Amicus Curiae Brief — Brian Tingley, Petitioner v. Robert W. Ferguson, Attorney General of Washington, et al.
Supreme Court briefApr 27, 2023
Ask Donna
What actually matters in this document.
Text
No. 22-942
In the
Supreme Court of the United States
_________________________
BRIAN TINGLEY,
Petitioner,
v.
ROBERT W. FERGUSON, in his official capacity as
Attorney General for State of Washington, et al.,
Respondents.
_________________________
On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of
Appeals for the Ninth Circuit
_________________________
BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE
CATHOLICVOTE.ORG EDUCATION FUND IN
SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
_____________________
Scott W. Gaylord
201 North Greene Street
Greensboro, NC 27401
Phone: (336) 279-9331
Email: sgaylord@elon.edu
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................... ii
INTERESTS OF AMICUS ....................................... 1
ARGUMENT ........................................................... 2
I. SB 5722 imposes a content-based restriction
on government-disfavored speech, severely
limiting the rights of professionals to speak
and the rights of their patients to receive
professional advice. ....................................... 3
II. Tingley’s “speech is conduct” rule conflicts
with NIFLA and impermissibly empowers
governments to regulate disfavored speech
just by labeling that speech as conduct. ....... 12
CONCLUSION ...................................................... 24
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases
Ashcroft v. ACLU,
535 U.S. 564 (2002) .............................................. 4
Brown v. Ent. Merchs. Ass’n,
564 U.S. 786 (2011) ............................................ 10
Cohen v. California¸
403 U.S. 15 (1971) .............................. 5, 11, 13, 20
EMW Women’s Surgical Center, P.S.C. v. Beshear,
920 F.3d 421 (6th Cir. 2019) .............................. 11
Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville,
422 U.S. 205 (1975) ............................................ 10
FCC v. League of Women Voters of Cal.,
468 U.S. 364 (1984) .............................................. 5
First Nat. Bank of Boston v. Bellotti,
435 U.S. 765 (1978) .............................................. 9
Giboney v. Empire Storage & Ice Co.,
336 U.S. 490 (1949) ...................................... 14, 15
Gonzales v. Carhart,
550 U.S. 124 (2007) ............................................ 11
Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project,
561 U.S. 1 (2010) .................................... 5, 6, 7, 13
iii
Hurley v. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual
Group of Boston,
515 U.S. 557 (1995) ............................ 8, 16, 17, 24
King v. Governor of New Jersey,
767 F.3d 216 (3d Cir. 2014) ..................... 2, 13, 15,
Kleindienst v. Mandel,
408 U.S. 753 (1972) ............................................ 10
Marbury v. Madison,
5 U.S. 137 (1803) ................................................ 11
McCullen v. Coakley,
573 U.S. 464 (2014) .............................................. 5
Moore-King v. County of Chesterfield,
708 F.3d 560 (4th Cir. 2014) ................................ 3
NAACP v. Button,
371 U.S. 415 (1963) ...................................... 12, 20
Nat’l Inst. of Family and Life Advocates v. Becerra,
138 S.Ct. 2361 (2018) ...................... .2-4, 11-15, 21
Ohralik v. Ohio State Bar Ass’n,
436 U.S. 447 (1978) ............................................ 15
Otto v. City of Boca Raton,
981 F.3d 854 (11th Cir. 2020) ..... 2, 5-9, 13, 15, 18
Pacific Gas & Electric Co. v. Public Utilities
Comm’n of Cal.,
475 U.S. 1 (1986) ..............................................9, 16
iv
Pickup v. Brown,
740 F.3d 1208 (9th Cir. 2014)...... 2-4, 6, 14, 19, 21
Planned Parenthood of Se. Pa. v. Casey,
505 U.S. 833 (1992) ............................................ 15
Pleasant Grove City v. Summum,
555 U.S. 460 (2009) .............................................. 9
R.A.V. v. St. Paul,
505 U.S. 377 (1992) ............................................ 15
Reed v. Town of Gilbert,
576 U.S. 155 (2015) .............................................. 5
Riley v. Nat’l Fed. of the Blind of N.C., Inc.,
487 U.S. 781 (1988) ............................... 12,, 17, 20
Rosenberger v. Rector and Visitors
of Univ. of Va.,
515 U.S. 819 (1995) .............................................. 9
Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic and
Inst. Rights, Inc.,
547 U.S. 47 (2006) .............................................. 15
Seattle Times Co. v. Rhinehart,
467 U.S. 20 (1984) ................................................ 6
Snyder v. Phelps,
562 U.S. 443 (2011) ............................................ 10
Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc.,
564 U.S. 552 (2011) .................................. 6, 10, 14
v
Telescope Media Group v. Lucero,
936 F.3d 740 (8th Cir. 2019) .............................. 20
Texas v. Johnson,
491 U.S. 397 (1989) .................................. 9, 18, 20
Tingley v. Ferguson,
47 F.4th 1055 (9th Cir. 2022) ..................................
...................................... 1, 4, 7, 11, 14, 18-21, 23, 24
Tingley v. Ferguson,
57 F.4th 1072 (9th Cir. 2023) .................... 1, 12, 14
Turner Broad. Sys., Inc. v. FCC,
512 U.S. 622 (1994) .......................................... 5, 7
