Amicus Curiae Brief — United States, Petitioner v. Zackey Rahimi
Supreme Court briefNov 2, 2023
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NO. 22-915
In the Supreme Court of the United States
________________
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Petitioner,
v.
ZACKEY RAHIMI.
________________
On Writ of Certiorari
to the United States Court of Appeals
for the Fifth Circuit
________________
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE AMICUS
CURIAE BRIEF OF PROFESSOR LORIANNE
UPDIKE TOLER IN SUPPORT OF NEITHER
PARTY
J. Carl Cecere
Counsel of Record
CECERE PC
6035 McCommas Blvd.
Dallas, Texas 75206
(469) 600-9455
ccecere@cecerepc.com
Lorianne Updike Toler
Swen Parson Hall
Northern Illinois
University College of
Law
DeKalb, IL 60115
(617)595-0837
lupdiketoler@niu.edu
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
November 2, 2023
In the Supreme Court of the United States
______________________
No. 22-915
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Petitioner,
v.
ZACKEY RAHIMI.
_____________________
On Writ of Certiorari
to the United States Court of Appeals,
for the Fifth Circuit
____________________
MOTION FOR LEAVE TO FILE AMICUS CURIAE
BRIEF OUT OF TIME
____________________
Pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37.3, amicus curiae
Professor Lorianne Updike Toler requests leave to file the
following brief in support of neither party in the abovecaptioned matter. In support of that motion, Amicus would
show the following:
1. Movant is an assistant professor at Northern Illinois
University College of Law specializing in constitutional legal history. Amicus Curiae has an interest in the Court
having an informed understanding of the constitutional
history of the Second Amendment.
2. Amicus briefs in support of neither party in this case
were due August 21, 2023. And while Rule 37.3 provides
that motions to extend the time will not be entertained,
2
Movant hopes the Court will make an exception for the academic project represented by the proposed brief and allow this brief to be filed in advance of the argument that is
scheduled for November 10, 2023. Movant and her counsel
have been working diligently to prepare the brief with the
assistance of law students in Professor Updike Toler’s constitutional history class. Because of the press of Prof. Updike Toler’s academic responsibilities and her students’
schedules, the brief has only recently been completed.
3. Both the Petitioner and the Respondent take no position on the relief requested in this motion.
4. Movant’s proposed brief would assist the Court in resolving this case. In N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n, Inc. v.
Bruen, 142 S. Ct. 2111 (2022), the test that the Court applied “requires courts to assess whether modern firearms
regulations are consistent with the Second Amendment’s
text and historical understanding.” Movant’s proposed
amicus brief provides a unique form of neutral historical
background on domestic violence and disarming of dangerous citizens before and during the Founding as well as
the possible gloss provided by the “rule of thumb” (limiting
the size of the implements of domestic violence to the
width of a man’s thumb) on the Second Amendment.
Accordingly, Movant respectfully requests leave to file
the enclosed amicus curiae brief in support of neither
party.
3
Respectfully submitted,
J. Carl Cecere
Counsel of Record
CECERE PC
6035 McCommas Blvd.
Dallas, Texas 75206
(469) 600-9455
ccecere@cecerepc.com
Lorianne Updike Toler
Swen Parson Hall
Northern Illinois
University College of
Law
DeKalb, IL 60115
(617)595-0837
lupdiketoler@niu.edu
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
QUESTION PRESENTED
Whether 18 U.S.C. 922(g)(8), which prohibits the
possession of firearms by persons subject to domestic
violence restraining orders, has any historical analogues
under NY State Rifle Assoc. v. Bruen, 597 U.S. ___ (2022)
and thus violates the Second Amendment on its face?
(I)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Question presented ............................................................. I
Table of authorities ............................................................ IV
Statement of interest .......................................................... 1
Summary of argument ........................................................ 2
Argument ............................................................................. 4
I.
A Husband’s Right to Beat His Wife was Limited
by Reasonableness under British Common Law,
Colonial Law, and the Antebellum South by the
Rule of Thumb ............................................................. 4
A.
British Common Law Between 1500-1776
Prevented Husbands From Unreasonably
“Chastising” Wives, Including Killing Them
or Causing Serious Bodily Injury ...................... 4
B.
Colonial Laws Placed Similar Limits on
Husband’s Privileges, but were Frequently
Unenforced ........................................................... 7
C.
