Amicus Curiae Brief — Ali Hamza Ahmad Suliman al Bahlul, Petitioner v. United States
Supreme Court briefMay 2, 2024
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No. 23-1072
In the Supreme Court of the
United States
ALI HAMZA AL BAHLUL, PETITIONER,
V.
UNITED STATES, RESPONDENT
ON PETITION FOR WRIT OF CERTIORARI
TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF
APPEALS FOR THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA CIRCUIT
BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE
CENTER FOR ETHICS AND THE RULE
OF LAW (CERL) AT THE UNIVERSITY OF
PENNSYLVANIA & THE NATIONAL
INSTITUTE OF MILITARY JUSTICE IN
SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
ALBERTO MORA
U. Penn. CERL
Exec. Board
8322 Woodlea
Mill Road
McLean, VA 22102
May 2, 2024
BRENNER M. FISSELL
Counsel of Record
FRANKLIN D. ROSENBLATT
Nat. Inst. of Mil. Justice
408 Saint David’s Ave
Wayne, PA 19087
(518) 231-8532
brenner.fissell@gmail.com
Counsel for Amici Curiae
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ............................... ii
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE..................... 1
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT .................... 2
ARGUMENT........................................................ 5
I.
THIS PETITION TURNS ON
FUNDAMENTAL MATTERS OF JUDICIAL
ETHICS NEVER BEFORE CONSIDERED BY
THIS COURT ....................................................... 5
II. MILITARY PROSECUTIONS REQUIRE
SCRUPULOUS ATTENTION TO JUDICIAL
IMPARTIALITY ................................................12
III.
PROSECUTIONS OF WARTIME
ENEMIES PRESENT HEIGHTENED RISKS
OF BIAS …………………………………………..18
CONCLUSION ..................................................23
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases
Bergdahl v. United States, No. CV 21-418
(RBW), 2023 WL 4743707 .............................13
Commodity Futures Trading Commn. v. Schor,
478 U.S. 833 ................................................... 14
Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557 (2006) ...... 20
Hasan v. Gross, 71 M.J. 416 (C.A.A.F. 2012) ...13
In re Al-Nashiri, 921 F.3d 224, 226 (D.C. Cir.
2019) ........................................................10, 13
In re Mohammad, 866 F.3d 473 (D.C. Cir. 2017)
.........................................................................13
In re Sofaer, 728 A.2d 625 (D.C. 1999) .............10
Jayfi v. Bush, No. 05-2104, Supplemental Pet.
for a Writ of Habeas Corpus (D.D.C., Dec. 14,
2005) ............................................................. 5, 8
Koki Hirota v. Gen. of the Army MacArthur, 335
U.S. 876, 879 (1948) ....................................... 23
Law Reports of the Trials of War Criminals,
UNITED NATIONS WAR CRIMES COMMISSION
VOL. V 1-22 (1948) ..........................................22
Opinion of Katsas, J. On Motion to Disqualify,
Bahlul v. United States, No. 22-1097 (D.C.
Cir., Mar. 10, 2023) ......................................5, 8
U.S. v. Husayn, aka Abu Zubaydah, et. al., 595
U.S. 195 (2022) .........................................17, 18
Williams v. Pennsylvania, 579 U.S. 1 (2016) ...11
Statutes
18 U.S.C. §207 ............................................. 10-11
18 U.S.C. §216 ................................................... 11
28 U.S.C. §455 .................................... 3-4, 6-8, 11
iii
Article 3 of the Geneva Convention (III)
Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of
War, Aug. 12, 1949, [1955] 6 U.S.T. 3316,
3318, T.I.A.S. No. 3364 ..................................21
INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL AND
POLITICAL RIGHTS, Dec. 9, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S.
171 (ratified June 8, 1992)................................ 15
NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT FOR
FISCAL YEAR 2024, PL 118-31 § 533, December
22, 2023, 137 Stat 136 ...................................14
Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions
of 12 August 1949, and Relating to the
Protection of Victims of International Armed
Conflicts art. 75, June 8, 1977, 1125 U.N.T.S.
3....................................................................... 20
Other Authorities
152 Cong. Rec. S10309-02, 2006 WL 2771452 . 14
A. TUSA, THE NUREMBERG TRIAL 155 (1st Am.
Ed.1984)..........................................................19
BEYOND GUANTANAMO: RESTORING THE RULE OF
LAW TO THE LAW OF WAR, CERL Report, 2022.