United States v. Stevens,
559 U.S. 460 (2010) ..................................15, 17, 18
W. Va. State Bd. of Ednew vuc. v. Barnette,
319 U.S. 624 (1943) .......................................... 7, 8
Wollschlaeger v. Governor of Florida,
848 F.3d 1293 (11th Cir. 2017) ........ 13, 17, 19, 21
Zauderer v. Office of Disciplinary Counsel of
Supreme Court of Ohio,
471 U.S. 626 (1985) ............................................ 13
Statutes
Wash. Rev. Code § 18.130.020
(SB 5722) ................................ 1, 3, 5-7, 13-17, 24
vi
Other Authorities
ABA, Model Rules of Professional Conduct,
Rule 8.4 (Aug. 2016) ....................... 21, 22, 23, 24
Memorandum, Standing Committee on Ethics and
Professional Responsibility,
December 22, 2015 ...............................................23
Ronald D. Rotunda, Heritage Foundation Legal
Memorandum (No. 191), “The ABA Decision to
Control What Lawyers Say: Supporting
‘Diversity’ but not Diversity of Thought”
(Oct. 6, 2016) ........................................................23
1
INTERESTS OF AMICUS1
CatholicVote.org Education Fund (“CVEF”) is a
nonpartisan voter education program devoted to
serving the Nation by supporting educational
activities that promote an authentic understanding
of ordered liberty and the common good. Given its
educational mission, CVEF is deeply concerned that
Tingley v. Ferguson, 47 F.4th 1055 (9th Cir. 2022)
poses a threat to the ability of professionals in any
licensed field to speak freely when treating,
counseling, representing, or advising their patients
and clients. If States are permitted to transform a
professional’s speech into conduct whenever they
impose a licensing requirement, the government will
be able to censor specific topics and viewpoints with
which it disagrees. Wash. Rev. Code § 18.130.020(4)
(“SB 5722”) does just that, precluding disfavored
speech during counseling sessions between licensed
counselors and their minor clients. The Ninth
Circuit’s analysis vests Washington with the
authority to impose content-based restrictions on
expression in any professional field. Tingley v.
Ferguson, 57 F.4th 1072, 1077 (9th Cir. 2023)
(O’Scannlain, J., statement respecting the denial of
rehearing en banc) (explaining that under the
panel’s analysis “the First Amendment would not
protect legal advice …, education, …, or
1 Each party received notice of the filing of this amicus
brief as required by Rule 37.2. Pursuant to Rule 37.6,
amicus states that no counsel for a party authored this
brief in whole or in part, and no person other than the
amicus and its counsel made any monetary contribution
intended to fund the preparation or submission of this
brief.
2
advertising”). This holding conflicts with Nat’l Inst.
of Family and Life Advocates v. Becerra, 138 S.Ct.
2361 (2018) as well as decisions from the Third and
Eleventh Circuits. King v. Governor of New Jersey,
767 F.3d 216 (3d Cir. 2014), abrogated in part by
NIFLA, 138 S.Ct. at 2371-72; Otto v. City of Boca
Raton, 981 F.3d 854 (11th Cir. 2020). CVEF,
therefore, comes forward to support the right of all
professionals to practice their vocation (and convey
their views) in a manner that is consistent with their
training, expertise, and (as here) religious faith.
ARGUMENT
This case centers on (what appears to be) an easy
and straightforward question: Is professional speech
speech? This Court, along with the Third and
Eleventh Circuits, has said that the answer is “yes:”
“Speech is not unprotected merely because it is
uttered by ‘professionals.’ ” NIFLA, 138 S.Ct. at
2371; King, 767 F.3d at 224; Otto, 981 F.3d at 861.
Although some types of speech (e.g., commercial
speech and expressive conduct) receive somewhat
diminished protection and a few types fall within a
narrow subset of unprotected speech (e.g., obscenity
and fighting words), speech is speech. Accordingly,
“this Court has not recognized ‘professional speech’
as a separate category of speech” subject to a unique
set of rules. NIFLA, 138 S.Ct. at 2371.
Surprisingly, the Ninth Circuit reached the
opposite conclusion, contradicting its sister circuits
and NIFLA. Relying directly on Pickup v. Brown,
Tingley held that professional speech is non-speech
conduct
under
certain,
largely
unspecified
circumstances. 740 F.3d 1208, 1230 (9th Cir. 2014)
(“We further conclude that the First Amendment
3
does not prevent a state from regulating treatment
even when that treatment is performed through
speech alone.”).
Tingley upheld SB 5722 even
though it imposed a content-based and viewpointbased restriction on Tingley, preventing him from
engaging in talk therapy with his minor clients. The
panel neither provided a test for its novel “speech is
conduct” rule nor articulated any limiting principles
that might cabin that rule. As a result, States in the
Ninth Circuit may regulate—and even ban—
disfavored professional speech simply by labeling it
conduct. Certiorari is required to resolve the circuit
split and to ensure that the government cannot
sidestep the First Amendment by reclassifying
professional speech as professional conduct.
I. SB 5722 imposes a content-based restriction
on government-disfavored speech, severely
limiting the rights of professionals to speak
and the rights of their patients to receive
professional advice.
The now-discredited professional speech doctrine
viewed professional speech as unique and, therefore,
not subject to traditional First Amendment rules.