The Rule of Thumb as Found in the
Antebellum South at the time of the
Fourteenth Amendment’s Ratification May
Limit the Use of Arms by Domestic Abusers
............................................................................... 8
II. British and Colonial Sources Punished Those
Who Posed a Threat of Violence Against the
Community with Disarmament and Those Who
Posed a Threat of Violence Against Specific
Individuals with Fines............................................... 13
A.
English Law Permitted Seizure of Firearms
from Certain Dangerous Groups ..................... 13
(II)
III
B.
Disarmament and Surety Bonds in Colonial
America Were Often Required of Criminal
Offenders Who Posed Harm or Threats of
Harm to Others .................................................. 14
C.
Under Colonial Law, Those Who Posed a
Violent Threat to the Community as
Opposed to Individuals Could Be Disarmed,
Imprisoned and Fined ....................................... 16
III. During the Founding itself, Only Those Who
Refused to Take an Oath of Allegiance Were
Considered Dangerous enough to the Public to
be Disarmed ............................................................... 19
Conclusion .......................................................................... 24
Addendum:
HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE (Sep. 23, 1782) ............... add. I
DUBLIN EVENING POST (Sep. 28, 1782) ................... add. II
JAMES GILLRAY, JUDGE THUMB OR STICKS OF LAWFUL
SIZE FOR FAMILY DISCIPLINE, IN THE WORKS OF
JAMES GILLRAY (1847)............................................add. III
JAMES GILLRAY, MR. JUSTICE THUMB IN THE ACT OF
FLAGELLATION, THE RAMBLER (JAN. 1783) ...... add. IV
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases:
State v. Oliver,
70 N.C. 60 (1874) ............................................................ 12
Fulgham v. State,
46 Ala. 143 (1871) ........................................................... 12
State v. Rhodes,
61 N.C. 453 (1868) .......................................................... 12
Bradley v. State,
1 Miss. 156, 1 Walker 156 (1824) .................................. 12
Dominus Rex v. Lister,
1 Strange 478, 93 Eng. Rep. 645 (K.B. 1721) ............... 5
The King against the Lord Lee,
2 Levinz 127, 83 Eng. Rep. 482 (K.B. n.d.1675) ........... 5
Manby v. Scott,
Siderfin 109, 82 Eng. Rep. 1000, 1001 (Ex. 1659) ....... 5
Wife of Cloburn against Her Husband,
Hetley 150, 124 Eng. Rep. 414 (C.P. n.d.) (1630) ........ 5
Sir Thomas Seymor’s Case, Moore (K.B.) 875, 72 Eng.
Rep. 966 (1615). ............................................................... 5
Statutes:
An Act for Punishing Criminal Offenders 1662, in 1
THE CHARTER GRANTED BY HIS MAJESTY KING
CHARLES THE SECOND, TO THE COLONY OF RHODEISLAND, AND PROVIDENCE-PLANTATIONS, IN
AMERICA (1719) .................................................................. 18
(IV)
V
Statutes—continued:
An Act for Ordering the Forces in the Several
Counties of this Kingdom (1662), in 5 STATUTES OF
THE REALM (John Raithby ed. 1628-80) .................... 13, 14
The Oaths of Fidelity to his Majesty and the Lord
Proprietor of the Providence of New Jersey 1675,
in GRANTS, CONCESSIONS, AND ORIGINAL
CONSTITUTIONS OF THE PROVINCE OF
NEW-JERSEY: THE ACTS PASSED DURING THE
PROPRIETARY (1753) ........................................................... 21
ENGLISH BILL OF RIGHTS (1689) ...................................... 14
Liberties of Women, COLONIAL LAWS OF MASSACHUSETTS REPRINTED FROM THE EDITION OF 1672,
WITH THE SUPPLEMENTS THROUGH 1686 (1686) ............... 7
An Act for Punishment of Criminal Offenders
1692-1693, in 1 ACTS AND RESOLVES, PUBLIC
AND PRIVATE, OF THE PROVIDENCE OF MASS.