........................................................................... 2, 17
Andrew Cockburn, How Donald Rumsfeld
Micromanaged Torture, COUNTERPUNCH (July
2, 2021) ................................................................. 19
Geoff Corn & Claire Finkelstein, Russia is
Threatening to Treat Foreign Fighters as War
Criminals: Can Countries Not Party to
Hostilities Protect Their Citizens?,
Smerconish.com (Mar. 16, 2022) . .................20
Gregory Katsas, Declaration, In re Guantanamo
Bay Detainee Litigation, no. 08-442 (D.D.C.,
August 28, 2008). .................................................. 5
iv
Draft Principles Governing the Administration
of Justice Through Military Tribunals, U.N.
Doc. E/CN.4/2006/58 at 4 (2006) ...................15
JEANNE GUILLEMIN, HIDDEN ATROCITIES
(Columbia UP 2017) ....................................... 21
Kevin T. Hall, Downed American Flyers:
Forgotten Casualties of Axis Atrocities in
World War II,JOURNAL OF PERPETRATOR
RESEARCH 192 (2021) ......................................... 21
Rachel VanLandingham, Courtroom as War
Crime: Ukraine’s Military Justice Struggle, 84
OHIO ST. L. J. 1297 (2024)..............................21
Speech of Bennie G. Thompson of Mississippi,
158 Cong. Rec. E901-03, 158 Cong. Rec. E90103 .................................................................... 13
The Department of Defense Rules for Military
Commissions: Analysis of Procedural Rules
and Comparison with Proposed Legislation
and the Uniform Code of Military Justice,
CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE (Sept. 25,
2006) ...............................................................14
Timothy Lang Francis, "To Dispose of the
Prisoners": The Japanese Executions of
American Aircrew at Fukuoka, 66 PACIFIC
HISTORICAL REVIEW 469 (1997) ..................... 22
United States S. Rep. No. 288, 113th Cong., 2d
Sess. ................................................................17
Rules
ABA MODEL R. OF PROF. RESP. 1.11...... 6-7, 9, 11
Treatises
Eugene Fidell et. al, GUIDE TO THE RULES OF
PRACTICE AND PROCEDURE FOR THE U.S.
COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE ARMED FORCES 1
(2024) ..............................................................19
1
Amici curiae Center for Ethics and the
Rule of Law (CERL) at the University of
Pennsylvania & National Institute of Military
Justice (NIMJ) respectfully submit this brief
pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37 in support of
Petitioner.1
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE
The Center for Ethics and the Rule of Law
(CERL) seeks to promote ethics and the rule of
law in national security by encouraging
interdisciplinary exchange among expert
academics, policymakers, and practitioners on
pressing national security concerns for the
purpose of advancing the rule of law. CERL
advances this aim by hosting conferences, public
symposia, and lectures, as well as publishing
collected volumes on specialized topics in
national security, along with policy papers, blog
posts and filing periodic amicus briefs. CERL has
particular expertise in the areas of the Law of
Armed Conflict (LOAC), professional ethics,
presidential war powers, and the Guantánamo
Bay detention facility. In 2022, CERL published
a lengthy and highly acclaimed report entitled
1 Notice pursuant to Sup. Ct. R. 37.2 was given to both
parties more than 10 days prior to filing this brief. No
party or counsel for a party helped to draft this brief, and
no party or counsel to a party made a monetary
contribution to fund the filing of this brief. Sup. Ct. R. 37.6.
Counsel for amici also wishes to note that while
Petitioner’s Counsel, Michel Paradis, is also currently the
General Counsel of NIMJ, he was ethically screened from
NIMJ’s decision to support Petitioner as amicus in this
case.
2
Beyond Guantánamo: Restoring the Rule of Law
to the Law of War.2 CERL is led by Prof. Claire
Finkelstein, Algernon Biddle Professor of Law &
Philosophy at the University of Pennsylvania—
an internationally recognized expert on national
security law and ethics. CERL therefore has a
compelling interest in ensuring impartial
adjudication of national security cases such as
this one.
The National Institute of Military Justice
(NIMJ) is a District of Columbia nonprofit
corporation founded in 1991 by Eugene R.
Fidell—the country’s leading expert in military
justice. NIMJ members include law professors,
military law practitioners, former U.S. military
judge advocates, and leaders of think tanks and
non-profits. Its overall purpose is to advance the
fair administration of military justice in the
Armed Forces of the United States, which in turn
contributes to the national security of the United
States. NIMJ takes an active interest in the
entire field of military justice and has frequently
weighed in on issues relating to the military
commissions.