The doctrine defined “professionals” as “individuals
who provide personalized services to clients and who
are subject to ‘a generally applicable licensing and
regulatory regime.’ ” NIFLA, 138 S.Ct. at 2371
(quoting Moore-King v. County of Chesterfield, 708
F.3d 560, 569 (4th Cir. 2014)). “Professional speech”
included “any speech by these individuals that is
based on ‘[their] expert knowledge and judgment’ or
that is ‘within the confines of [the] professional
relationship.’ ” Id. (citations omitted). In Pickup,
the Ninth Circuit went farther, holding that
4
professional speech falls along a continuum, with
professional speech on matters of public concern on
one end (greatest protection), professional conduct on
the other (least protection), and speech “within the
confines of a professional relationship” in the middle
(diminished protection). Pickup took California’s
conversion therapy ban to be a regulation of conduct
that at most had “an incidental effect on speech.”
740 F.3d at 1228-29.
In Tingley, the Ninth Circuit revisited Pickup in
the wake of NIFLA’s express criticism of the
professional speech doctrine.
Undeterred, the
Tingley panel doubled down on the Pickup
framework, contending that “NIFLA abrogated only
the ‘professional speech’ doctrine—the part of Pickup
in which we determined that speech within the
confines of a professional relationship (the ‘midpoint’
of the continuum) categorically receives lesser
protection.” 47 F.4th at 1073. Pickup “survive[d]
NIFLA” because Pickup’s “holding rest[ed] upon that
exception [for the regulation of professional conduct
that incidentally burdens speech].” Id. at 1075.
According to the panel, Washington’s ban on
conversion therapy (even when conducted exclusively
through speech) was constitutional because it
regulated only a form of treatment, which was
subject to the States’ police powers: “States do not
lose the power to regulate the safety of medical
treatments performed under the authority of a state
license merely because those treatments are
implemented through speech rather than through
scalpel.” Id. at 1064.
Tingley directly conflicts with NIFLA and the
protection afforded speakers against content-based
and viewpoint-based laws. Ashcroft v. ACLU, 535
5
U.S. 564, 573 (2002) (“[A]s a general matter, the
First Amendment means that government has no
power to restrict expression because of its message,
its ideas, its subject matter, or its content.”). SB
5722 contravenes “the usual rule that governmental
bodies may not prescribe the form or content of
individual expression.” Cohen v. California¸ 403
U.S. 15, 24 (1971). Content-based regulations “pose
the inherent risk that the Government seeks not to
advance a legitimate regulatory goal, but to suppress
unpopular ideas or information.” Turner Broad.
Sys., Inc. v. FCC, 512 U.S. 622, 641 (1994). A
government regulation of expression “is content
based if a law applies to particular speech because of
the topic discussed or the idea or message conveyed.”
Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155, 163 (2015). A
hallmark of a content-based regulation is that “it
require[s] ‘enforcement authorities’ to ‘examine the
content of the message that is conveyed to determine
whether’ a violation has occurred.” McCullen v.
Coakley, 573 U.S. 464, 479 (2014) (quoting FCC v.
League of Women Voters of Cal., 468 U.S. 364, 383
(1984)).
There is no doubt that SB 5722 "regulates speech
on the basis of its content,” precluding talk therapy
while allowing professionals to convey reinforcing
messages about sexual orientation and gender
identity. Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, 561
U.S. 1, 27 (2010) (“HLP”); Otto, 981 F.3d at 863
(“Whether therapy is prohibited depends only on the
content of the words used in that therapy, and the
ban on that content is because the government
disagrees with it.”). Tingley “want[s] to speak to [his
minor clients], and whether [he] may do so under
[SB 5722] depends on what [he] say[s].” HLP, 561
6
U.S. at 27. If Tingley’s speech with minor clients
involves “efforts to change behaviors or gender
expressions, or to eliminate or reduce sexual or
romantic attractions or feelings toward individuals of
the same sex,” Wash. Rev. Code § 18.130.020(4)(a),
“then it is barred” even though it “communicates
advice derived from [his] ‘specialized knowledge.’ ”
HLP, 561 U.S. at 27.
Tingley’s expression is
permitted, however, if it conveys “counseling or
psychotherapies that provide acceptance, support,
and understanding of clients or the facilitation of
clients’ coping, social support, and identity
exploration and development that do not seek to
change sexual orientation or gender identity.” Wash.
Rev. Code, § 18.130.020(4)(b). Thus, state-approved
messages are allowed, while Tingley’s desired
message is barred. Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc., 564
U.S. 552, 5687 (2011) (“An individual’s right to speak
is implicated when information he or she possesses is
subjected to ‘restraints on the way in which the
information might be used’ or disseminated.”)
(quoting Seattle Times Co. v. Rhinehart, 467 U.S. 20,
32 (1984)).
Allowing Tingley to express other statements
related to conversion therapy does not cure the
constitutional violation.
Otto, 981 F.3d at 863
(“[T]he constitutional problem posed by speech bans
like this one is not mitigated when closely related
forms of expression are considered acceptable.”);
Pickup, 740 F.3d at 1217 (O’Scannlain, J., dissenting
from the denial of rehearing en banc) (“The
reasoning of [HLP] specifically forecloses courts from
approving a statutory restriction on speech simply
because it still permits various and extensive
political expression.”). While SB 5722 allows Tingley
7
to “communicat[e] with the public about conversion
therapy; express[ his] personal views to patients
(including minors) about conversion therapy, sexual
orientation, or gender identity; … or refer[] minors
seeking conversion therapy to” others not covered by
SB 5722, it still precludes him from engaging in talk
therapy. Tingley, 47 F.4th at 1065. Because some
topics are permitted while others are not, whether
his speech is banned “depend[s] on what is said.”