BAY (1869)................................................................ 15, 16, 18
An Act for Punishing Criminal Offenders 1696,
in ACTS AND LAWS OF HIS MAJESTY'S PROVINCE OF
NEW-HAMPSHIRE: IN NEW-ENGLAND; WITH SUNDRY
ACTS OF PARLIAMENT (1771) ............................................. 17
An Act About Binding the Peace (1700), in 2
STATUTES AT LARGE OF PENNSYLVANIA FROM
1682 TO 1801 (1700-1809). ................................................... 15
An Act About Binding the Peace (1700), in 1 LAWS
OF THE STATE OF DELAWARE FROM THE
FOURTEENTH DAY OF OCTOBER, ONE THOUSAND
SEVEN HUNDRED, TO THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF
AUGUST, ONE THOUSAND SEVEN HUNDRED AND
NINETY-SEVEN (1797) ........................................................ 15
VI
Statutes—continued:
An Act Declaring that All Persons of Foreign Birth,
Heretofore Inhabiting Within This Colony and Dying
Seizes of Any Lands, Tenements, or Hereditaments,
Shall Be Forever Hereafter Deemed, Talem, and
Assumed to Have to Been Naturalized and For
Naturalizing all Protestants of Foreign Birth, Now
Inhabiting this Colony (1715), in LAWS OF
NEW-YORK, FROM THE YEAR 1691, TO 1773
INCLUSIVE (1774) ................................................................ 21
An Act for the Security of His Majesties
Government (1722), in ACTS OF THE GENERAL
ASSEMBLY OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW-JERSEY,
FROM THE TIME OF THE SURRENDER OF THE
GOVERNMENT IN THE SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN
OF QUEEN ANNE TO THIS PRESENT TIME
(1752) .................................................................................... 20
An Act to Appoint Constables (1751) in 1 REVISAL
OF ALL THE ACTS OF ASSEMBLY, OF THE PROVINCE OF
NORTH-CAROLINA, NOW IN FORCE AND USE (1773) ...... 18
An Act Forbidding and Punishing Affrays (1786), in
REVISED CODE OF THE STATE OF VIRGINIA
(1819) .................................................................................... 17
An Act Directing the Trial of Slaves Committing
Capital Crimes; and for the More Effectual
Punishing Conspiracies and Insurrection of Them;
and For the Better government of Negros,
Mulattoes, and Indians, Bond or Free (1751), in 1
ACTS OF ASSEMBLY, NOW IN FORCE, IN THE COLONY
OF VIRGINIA (1752) ............................................................. 19
VII
Statutes—continued:
An Act for Disarming Papist and Reputed Papist,
Refusing to Take the Oaths to the Government
Statutes at Large 1756, in BEING A COLLECTION OF
ALL THE LAWS OF VIRGINIA, FROM THE FIRST
SESSION OF THE LEGISLATURE (1820) ............................. 20
An Act for the Executing in the Colony of the
Massachusetts Bay, In New England, One Resolve
of the American Congress, Dated 14, 1776,
Recommending the Disarming Such Persons As are
Notoriously Disaffected to the Cause of America…
(1775-1776), in 5 ACTS AND RESOLVES, PUBLIC AND
PRIVATE, OF THE PROVINCE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS
BAY (1886)............................................................................ 22
An Act for Repealing Part of An Act, Entitled “A
Further Supplement to the Act, Entitled ‘An Act for
Further Security of Government; and For Disarming
Person Who Shall Not Have Given Attestations of
allegiance And Fidelity to This State or Some Other
of The United States’” 1778 in 9 STATUTES AT
LARGE OF PENNSYLVANIA FROM 1682 TO 1801
(1776-1779) .......................................................................... 23
An Act Against Treason And Misprision Of Treason
And For Regulating Trials In Such Cases And For
Directing Modes Of Executing Judgements Against
Persons Convicted Of Those Crimes 1777, in
PERPETUAL LAWS OF THE STATE OF NEWHAMPSHIRE, FROM THE SESSION OF THE GENERALCOURT, JULY 1776, TO THE SESSION IN DECEMBER
1788, CONTINUED INTO THE PRESENT YEAR 1789
(1789) .................................................................................... 22
VIII
Statutes—continued:
An Act for Establishing Justices of the Peace and
Vesting Them With Certain Powers (1798), in PUBLIC
LAWS OF THE STATE OF RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS PASSED SINCE THE SESSION OF
THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN JANUARY, A.D. 1798, (17981813) ..................................................................................... 23
An Act Requiring All Persons to Take the Oaths Appointed to Be Taken Instead of Allegiance and Supremacy, in ACTS AND LAWS OF HIS MAJESTY'S PROVINCE OF
NEW-HAMPSHIRE: IN NEW-ENGLAND; WITH SUNDRY
ACTS OF PARLIAMENT (1771) ............................................. 21
1777 N.J. Laws 90, ch. 40 § 20 ........................................... 23
An Act for the Punishment of High-Treason and
Other Atrocious Crimes Against the State, in 1 ACTS
AND LAWS OF THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT IN
AMERICA (1784) .................................................................. 21
Letters:
Letter From Benjamin Lincoln to George
Washington (Dec. 4, 1786), in THE PAPERS OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON DIGITAL EDITION (2008) ............ 24
Letter From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson
(Mar. 19, 1787), THE PAPERS OF JAMES MADISON
DIGITAL EDITION (2010) .................................................... 24
Other authorities:
ABERDEEN PRESS AND JOURNAL (OCT. 14, 1782)............ 10
Jordan J. Al-Rawi, The Case for Relaxing Bruen’s
Historical Analogues Test: Rahimi, 18 U.S.C.