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
The rule of law in the United States
depends critically on the impartiality of the
judges that preside over both state and federal
2 BEYOND GUANTÁNAMO: RESTORING THE RULE OF LAW TO
THE LAW OF WAR, available at
<https://www.penncerl.org/files/beyond-Guantánamorestoring-the-rule-of-law-to-the-law-of-war/>.
3
courts, as well as confidence on the part of all
participants in the process that this impartiality
will be defended and maintained at the highest
levels of the justice system. Where Article III
judges are concerned, this impartiality is largely
self-enforcing: federal judges determine on their
own whether their prior contacts with the case or
with participants in the case render them unable
to carry out their roles with the impartiality and
neutrality the law requires.
Judges making that determination in a
given case, however, are obligated to apply 28
U.S.C. § 455, which sets forth the conditions
under which federal judges must recuse due to
conflicts of interest. In this brief, Amici argue
that Petitioner was deprived of a fair hearing on
his substantive claim due to the failure of Judge
Katsas to recuse himself, despite the fact that
Judge Katsas was a government attorney on the
side of the prosecution in a closely related matter
pertaining to the legality of the government’s
case against Petitioner and the legality of his
detention by the U.S. government at
Guantánamo Bay. Amici argue that particularly
in the case of the review of a military commission
ruling, it is critical for the Article III reviewing
court to be punctilious in its professional ethics
in order to attempt to overcome the profound
distrust and skepticism parties to the case as
well as members of the public possess with
regard to the commission system. Plagued by
doubts abouts about its fundamental fairness
and legitimacy, the military commission system
in Guantánamo struggles to resolve fundamental
points of process such as whether confessions
4
that arguably constitute “fruit of the poisonous
tree” are admissible as evidence of guilt at a
commissions trial or whether the defendants in
the military commissions have a right to due
process of law. And because in many cases there
is no clearly established procedure or rules of
evidence, the commission judges must make
their own evidentiary rules at the same time that
they judge the evidence presented.
Any failure to live up to the highest
standards of integrity and fidelity to the law in
the case of a reviewing judge will further cast the
possibly tenuous status of the legal rulings in the
commission and will undermine faith in the
outcome of the commissions.
Amici also urge this Court to grant
Petitioner’s request for certiorari to consider the
novel questions regarding 28 U.S.C. §455 that no
court has squarely attempted to resolve. Section
455(a) suggestions that a judge must recuse at
any time at which the impartiality of his or her
judgment “could be reasonably questioned.” This
standard is easily met in this case. What is less
clear is the suggestion that Judge Katsas’ earlier
participation in Petitioner Bahlul’s case
constituted an entirely separate proceeding and
that therefore Judge Katsas need not recuse on
the bases §455(b). We reject this line of thought.
Amici further reject the suggestion that
invoking §455(a) as a more generalized conflict of
interest provision would implicate the
interpretation of §455(b) such that the latter,
more specific provision would no longer apply.
5
Amici maintain that both subsections (a) and (b)
can apply independently to a given case and that
the applicability of the former does not detract
from the applicability of the latter.
ARGUMENT
I.
THIS PETITION TURNS ON
FUNDAMENTAL MATTERS OF
JUDICIAL ETHICS NEVER BEFORE
CONSIDERED BY THIS COURT
As is well known to this Court, Judge
Katsas served as a high-ranking DOJ official
tasked with miliary commission litigation
between 2001 and 2009. Opinion of Katsas, J. On
Motion to Disqualify, Bahlul v. United States,
No. 22-1097 (D.C. Cir., Mar. 10, 2023). Among
other matters, he was counsel for the
government in the case of this very Petitioner
with regard to a habeas petition relating to
Petitioner’s current confinement and process
before the military commission. Gregory Katsas,
Declaration, In re Guantánamo Bay Detainee
Litigation, No. 08-442 (D.D.C., August 28, 2008).
That earlier petition was filed by Petitioner in
2005, Petition for Writs of Habeas Corpus,
Supplemental Petition of Ali Hamza Ahmad
Suliman Bahlool for Writ of Habeas Corpus and
Complaint for Injunctive, Declaratory and Other
Relief, Al Jayfi v. Bush, No. 05-cv-2104 (D.D.C.
Dec. 14, 2005), ECF No. 12, on the ground that
Petitioner had been the subject of “continued,
intensive, and enhanced interrogation . . .” Pet’s
6
Br. at 12. As detailed by Petitioner, Judge Katsas
has been a vocal supporter of the sort of
“enhanced interrogation” techniques Petitioner
claims were used on him and which have now
generally come to be associated with torture. Id.