Otto, 981 F.3d at 861. This is a content-based
restriction of speech the government dislikes: “[t]he
First Amendment does not protect the right to speak
about banned speech; it protects speech itself, no
matter how disagreeable that speech might be to the
government.” Id. at 863; HLP, 561 U.S. at 25-26
(finding a violation of the First Amendment even
though plaintiffs remained able to “say anything
they wish on any topic,” including the ability to
“speak and write freely about the PKK and LTTE,
the governments of Turkey and Sri Lanka, human
rights, and international law”). Where, as here, “the
conduct triggering coverage under the statute
consists of communicating a message,” First
Amendment protections adhere. Id.; W. Va. State
Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 642 (1943)
(“[N]o official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall
be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other
matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by
word or act their faith therein.”); Turner, 512 U.S. at
641 (affirming that “[a]t the heart of the First
Amendment lies the principle that each person
should decide for himself or herself the ideas and
beliefs deserving of expression, consideration, and
adherence”).
8
Drawing on their training and experience,
professionals, such as Tingley, convey specific
messages to their patients and clients, exercising
their “right as a private speaker to shape [their]
expression by speaking on one subject while
remaining silent on another.”
Hurley v. IrishAmerican Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Group of
Boston, 515 U.S. 557, 574 (1995). Washington
disagreed with the message Tingley sought to
communicate through talk therapy.
And “[t]he
message it disfavored is not difficult to identify.” Id.
The State opposed conversion therapy based on its
“particular viewpoint about sex, gender, and sexual
ethics.” Otto¸ 981 F.3d at 864. In its place,
Washington codified its own perspective—that
“sexual orientation is immutable, but gender is
not”—and prevented therapists from engaging in
counseling that was inconsistent with the State’s
view.
Id.
By barring particular viewpoints,
Washington skewed the marketplace of ideas,
permitting only state-approved speech on the specific
topic.
The First Amendment prohibits such
expressive gerrymandering:
The very idea that a noncommercial
speech restriction be used to produce
thoughts and statements acceptable to
some groups or, indeed, all people,
grates on the First Amendment, for it
amounts to nothing less than a proposal
to limit speech in the service of
orthodox expression.
The Speech
Clause has no more certain antithesis.
Hurley, 515 U.S. at 579; Barnette, 319 U.S. at 642
(“But freedom to differ is not limited to things that
do not matter much. That would be a mere shadow
9
of freedom. The test of its substance is the right to
differ as to things that touch the heart of the existing
order.”); Otto, 981 F.3d at 862 (“Forbidding the
government from choosing favored and disfavored
messages is at the core of the First Amendment’s
free-speech guarantee.”).
Washington remains free to engage in its own
expression to promote its preferred messages
regarding medical treatments, conversion therapy,
and other issues. Pleasant Grove City v. Summum,
555 U.S. 460, 467 (2009) (explaining that the
government “has the right to speak for itself, … to
say what wishes, and to select the views that it
wants to express”) (cleaned up). But in the realm of
“private speech or expression, government regulation
may not favor one speaker over another.”
Rosenberger v. Rector and Visitors of Univ. of Va.,
515 U.S. 819, 828 (1995). Nor can it censor messages
it dislikes: “Our cases establish that the State cannot
advance some points of view by burdening the
expression of others.” Pacific Gas & Electric Co. v.
Public Utilities Comm’n of Cal., 475 U.S. 1, 20 (1986)
(plurality opinion); First Nat. Bank of Boston v.
Bellotti, 435 U.S. 765, 785-86 (1978) (“Especially
where … the legislature’s suppression of speech
suggests an attempt to give one side of a debatable
public question an advantage in expressing its views
to the people, the First Amendment is plainly
offended.”). The way for the government to promote
its views on sexual orientation and gender identity
(or any other issue) “is not to punish those who feel
differently about these matters. It is to persuade
them that they are wrong.” Texas v. Johnson, 491
U.S. 397, 419 (1989).
10
Unfortunately, Washington takes a different
path. By banning talk therapy, the State violates
both Tingley’s right to speak and the right of his
patients to receive desired information. Sorrell, 564
U.S. at 578 (“The defect in Vermont’s law is made
clear by the fact that many listeners find detailing
instructive.”); Kleindienst v. Mandel, 408 U.S. 753,
762 (1972) (“In a variety of contexts this Court has
referred to a First Amendment right to ‘receive
information and ideas.’ ”).
While Washington
believes talk therapy is ineffective and harmful to
minors, “the Constitution does not permit
government to decide which types of otherwise
protected speech are sufficiently offensive to require
protection for the unwilling listener or viewer.”
Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, 422 U.S. 205, 210
(1975); Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443, 450 (2011)
(protecting speech even though a jury found it
“outrageous” and experts testified it “had resulted in
severe depression and had exacerbated pre-existing
health conditions”). The First Amendment shields
speech even when the government seeks to protect
children from expression it views as harmful. Brown
v. Ent. Merchs. Ass’n, 564 U.S. 786, 804-05 (2011)
(“Even where the protection of children is the object,
the constitutional limits on governmental action
apply.”). As this Court confirmed in Erznoznik,
“[s]peech that is neither obscene as to youths nor
subject to some other legitimate proscription cannot
be suppressed solely to protect the young from ideas
or images that a legislative body thinks unsuitable
for them.” 422 U.S. at 213-14; Brown, 564 U.S. at
794-95 (holding that the State’s power to protect
children “does not include a free-floating power to
restrict the ideas to which children may be
11
exposed”). Otherwise, the government could “shut
off discourse solely to protect others from hearing it
… effectively empower[ing] a majority to silence
dissidents simply as a matter of personal
predilections.” Cohen, 403 U.S. at 21. This Court
long ago rejected the view that the Constitution
“prescribe[es] limits, and declar[es] that those limits
may be passed at pleasure.” Marbury v. Madison, 5
U.S. 137, 178 (1803). To protect children (or anyone
else) through content-based regulations, the
government must satisfy heightened scrutiny.
NIFLA, 138 S.Ct. at 2371.
Furthermore, Washington cannot justify its
content-based restriction by invoking “the medical
recommendations of expert organizations.” Tingley,
47 F.4th at 1078. While appeals to authority may be
rhetorically powerful, they do not alter the First
Amendment analysis. For example, Casey upheld
Pennsylvania’s informed consent law even though
the district court had “found that ‘[t]he informed
consent requirements of the [Pennsylvania law]
represent a substantial departure from the ordinary
medical requirements of informed consent’ … and
that various provisions of the Pennsylvania law
conflicted with the official positions of ACOG and the
American Public Health Association.”
EMW
Women’s Surgical Center, P.S.C. v. Beshear, 920 F.3d
421, 438 (6th Cir. 2019) (citation omitted). Similarly,
in Gonzales v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124 (2007) this
Court upheld a federal ban on partial-birth abortion
“despite the district court’s findings that the law was
contrary to certain medical-profession views,
including that ACOG ‘told Congress several times
that the procedure should not be banned.’ ” Beshear,
920 F.3d at 438 (citation omitted).
12
As these cases demonstrate, the views of
professional organizations do not determine the
scope
of
constitutionally
protected
speech.
Professionals
“have
a
host
of
good-faith
disagreements, both with each other and with the
government, on many topics in their respective
fields.” NIFLA, 138 S.Ct. at 2374-75. To protect the
marketplace of ideas, the Court—not the legislature
and not professional organizations—must determine
the constitutionality of the regulation at issue. Id. at
2375 (“[T]he people lose when the government is the
one deciding which ideas should prevail.”); Tingley,
57 F.4th at 1077 (O’Scannlain, J., dissenting from
denial of rehearing en banc) (“But it would make no
sense for the First Amendment to protect speech
through heightened scrutiny while subjecting
legislative determinations of the line between speech
and conduct only to rational basis review.”).
Accordingly, review is needed to determine the
appropriate level of scrutiny for content-based
regulations of professional speech.
II. Tingley’s “speech is conduct” rule conflicts
with NIFLA and impermissibly empowers
governments to regulate disfavored speech
just by labeling that speech as conduct.
Tingley confronts a significant problem. Contentbased regulations of professional speech run
headlong into the First Amendment. NAACP v.
Button, 371 U.S. 415, 438 (1963) (rejecting Virginia’s
attempt to ban the litigation related speech of
NAACP attorneys through a statute precluding
“improper solicitation”); Riley v. Nat’l Fed. of the
Blind of N.C., Inc., 487 U.S. 781, 798 (1988) (finding
speech
compulsions
related
to
professional
13
fundraising unconstitutional); Zauderer v. Office of
Disciplinary Counsel of Supreme Court of Ohio, 471
U.S. 626, 637 n.7 (1985) (noting that, if
communicated outside the commercial speech
context, the lawyer’s statements would have been
“fully protected speech”). This is true even when
“[t]he law … may be described as directed at
conduct, as the law in Cohen was directed at
breaches of the peace, but as applied to plaintiffs the
conduct triggering coverage under the statute
consists of communicating a message.” HLP, 561
U.S. at 28. Moreover, NIFLA confirmed, “[s]peech is
not unprotected merely because it is uttered by
‘professionals.’ ” 138 S.Ct. at 2371-72; King, 767 F.3d
at 225 (“Given that the Supreme Court had no
difficulty characterizing legal counseling as ‘speech,’
we see no reason here to reach the counter-intuitive
conclusion that verbal communications that occur
during SOCE counseling are ‘conduct.’ ”); Otto, 981
F.3d at 867 (“What the governments call a ‘medical
procedure’ consists—entirely—of words…. ‘Speech is
speech, and it must be analyzed as such for purposes
of the First Amendment.’ ”) (quoting Wollschlaeger v.
Governor of Florida, 848 F.3d 1293, 1307 (11th Cir.
2017)).
To avoid subjecting SB 5722’s content-based
restrictions to strict scrutiny, Tingley had three
options. First, the panel could show that there is
“ ‘persuasive evidence … of a long (if heretofore
unrecognized) tradition’ of allowing content-based
restrictions on professional speech.” NIFLA, 138
S.Ct. at 2372. In the alternative, the panel could
argue that SB 5722 should be afforded less
protection
because,
second,
it
“require[s]
professionals to disclose factual, noncontroversial
14
information in their ‘commercial speech,’ ” or, third,
it “regulate[s] professional conduct, even though that
conduct incidentally involves speech.” Id.; Giboney
v. Empire Storage & Ice Co., 336 U.S. 490, 502 (1949)
(“[I]t has never been deemed an abridgement of
freedom of speech or press to make a course of
conduct illegal merely because the conduct was in
part initiated, evidenced, or carried out by means of
language, either spoken, written, or printed.”).
