprudence.
Revising this Court’s jurisprudence would resolve
the present controversy, and the Court should take the
opportunity not to go further down the wrong path.
However, even under existing precedent, the Medicaid
Act is too ambiguous to have created a private right of
action under § 1983.
The Medicaid Act is spending power legislation.
Armstrong v. Exceptional Child Ctr., Inc., 575 U.S.
320, 323 (2015). “The legitimacy of Congress’ power to
legislate under the spending power . . . rests on whether
the State voluntarily and knowingly accepts the terms
of the ‘contract.’” Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v.
Halderman, 451 U.S. 1, 17 (1981). Drawing on bedrock
11
contract principles, this Court held that the State must
have clear notice of the condition. Arlington Cent. Sch.
Dist. Bd. of Educ. v. Murphy, 548 U.S. 291, 296 (2006).
Spending enactments fail to provide clear notice when
(1) the terms are altered from the original enactment
or (2) as several circuit courts of appeals have held, the
terms are unclear such that the State would not know its
obligations. See Nat’l Fed. of Indep. Bus. v. Sebelius, 567
U.S. 519, 583 (2012) (NFIB); Kentucky v. Yellen, 67 F.4th
325, 346 (6th Cir. 2023); West Virginia v. U.S. Dept. of
the Treasury, 59 F.4th 1124, 1144–46 (11th Cir. 2023). In
short, “unless Congress speaks with a clear voice, and
manifests an unambiguous intent to confer individual
rights, federal funding provisions provide no basis for
private enforcement by § 1983.” Gonzaga Univ. v. Doe, 536
U.S. 273, 280 (2002) (internal quotation marks omitted).
This Court explained in Talevski that this is a firm test.
599 U.S. at 175. The Medicaid Act fails to provide clear
notice of Congress’s unambiguous intent to confer an
individual right enforceable under § 1983 via the Act’s anyqualified-provider provision. See 42 U.S.C. § 1396a(a)(23).
NFIB illustrates well the first way a statute can lack
clear notice. 567 U.S. at 583. The Court squarely rejected
the idea that the federal power to compel states using the
spending power was unlimited. Id. It was critical of the
Affordable Care Act’s (ACA’s) expansion of the Medicaid
Act because it was “a shift in kind, not merely degree.”
Id. The ACA “transformed” Medicaid from a program to
help “the needy: the disabled, the blind, the elderly, and
needy families with dependent children . . . into a program
to meet the health care needs of the entire nonelderly
population . . . .” Id. The Medicaid Act’s lone clause that
12
reserved Congress’s right to “alter” or “amend” the Act
did not provide notice of this complete transformation. Id.
at 584. The upshot is simple: states must be aware at the
outset what obligations they are accepting.
Recent cases at the circuit level under the American
Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) illustrate the second point: the
State must be able to read the terms and actually know its
obligations. See Kentucky, 67 F.4th at 346; West Virginia,
59 F.4th at 1144–46. ARPA gave $200 billion to states
with a significant string attached—the “offset provision.”
Kentucky, 67 F.4th at 328. That provision prohibited
states that received ARPA funds from using them to
“directly or indirectly offset a reduction in the[ir] net tax
revenue . . . resulting from” tax cuts. Id. The Sixth Circuit
held that the condition itself was clear at the outset, but
the obligations it imposed were not. Id. at 346–48. The
question was not whether the State knew there was a
condition; it was whether the condition was stated in clear
enough language for the State to know what it had really
signed up for. Id. at 346. In other words, the problem was
that “what this language actually obliges the States to
do is difficult to say.” Id. at 348. West Virginia tells the
same story and reaches a similar conclusion, as do cases
in other circuits. See, e.g., 59 F.4th at 1144–46; Texas v.
Yellen, 105 F.4th 755 (5th Cir. 2024).
The Medicaid Act’s any-qualified-provider provision
fails to provide either kind of clear notice that it is creating
a right enforceable under § 1983. First, the Medicaid Act
sets up a system where the recipient state decides what
providers are “qualified.” Critically, the Act does not define
“qualified.” It reserves to recipient states the authority to
exclude providers for the same reasons the Secretary of
13
Health and Human Services can exclude providers from
Medicare. See 42 U.S.C. § 1396a(p)(1). And this authority
to exclude is in addition to the recipient state’s inherent,
retained authority to decide which entities to contract
with. See id.
The Medicaid Act offered a bargain in which the
recipient state decides what providers it will work
with. Interpreting the bargain as the Fourth Circuit
did and allowing courts, not the States, to decide what
providers are qualified is not a minor shift in terms—it
is a transformation. The Medicaid Act promised a stateoperated system where the recipient states retain their
sovereignty to decide with whom to contract. Interpreting
the any-qualified-provider provision to confer an
individual and enforceable right is directly contrary to
the bargain struck. As in NFIB, the bargain may be
altered, not transformed, and this would effect a radical
transformation.
Second, even if the Act did provide clear notice that
it was creating an individual and enforceable right, the
effect of that right is as clear as mud. The Act itself
provides no definition of “qualified.” The original Fourth
Circuit opinion in this case held that to mean that it “bars
states from excluding providers for reasons unrelated to
professional competency.” Planned Parenthood S. Atl.
v. Baker, 941 F.3d 687, 691 (4th Cir. 2019) (subsequent
procedural history omitted). Yet it is unclear how the
State, when considering the bargain, would have come
to that conclusion independently. States are sovereign
entities with myriad interests to protect. This Court
should not assume that they gave away the right to
decide which medical providers they subsidize through
14
the ambiguous language the Fourth Circuit seized upon.
This Court should reverse the decision below.
CONCLUSION
This case presents another opportunity for the Court
to reconsider an important component of its constitutional
jurisprudence. It should do so.
Respectfully submitted,
February 10, 2025
Braden H. Boucek
Counsel of Record
Benjamin I. B. Isgur
Southeastern Legal Foundation
560 West Crossville Road, Suite 104
Roswell, GA 30075
(770) 977-2131
bboucek@southeasternlegal.org
bisgur@southeasternlegal.org
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
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