Petitioner timely filed a motion to recuse
with respect to Judge Katsas which the latter
rejected, citing both 28 U.S.C. §455(a) and
§455(b)(3) as grounds for recusal. See Pet. Br. at
18.
The
former
provision
requires
disqualification in any proceeding where the
judge’s “impartiality might reasonably be
questioned.” 28 U.S.C. §455(a). The latter
requires recusal “when [the judge] has served in
governmental employment and in such capacity
participated as counsel, adviser or material
witness concerning the proceeding or expressed
an opinion concerning the merits of the
particular case in controversy.” 28 U.S.C.
§455(b)(3).
It is the position of Amici that the failure
of Judge Katsas to recuse under these
circumstances constitutes a violation of the clear
terms of §455(a) and (b)(3), but, had he been a
private practice attorney instead of a judge,
would have been a violation of the code of
professional ethics for lawyers. Rule 1.11(a)(2) of
the ABA Model Rules of Professional
Responsibility forbids a lawyer who has
previously worked for the government from
representing a client “in connection with a
matter in which the lawyer participated
7
personally and substantially as a public officer or
employee, unless the appropriate government
agency gives its informed consent, confirmed in
writing, to the representation.” According to Rule
1.11(e), the term “matter” is defined broadly to
include “any judicial or other proceeding,
application, request for a ruling or other
determination, contract, claim controversy,
investigation, charge, accusation, arrest or other
particular matter involving a specific party or
parties . . . .” ABA MODEL R. OF PROF. RESP.
1.11(e).
Having served as a lawyer for the
government in any matter connected with Bahlul
arising out of the same set of facts and involving
the same charges, Rule 1.11 bars Judge Katsas
from serving as a private attorney in any regard
whatsoever in the present case. That means that
neither the government nor Petitioner could hire
Judge Katsas to work on its legal team as a
private attorney in connection with this case.
Why should the judge reviewing the case be
permitted to be more conflicted than the
attorneys appearing on behalf of one of the
parties in that case? Surely a neutral arbiter
should be able to provide greater impartiality
and certainty as to his role in a given case than a
partisan advocate for one of the parties.
Yet in his opinion, Judge Katsas rejected
the §455(a) argument out of hand, stating that
“Section 455(a) is a more general ‘catch-all’
provision, so we should not lightly use it to shift
8
the lines specifically drawn in section 455(b).”
Opinion of Katsas, J. On Motion to Disqualify,
Bahlul v. United States, No. 22-1097 (D.C. Cir.,
Mar. 10, 2023). He goes on to say: “At most, that
should occur only in ‘rare and extraordinary
circumstances’ which are not present here.” Id.
at *6.
With regard to the §455(b) claim, Judge
Katsas asserts that the habeas matter in which
he served as prosecutor, namely Al Jayfi v. Bush,
filed on behalf of Bahlul and five other
Guantánamo detainees, was a separate
proceeding from the current case. See Al Jayfi,
No. 05-cv-2104 (D.D.C. Dec. 14, 2005), ECF No.
12. That case, he notes, involved a challenge to
Bahlul’s preventive detention as an enemy
combatant alongside that of other detainees.
This case, Judge Katsas maintains, “involves
detention imposed as punishment for a criminal
conviction,” and is therefore an entirely different
matter under §455(b). Judge Katsas therefore
believes he was not precluded from participation.
Judge Katsas arrived at this surprising
conclusion, despite the fact that the case involved
the same parties with regard to the same
underlying facts and the same incarceration in
Guantánamo based on the same charges.
We respectfully disagree, both with the
characterization of §455(a) and its relationship to
§455(b), especially as it applies to the instant
case.
9
With regard to §455(a), it is not a far
stretch to say that the impartiality of a judge who
has previously represented one of the parties in
a matter connected with the ongoing challenges
to the defendant’s criminal charges, legal process
and incarceration “might reasonably be
questioned.” This would supply an independent
basis for thinking that Judge Katsas must recuse
from the present matter, even if one were to
accept the understanding of §455(b) to the
present matter provided by Judge Katsas,
namely that the habeas petition and the current
application are separate “proceedings.”
By way of comparison, consider the case of
Abraham Sofaer, who served as Legal Advisor to
the U.S. Department of State, and later
undertook to represent the government of Libya
with respect to the bombing of Pan American
Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland. In the State
Department, Sofaer had personally and
substantially taken part in the U.S.
government’s investigation of the bombing as
well as in diplomatic and legal activities related
to that event. The case went to the District of
Columbia based on a Professional Responsibility
report directing bar counsel to issue an
admonishment of Sofaer for activities that
contravened Rule 1.11(a). Most notably, the court
rejected Sofaer's argument that his involvement
was too infrequent or informal to violate the
ethics rule, but the court said:
The “substantially related” test by its
terms, however, is meant to induce a
10
former government lawyer considering a
representation to err well on the side of
caution. Respondent did not do so.