The panel did not pursue the second option for
obvious reasons—SB 5722 does not regulate
commercial speech. Two members of the panel
tried—unsuccessfully—to pigeonhole SB 5722 into
the first exception. The difficulty was that NIFLA
previously held there was no tradition of regulating
professional speech generally or medical speech in
particular. 138 S.Ct. at 2372; Tingley, 57 F.4th at
1078-79 (O’Scannlain, J., dissenting from denial of
rehearing en banc). In addition, having ruled that
talk therapy (consisting entirely of speech) is
conduct, the panel members could not turn around
and assert that this conduct was actually speech
subject to a longstanding, albeit previously
unrecognized, tradition of content-based regulations.
Speech is speech or speech is conduct; the panel
cannot have it both ways.
Not surprisingly, then, Tingley’s central
argument was that SB 5722 is a regulation of
professional conduct that incidentally involves
speech. Tingley, 47 F.4th at 1073 (adopting Pickup’s
position that a ban on “conversion therapy treatment
… was a regulation of conduct” subject only to
“rational basis review”); Sorrell, 564 U.S. at 567
(“[T]he First Amendment does not prevent
restrictions directed at commerce or conduct from
15
imposing incidental burdens on speech.”). To fall
within this category of diminished protection, there
must be some conduct—other than the act of
communication itself—that is the object of the
governmental regulation. Otto, 981 F.3d at 866
(explaining that “the State punishes speech, not
conduct” when “the only conduct which the State
[seeks] to punish [is] the fact of communication”). As
a result, the threshold question is whether SB 5722
regulates expression or conduct. King, 767 F.3d at
224 (recognizing that “the preliminary issue”
involving New Jersey’s ban on conversion therapy “is
whether [the law] has restricted Plaintiffs’ speech or
… merely regulated their conduct”).
Although
“drawing the line between speech and conduct can be
difficult,” this Court “ha[s] long drawn it, and the
line is ‘long familiar to the bar.’ ” NIFLA, 138 S.Ct.
at 2373 (quoting Stevens, 559 U.S. at 468) (cleaned
up).
Examples of regulations of conduct that
incidentally burden speech abound.
Planned
Parenthood of Se. Pa. v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 884
(1992) (upholding mandatory disclosures as part of
obtaining informed consent to a physician’s
performing an abortion); Ohralik v. Ohio State Bar
Ass’n, 436 U.S. 447, 456 (1978) (“In-person
solicitation by a lawyer of remunerative employment
is a business transaction in which speech is an
essential but subordinate component.”); Rumsfeld v.
Forum for Academic and Inst. Rights, Inc., 547 U.S.
47, 62 (2006) (bans on discrimination in hiring
prohibiting a “White Applicants Only” sign); R.A.V.
v. St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377, 385 (1992) (“an ordinance
against outdoor fires” preventing “burning a flag”);
Giboney, 336 U.S. at 502 (antitrust laws precluding
16
“agreements in restraint of trade”). In these cases,
the government regulated the underlying conduct,
not the speech itself.
SB 5722 does the opposite; it regulates
professional speech directly—even though the First
Amendment
precludes
such
speech-focused
regulations. Hurley illustrates the point. Although
public
accommodations
laws
generally
are
constitutional when applied to a business’s conduct,
Hurley, 515 U.S. at 572 (noting that on its face the
Massachusetts
public
accommodations
law
prohibited “the act of discriminating against
individuals in the provision of publicly available
goods, privileges, and services on the proscribed
grounds”), the Court held that such laws must yield
to the First Amendment when “the sponsors’ speech
itself [is taken] to be the public accommodation.” Id.
at 573. Massachusetts could not treat expression as
conduct and then claim a broader authority to
regulate that expression: “While the law is free to
promote all sorts of conduct in place of harmful
behavior, it is not free to interfere with speech for no
better reason than promoting an approved message
or discouraging a disfavored one, however
enlightened either purpose may strike the
government.” Id. at 579. The Massachusetts public
accommodations law could not be “applied in a
peculiar way”—to the organizers’ expression itself—
because “this use of the State’s power violates the
fundamental rule of protection under the First
Amendment, that a speaker has the autonomy to
choose the content of his own message.” Id. at 573.
The same analysis applies to professional speech.
PG&E, 475 U.S. at 11 (noting that “all speech
inherently involves choices of what to say and what
17
to leave unsaid”). That Hurley involved a speech
compulsion while SB 5722 imposes a speech
restriction does not alter the constitutional analysis.
Riley, 487 U.S. at 796 (“[I]n the context of protected
speech, the difference [between compelled speech
and compelled silence] is without constitutional
significance.”). The government generally has no
power to compel speech it likes or to censor speech it
disfavors given that the point of the First
Amendment’s “general rule, that the speaker has the
right to tailor the speech, … is simply the point of all
speech protection, which is to shield just those
choices of content that in someone’s eyes are
misguided, or even hurtful.” Hurley, 515 U.S. at
573-74. Labeling expression (whether the selection
of parade components or talk therapy) as conduct
(marching in the street or treatment) does not
magically transform speech into conduct. If it did,
Hurley would have come out the other way.
Wollschlaeger, 848 F.3d at 1308 (citation omitted)
(“[T]he enterprise of labeling certain verbal or
written communications ‘speech’ and others ‘conduct’
is unprincipled and susceptible to manipulation.”).