In re Sofaer, 728 A.2d 625, 628 (D.C. 1999).
Consider also the case of Judge Vance
Spath, who was seeking a position as a federal
immigration
judge
while
simultaneously
presiding over the Al-Nashiri case in the military
commissions. In re Al-Nashiri, 921 F.3d 224
(D.C. Cir. 2019). Judge Tatel, writing for a panel
of the D.C. Circuit, observed that “Spath's job
application . . . cast an intolerable cloud of
partiality over his subsequent judicial conduct”
in Al-Nashiri's case. Id. at 238. In identifying
Judge Spath’s serious conflict of interest and
failure to recuse himself from a case in which his
personal
interests
conflicted
with
his
professional duty of impartiality, the D.C. Circuit
ended up vacating two years of pretrial orders
over which Judge Spath had presided. Id. at 240.
Former government employees who leave
the executive branch have a mandatory two-year
waiting period before engaging in knowing
communications relating to particular matters
“in which the person participated personally and
substantially as such officer or employee” before
“any officer or employee of any department,
agency, court, or court-martial of the United
States or the District of Columbia, on behalf of
any other person . . .” 18 U.S.C. § 207. Violations
of this provision are punishable for up to one year
imprisonment, with five years imprisonment for
11
a willful violation. 18 U.S.C. § 216. Judge Katsas
does not fit the circumstances to which 18 U.S.C.
§ 207 applies, given that he is not appearing
before the court as a litigant or a party.
Nevertheless, as with Model Rule of Professional
Responsibility 1.11, it is sensible to assume that
a judge should have at least the impartiality and
commitment to ethical conduct with regard to
potential conflicts of interest that the parties
that appear before him are expected to maintain.
A former prosecutor or defense attorney that had
represented Petitioner before the commissions
would not be permitted to appear as a private
party before Judge Katsas in the instant matter,
on pain of serious criminal sanctions. Why then
should the presiding judge have more leeway
than the partisan advocates who appear before
the court, when he as neutral arbiter must be all
the more above reproach?
The impact of upholding Judge Katsas’s
decision would reverberate far beyond the
military tribunals. His narrow interpretation of
§ 455 would permit former AUSAs—many of
whom become District Judges—to sit on
proceedings that are collateral to those they
participated in while prosecutors. State
prosecutors who become state judges may do the
same, leading to a potential avalanche of Due
Process claims by defendants should the narrow
interpretation Judge Katsas proposes prevail.
See Williams v. Pennsylvania, 579 U.S. 1, 2
(2016)
(“A
constitutionally
intolerable
probability of bias exists when the same person
12
serves as both accuser and adjudicator in a
case.”).
Judge Katsas’ prior role in the military
commissions, along with his enthusiastic
endorsement of illegal and discredited methods
of interrogation create profound concerns about
the propriety of his decision to remain on the
three-judge panel that heard Petitioner’s case.
II.
MILITARY PROSECUTIONS
REQUIRE SCRUPULOUS
ATTENTION TO JUDICIAL
IMPARTIALITY
The foregoing observations should be
placed in the particular context of Petitioner’s
case: a military prosecution. The impartiality of
judges in military justice has long played a
central role in ensuring that Article II courts like
the commissions are governed by the rule of law.
As the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed
Forces (CAAF) wrote in the death penalty case of
the Fort Hood Shooter:
In the military justice system, where
charges are necessarily brought by the
commander against subordinates and
where…the convening authority is
responsible for selecting the [jurors],
military judges serve as the independent
check on the integrity of the court-martial
process. The validity of this system
depends on the impartiality of military
judges in fact and in appearance.
13
Hasan v. Gross, 71 M.J. 416, 419 (C.A.A.F. 2012)
(emphasis added).
That independence is equally important
where review by Article III judges of military
proceedings must occur. Just as the military
chain of command is headed by a civilian
commander-in-chief, so too must federal civilian
courts serve as final arbiters for cases in the
military justice system. In the absence of
assurance that judges reviewing military cases
are unconflicted, the benefits of having such
outside review of military decision making by a
neutral arbiter would be forfeit.
It is telling that many of the most
significant federal court opinions regarding the
procedural fairness of military trials have
involved claims regarding the bias of judges. See
Bergdahl v. United States, No. CV 21-418 (RBW),
2023 WL 4743707, at *1 (D.D.C. July 25, 2023)
(court-martial judge applying to be DOJ
immigration judge while using court-martial
rulings as writing sample); In re Al-Nashiri, 921
F.3d 224, 226 (D.C. Cir. 2019) (same); In re
Mohammad, 866 F.3d 473, 474 (D.C. Cir. 2017)
(Guantánamo appellate judge disqualified due to
prior statements regarding accused’s guilt).
In recognition of this, Congress created an
appellate review structure for military
commission cases that ensured they would be
subject to appellate review by an Article III
court, rather than by the proposed alternatively,
namely the CAAF, which is an Article I court.
Compare Speech of Bennie G. Thompson of
14
Mississippi, 158 Cong. Rec. E901-03, 158 Cong.
Rec. E901-03, E902 (“Reformed military
commissions are fully integrated within our
federal framework of criminal justice, are
overseen by our Article III appellate courts, and
are severely confined to their law of war
jurisdiction.”), with The Department of Defense
Rules for Military Commissions: Analysis of
Procedural Rules and Comparison with Proposed
Legislation and the Uniform Code of Military
Justice, CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE
(Sept. 25, 2006), at *38 (proposal for CAAF to
review), and 152 Cong. Rec. S10309-02, S10315,
2006 WL 2771452 (Levin Amendment to 2006
Act) (“An appeal under this section shall be
forwarded, by means specified in regulations
prescribed the Secretary of Defense, directly to
the United States Court of Appeals for the Armed
Forces”).
Similarly, Congress recently extended
certiorari review to all cases of military courtsmartial, providing universal access to Article III
judicial review on direct appeal. NATIONAL
DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT FOR FISCAL YEAR
2024, PL 118-31 § 533, December 22, 2023, 137
Stat 136.
The importance of safeguarding Article III
review and the integrity of the judges who
conduct such review is rooted in the concern for
judicial independence. Article III judges bring a
“guarantee of an impartial and independent
federal adjudication.” Commodity Futures
Trading Commn. v. Schor, 478 U.S. 833, 848
(1986).
15
The value of impartiality is recognized
internationally in the Decaux Principles
regarding military tribunals, adopted by the
U.N. Commission on Human Rights. DRAFT
PRINCIPLES GOVERNING THE ADMINISTRATION OF
JUSTICE THROUGH MILITARY TRIBUNALS, U.N.
Doc. E/CN.4/2006/58 at 4 (2006). Principle No. 13
establishes the “Right to a competent,
independent and impartial tribunal”:
The organization and operation of military
courts should fully ensure the right of
everyone to a competent, independent and
impartial tribunal at every stage of legal
proceedings from initial investigation to
trial.
While this case involves a civilian court
review of a military tribunal, international
human rights law to which the United States is
a party reflects the same requirement of
independence and impartiality. Art. 14,
INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL AND
POLITICAL RIGHTS, Dec. 9, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171
(ratified June 8, 1992) (“In the determination of
any criminal charge against him, or of his rights
and obligations in a suit at law, everyone shall be
entitled to a fair and public hearing by a
competent, independent and impartial tribunal
established by law.”).
The D.C. Circuit panel, of which Judge
Katsas was a member, provided a crucial level of
civilian, Article III review. The benefit of such
review is to inject a structural guarantee of
independence and lack of bias into what is
16
otherwise a military-driven prosecution. The
failure of Judge Katsas to recuse when he has a
duty to do so in light of a manifest conflict of
interest and possible personal subject matter
bias suggests that the Article III appellate
review of the commission system entirely fails to
serve its purpose.
The failure to observe the recusal statute
in a Guantánamo case, moreover, is not a trivial
error or even just an error that affects the
fundamental fairness of the proceedings for
Petitioner. Lack of fundamental justice and a
robust, impartial review of military commission
proceedings is a defect that places the legitimacy
of the entire military commission system at risk.
The history of the military commissions in
Guantánamo Bay suggests a system driven by
results-oriented adjudication, specious legal
reasoning, and lack of a genuine commitment to
the rule of law and fundamental fairness. From
the shameful history of the use of torture, along
with cruel and degrading treatment, in violation
of both domestic and international law, to the
indefinite detention for many years of numerous
defendants without charge, there is a long
history of detainee abuse at Guantánamo and at
other former “black sites” run by the United
States military, in conjunction with the CIA,
around the globe involving conduct that should
shock the conscience of law-respecting member of
the legal community. See BEYOND GUANTÁNAMO:
17
RESTORING THE RULE OF LAW TO THE LAW OF WAR,
UNIV. OF PENN. CERL (2022).