Instead, Hurley recognized that if the
Massachusetts law was permitted to regulate the
organizers’ expression, “any contingent of protected
individuals with a message would have the right to
participate in petitioners’ speech.” Hurley, 515 U.S.
at 573. Similarly, if SB 5722 is permitted to ban
professional speech, state legislatures would have
the authority to regulate a professional’s speech with
her patient based “ ‘upon a categorical balancing of
the value of the speech against its societal costs.’ ”
Stevens, 559 U.S. at 470 (citation omitted). That is
what Washington did—banned conversion therapy
18
because its legislature concluded that such therapy
was ineffective, disfavored by various professional
groups, and harmful to minors. Tingley, 47 F.4th at
1064-65.
The problem is that Stevens expressly rejected
this type of balancing test:
The First Amendment’s guarantee of
free speech does not extend only to
categories of speech that survive an ad
hoc balancing of relative social costs
and benefits. The First Amendment
itself reflects a judgment by the
American people that the benefits of its
restrictions
on
the
Government
outweigh the costs. Our Constitution
forecloses any attempt to revise that
judgment simply on the basis that some
speech is not worth it.
559 U.S. at 470. The Washington legislature may
view talk therapy as “valueless or unnecessary,” but
its “ad hoc calculus of costs and benefits” does not
determine the scope of First Amendment protection.
Id. at 471; Johnson, 491 U.S. at 414 (“If there is a
bedrock principle underlying the First Amendment,
it is that the government may not prohibit the
expression of an idea simply because society finds
the idea itself offensive or disagreeable.”). Whether
Washington disagrees with talk therapy (or any
other type of professional speech) “for good reasons,
great reasons, or terrible reasons has nothing at all
to do with it. All that matters is that a therapist’s
speech to a minor client is legal or illegal under the
ordinances based solely on its content.” Otto, 981
F.3d at 863.
19
Tingley approaches talk therapy from a
particular professional and religious background;
“his Christian views inform his work,” and “many of
his clients share his religious viewpoints and come to
him specifically because he holds himself out as a
‘Christian provider[].’ ” Tingley, 47 F.4th at 1065.
Drawing on his training and faith, Tingley “help[s]
patients make deeply personal decisions, and [his]
candor is crucial. If anything, the doctor-patient
relationship provides more justification for free
speech, not less.” Wollschlaeger, 848 F.3d at 1328.
Washington disagreed with Tingley so strongly
that it prohibited him from speaking. What stops
the legislature from doing the same to other
professionals? Given that the First Amendment does
not protect professional speech under Tingley, the
answer seems to be “the discretion of the
legislature.” Why? Because the panel provides no
test to determine which speech counts as conduct
and under what circumstances. The outer limits of
the “speech is conduct” rule are left undefined:
The panel provides no principles
doctrinal basis for its dichotomy; by
what criteria do we distinguish between
utterances that are truly “speech,” on
the one hand, and those that are, on the
other hand, somehow “treatment” or
“conduct”?
The panel, contrary to
common sense and without legal
authority, simply asserts that some
spoken words—those prohibited by SB
1172—are not speech.
Pickup, 740 F.3d at 1215-16 (O’Scannlain, J.,
dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc). If
20
Tingley is correct, a State can declare disfavored
speech to be conduct and then impose a contentbased restriction on that speech/conduct.
Tellingly, the panel cites no authority to support
giving Washington the authority to declare pure
expression to be something that it is not—conduct—
and then regulate such “conduct” free from the
strictures of the First Amendment. In fact, this
Court’s precedents cut in the opposite direction.
Riley, 487 U.S. at 796 (“[S]tate labels cannot be
dispositive of [the] degree of First Amendment
protection.”); Button, 371 U.S. at 439 (explaining
that “a State may not, under the guise of prohibiting
professional misconduct, ignore [First Amendment]
rights”); Cohen, 403 U.S. at 18 (upholding an
individual’s right to wear a jacket displaying
offensive words because “[t]he only ‘conduct’ which
the State sought to punish is the fact of
communication,” which meant that the “conviction
rest[ed] solely upon ‘speech’ ”); Telescope Media
Group v. Lucero, 936 F.3d 740, 752 (8th Cir. 2019)
(“Speech is not conduct just because the government
says it is.”). And they do so for good reason—the
dangers to free speech are the same whether the
government is allowed to regulate professional
speech or professional “conduct” that consists in
communicating a message. Johnson, 491 U.S. at
416 (“The State’s argument cannot depend here on
the distinction between written or spoken words and
nonverbal conduct. That distinction, we have shown,
is of no moment where the nonverbal conduct is
expressive, as it is here, and where the regulation of
that conduct is related to expression, as it is here.”).
Unmoored from the First Amendment, the scope
of Tingley’s rule is alarming—“cover[ing] a wide
array of individuals—doctors, lawyers, nurses,
21
physical therapists, truck drivers, bartenders,
barbers, and many others.” NIFLA, 138 S.Ct. at
2375. Attorneys, teachers, social workers, physician
assistants, registered nurses, therapists, and other
licensed professionals counsel clients, treat patients,
and teach through various speech acts. Protesting,
debating, and meeting to discuss books are other
forms of expression that the government might
classify as conduct under the Ninth Circuit’s
analysis.