As a result of this history, it will not
surprise any member of this Court that these
military commissions are regarded by many as
irretrievably tainted. Id.
To this day, the
military commissions at Guantánamo continue
to struggle with fundamental legal questions
that arise as a result of this egregious history—
questions relating to the admissible of certain
kinds of evidence or the fairness of the
proceedings in the absence of robust
constitutional rights for the defendants, once
again made salient because of the history of
torture and abuse. It is a history that is by now
well known, as detailed in the 2014 Senate Select
Intelligence Committee Report. See generally
United States S. Rep. No. 288, 113th Cong., 2d
Sess. As Justice Gorsuch said in his dissent in
the case of U.S. v. Husayn, aka Abu Zubaydah,
et. al., 595 U.S. 195 (2022) in explaining his
reasons for rejecting the government’s invocation
of the State Secret’s privilege:
Zubaydah seeks information about his
torture at the hands of the CIA. The
events in question took place two decades
ago. They have long been declassified.
Official reports have been published,
books written, and movies made about
them. Still, the government seeks to have
this suit dismissed on the ground it
implicates a state secret—and today the
18
Court acquiesces in that request. Ending
this suit may shield the government from
some further modest measure of
embarrassment. But respectfully, we
should not pretend it will safeguard any
secret.
Id. at *1.
Justice Gorsuch, in short, recognized the
profound distortion that could occur when legal
doctrine is driven by the effort to obscure
embarrassing or illegal conduct on the part of the
government–in this case the shameful history of
the CIA-led torture program in the years
immediately following 9/11. With profound and
lingering suspicions about the degree of
governmental coverup relating to that program,
and the motivations behind the legal decisions
summarily made by judges in the commission
system, a thorough, dispassionate review of
major decisions made by judges in the
commission system seems essential if the
commissions can be regarded as possessing any
degree of legitimacy whatsoever.
III.
PROSECUTIONS OF WARTIME
ENEMIES PRESENT HEIGHTENED
RISKS OF BIAS
If the need for independent and impartial
judges is heightened in a military context, that
need is ever more apparent in the context of
military prosecutions of one’s enemies. The
problems of a command-driven adjudication are
complicated
by
the
natural
antipathy
19
prosecutors are likely to feel towards a wartime
enemy alleged to have committed war crimes or
otherwise violated the Law of Armed Conflict
(LOAC). While domestic military jurisprudence
has at times displayed a paternalistic concern for
the rights of the accused U.S. servicemember, see
Eugene Fidell et. al, GUIDE TO THE RULES OF
PRACTICE AND PROCEDURE FOR THE U.S. COURT
OF APPEALS FOR THE ARMED FORCES 1 (2024), the
reverse is true where foreign enemies are
concerned. As Justice Jackson famously observed
in his opening statement at the Nuremburg
trials: “That four great nations, flushed with
victory and stung with injury, stay the hands of
vengeance and voluntarily submit their captive
enemies to the judgement of the law, is one of the
most significant tributes that Power has ever
paid to Reason.” A. TUSA, THE NUREMBERG TRIAL
155 (1st Am. Ed.1984) (emphasis added).
Jackson’s remarks ring particularly true in
application to the early days of the military
commissions after 9/11, when a desire for
vengeance loomed large. Those were the days,
after all, in which Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld is alleged to have instructed DoD
General Counsel William Haynes to tell
interrogators to “take the gloves off.” Andrew
Cockburn, How Donald Rumsfeld Micromanaged
Torture, COUNTERPUNCH (July 2, 2021).
To combat this impulse to embrace
brutality in the wake of an attack like 9/11, it is
critical that military prosecutions for wartime
20
offenses adhere scrupulously to internationally
recognized standards of accountability and fair
play. Efforts to conduct prosecutions during an
armed conflict or after the cessation of hostilities
are subject to reciprocity, creating a need to base
both the substantive and the procedural norms
for conducting prosecutions on as objective and
impartial a foundation as possible. The best way
for a country to seek to vindicate the law of war,
then, is to model for its enemy how it hopes its
own soldiers will be treated. Otherwise, “No one
should be surprised that when one State 'pushes
the envelope' of international law others will
seek to fill that space in the future.” Geoff Corn
& Claire Finkelstein, Russia is Threatening to
Treat Foreign Fighters as War Criminals: Can
Countries Not Party to Hostilities Protect Their
Citizens?, SMERCONISH.COM (Mar. 16, 2022).
The international community widely
recognizes the importance of an unbiased
adjudicator in wartime prosecutions, along with
a prosecutorial process that reflects and is
governed by basic rule of law values. Hamdan v.
Rumsfeld, 548 U.S. 557, 631–32 (2006) (citing
Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions,
requiring trial by a “regularly constituted court
affording all the judicial guarantees which are
recognized as indispensable by civilized
peoples”); Protocol Additional to the Geneva
Conventions of 12 August 1949, and Relating to
the Protection of Victims of International Armed
Conflicts art. 75, June 8, 1977, 1125 U.N.T.S. 3
21
(“In no circumstances whatever shall a prisoner
of war be tried by a court of any kind which does
not offer the essential guarantees of
independence and impartiality as generally
recognized.”). Indeed, deprivation of the right to
an impartial adjudicator is itself a so-called
“procedural war crime.” Article 3 of the Geneva
Convention (III) Relative to the Treatment of
Prisoners of War, Aug. 12, 1949, [1955] 6 U.S.T.
3316, 3318, T.I.A.S. No. 3364; Rachel
VanLandingham, Courtroom as War Crime:
Ukraine’s Military Justice Struggle, 84 OHIO ST.
L. J. 1297, 1297 (2024).
War crimes prosecutions in the 20th
century demonstrate well the problems with
biased adjudicators in cases of enemy
combatants. A good example of this comes from
the treatment of downed American pilots and
airmen in Japan. See Kevin T. Hall, Downed
American Flyers: Forgotten Casualties of Axis
Atrocities in World War II, 4 JOURNAL OF
PERPETRATOR RESEARCH 192 (2021).
The most well-known of these were the
Doolittle Raiders. Those that were captured were
subjected to what has been described as a “sham
trial.” JEANNE GUILLEMIN, HIDDEN ATROCITIES
294 (Columbia UP 2017). This trial “allowed no
defense counsel or translation into English and
lasted less than two hours.” Id. The Japanese
judges who conducted these proceedings were
later prosecuted after the war. Law Reports of the
Trials of War Criminals, UNITED NATIONS WAR
22
CRIMES COMMISSION VOL. V 1-22 (1948) (Sawada
Case). The trial court concluded that the two
judges were complicit in a serious deprivation of
due process. Id. at 7. One judge in particular
deserved special condemnation, Yusei Wako,
who “accepted the evidence without question”
and knowingly accepted false confessions as
evidence. Id. Overall, the court held that Wako
presided over a “false and fraudulent”
proceeding. Id.
Another group of downed airmen was
executed in Fukuoka in 1945 after sham legal
process—also involving Yusei Wako. Timothy
Lang Francis, "To Dispose of the Prisoners": The
Japanese Executions of American Aircrew at
Fukuoka, 66 PACIFIC HISTORICAL REVIEW 469
(1997). The crewmembers had participated in
firebombing missions of Japanese cities during
the waning months of the war, but they were shot
down and captured. Id. at 476. The lawyers
deciding the fate of the prisoners suspended a
proposed trial and proceeded with execution. Id.
at 484. The legal officer who made this decision
was none other than Yusei Wako. Id. at 482. At
the Tokyo Trials, the International Military
Tribunal would describe the scrapping of the
trial process as motivated by “local expediency,
revenge, and malice.” Id. at 496.
These examples can be contrasted with
the conduct of Justice Robert Jackson as Chief
Prosecutor of the Nuremberg military tribunal.
When presented with a case from the
International Military Tribunal of the Far East,
23
he chose to recuse himself despite the lack of a
factual nexus, solely on the basis of appearance:
I do not regard myself as under a legal
disqualification in these Japanese cases
under the usages as to disqualification
which prevail in this Court…. I have had
no participation either in the basic
decision to hold war crimes trials in the
Orient or as to the manner in which they
should be conducted. Nevertheless, I have
been so identified with the subject of war
crimes that, if it involved my personal
preferences alone, I should not sit in this
case.
Koki Hirota v. Gen. of the Army MacArthur, 335
U.S. 876, 879 (1948).
CONCLUSION
The writ of certiorari should be granted.
Respectfully submitted,
ALBERTO MORA
U. Penn. CERL Exec.
Board
8322 Woodlea Mill
Road
McLean, VA 22102
BRENNER M. FISSELL
Counsel of Record
Franklin Rosenblatt
Nat. Inst. of Mil. Justice
408 Saint David’s Ave
Wayne, PA 19087
(518) 231-8532
brenner.fissell@gmail.com
Counsel for Amici Curiae
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.