Pickup, 740 F.3d at 1221 n.10
(O’Scannlain, J., dissenting from rehearing en banc)
(“If a state may freely regulate speech uttered by
professionals in the course of their practice without
implicating the First Amendment, then targeting
disfavored moral and political expression may only
be a matter of creative legislative draftsmanship.”).
Having the authority to regulate the act of
communication itself, the government could “easily
tell architects that they cannot propose buildings in
the style of I.M. Pei, or general contractors that they
cannot suggest the use of cheaper foreign steel in
construction projects, or accountants that they
cannot discuss legal tax avoidance techniques, and
so on and so on.” Wollschlaeger, 848 F.3d at 1311.
A recent example from the legal field further
illustrates how Tingley jeopardizes professional
speech. In 2016, the American Bar Association
proposed Model Rule 8.4(g). Under the proposed
Rule:
It is professional misconduct for a
lawyer to: … (g) Engage in conduct that
the lawyer knows or reasonably should
know is harassment or discrimination
on the basis of race, sex, religion,
national origin, ethnicity, disability,
age, sexual orientation, gender identity,
22
marital status or socioeconomic status
in conduct related to the practice of
law….
This paragraph does not
preclude legitimate advice or advocacy
consistent with these rules.
ABA, Model Rules of Professional Conduct, Rule 8.4
(Aug.
2016)
(“Rule
8.4(g)”)
(available
at
https://www.americanbar.org/groups/professional_re
sponsibility/publications/model_rules_of_professional
_conduct/rule_8_4_misconduct/). While the Rule’s
text referred only to conduct, Comment 3 revealed
that the Rule also operated as a speech code,
regulating written and oral expression:
Discrimination and harassment by
lawyers in violation of paragraph (g) …
includes harmful verbal or physical
conduct that manifests bias or prejudice
towards others. Harassment includes
sexual harassment and derogatory or
demeaning verbal or physical conduct.
Sexual harassment includes unwelcome
sexual advances, requests for sexual
favors, and other unwelcome verbal or
physical conduct of a sexual nature.
ABA, Model Rules of Professional Conduct, Rule 8.4,
Comments
(Aug.
2016)
(available
at
https://www.americanbar.org/groups/professional_re
sponsibility/publications/model_rules_of_professional
_conduct/rule_8_4_misconduct/comment_on_rule_8_
4/). The purpose of the Rule was to foster a “cultural
shift” in views on discrimination and harassment:
“There is a need for a cultural shift in understanding
the inherent integrity of people regardless of their
race, color, national origin, religion, age, sex, gender
identity, gender expression, sexual orientation,
23
marital status, or disability, to be captured in the
rules of professional conduct.” December 22, 2015
Memorandum, Standing Committee on Ethics and
Professional
Responsibility
(available
at
https://www.americanbar.org/content/dam/aba/admi
nistrative/professional_responsibility/rule_8_4_amen
dments_12_22_2015.pdf).
To bring about this
“cultural shift,” the ABA sought to regulate both
“physical conduct” and “verbal conduct.”
Among other problems, Model Rule 8.4(g)
conflated speech and conduct in the same way as
Tingley.
Discriminatory and harassing conduct
included speech with which the ABA disagreed. By
labeling the disfavored speech as “verbal conduct,”
the ABA attempted to move the Rule outside the
protection of the First Amendment. Consistent with
Tingley, the ABA’s “speech is conduct” rule had
broad scope, applying to all “[c]onduct related to the
practice of law[, which] includes representing clients;
interacting with witnesses, coworkers, court
personnel, lawyers and others while engaged in the
practice of law.”
Rule 8.4, Comment 4.
Transforming speech into conduct, Rule 8.4(g) sought
to codify viewpoint-based discrimination in relation
to the practice of law. Speech that did not “manifest
bias or prejudice” was permissible, and “[l]awyers
may engage in conduct undertaken to promote
diversity and inclusion without violating this rule….”
Rule 8.4(g). As Professor Rotunda aptly put the
point, “[t]he ABA rule is not about forbidding
discrimination based on sex or marital status; it is
about punishing those who say or do things that do
not support the ABA’s particular view of sex
discrimination or marriage.” Ronald D. Rotunda,
Heritage Foundation Legal Memorandum (No. 191),
“The ABA Decision to Control What Lawyers Say:
Supporting ‘Diversity’ but not Diversity of Thought”
24
(Oct.
6,
2016)
(available
at
http://thfreports.s3.amazonaws.com/2016/LM-191.pdf).
If
Tingley stands, States could adopt Model Rule 8.4(g)
and silence lawyers who hold views that interfere
with the ABA’s “cultural shift.”
CONCLUSION
The object of SB 5722 “is simply to require
[professionals] to modify the content of their
expression to whatever extent” the legislature may
want, thereby promoting “messages of [its] own.”
Hurley, 515 U.S. at 578. Given that SB 5722
prohibits speech based on content and viewpoint,
“this object is merely to allow exactly what the
general rule of speaker’s autonomy forbids”—
governmental control over the content of expression
on disputed and controversial topics. Id. This Court
should grant certiorari, therefore, not because of
“any particular view about [Tingley’s] message,” but
because of “the Nation’s commitment to protect
freedom of speech,” including the speech of
professionals. Id. at 581.
Respectfully submitted,
Scott W. Gaylord
201 North Greene Street
Greensboro, NC 27401
Phone: (336) 279-9331
Email: sgaylord@elon.edu
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
April 27, 2023
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.