§922(g)(8), and Domestic Violence Regulation in
Colonial and Post-Enactment America, 39 BERKLEY
J. GENDER L. & JUST. 1, 14 (forthcoming Spring 2024) .. 8
IX
Other authorities—continued:
ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENCE, EUROPEAN
MAGAZINE AND LONDON REVIEW FRONTISPIECE (NOV.
1782) ..................................................................................... 11
Bertram Barnett, Small Arms in the Civil War, Anchor, A
North Carolina History Online Resource,
https://www.ncpedia.org/anchor/small-arms-civil-war
[https://perma.cc/HQ4P-WZPB], (last visited October
30, 2023) ............................................................................... 13
Royce de R. Barondes, The Odious Intellectual Company of Authority Restricting Second Amendment
Rights to the "Virtuous", 25 TEX. REV. L. & POL. 245
(2021) ................................................................................... 14
BATH CHRONICAL AND WEEKLY GAZETTE
(OCT. 3, 1782) ......................................................................... 9
BATH CHRONICAL AND WEEKLY GAZETTE
(JAN. 2, 1783) ....................................................................... 11
Sir William Blackstone, 1 & 4 COMMENTARIES ON
THE LAW OF ENGLAND (1765-1769)
(1979 reprint) .............................................................. 4, 6, 15
CHESTER CHRONICAL (DEC. 24, 1782). ............................ 11
Robert H. Churchill, Gun Regulation, the Police
Power, and the Right to Keep Arms in Early America:
The Legal Context of the Second Amendment, 25 LAW
AND HIST. REV. 139 (2007). ................................................. 19
Sir Edward Coke, INSTITUTES ON THE LAWS OF
ENGLAND (1628-1644) ........................................................ 10
24 THE COLONIAL AND STATE RECORDS
(1777) .................................................................................... 24
X
Other authorities—continued:
Affraye, John Comwell, THE INTERPRETER, OR, BOOKE
CONTAINING THE SIGNIFICATION OF WORDS (Cambridge: Printed by John Legate 1st ed. 1607) ................. 16
William Prideaux Courtney, Francis Buller, 7 DICTIONARY OF NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY, 1855-1900 ......................... 8
DUBLIN CHRONICAL EVENING POST (Sep. 28, 1782) .. 9, 10
Anthony Fitzherbert, THE NEW NATURA BREVIUM
80F, 179 (London, 1704) ...................................................... 5
G.A. Gilbert, The Connecticut Loyalists, 4 AM. HIST.
REV. 273 (1899) .................................................................. 21
Joseph G.S. Greenlee, The Historical Justification
for Prohibiting Dangerous Persons from Possessing
Firearms, 20 WYO. L. REV. 249 (2020) ............................. 14
HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE (Sep. 23, 1782). .......... 8, 9, 10, 11
HAMPSHIRE CHRONICAL (DEC. 30, 1782) ......................... 11
Henry A. Kelly, “Rule of Thumb” and the Folklaw of
the Husband’s Stick, 4 J. OF LEGAL EDUC. 353 (1994) . 11
1 JOURNALS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS 1774-1789
(Way and Gideon ed., 1823)............................................... 22
Lyle Koehler, A SEARCH FOR POWER: THE WEAKER
SEX ” IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY NEW ENGLAND. Urbana: University of Illinois Press 140-141 (1980) ............ 8
Nelson Lund, The Past and Future of the Individual’s
Right to Arms, 31 GA. L. REV. 1 (1996) ........................... 14
NORFOLK CHRONICAL (Sep. 21, 1782) ................................ 9
Nan Oppenlander, The Evolution of Law and Wife
Abuse, 3 LAW & POL. Q. 382 (1981) ................................... 11
Elizabeth Pleck, Criminal Approaches to Family Violence, 1640-1980, 11 CRIME AND JUSTICE 19 (1989) ........ 7
XI
Other authorities—continued:
REGISTER OF ADMISSIONS TO THE HONOURABLE
SOCIETY OF THE MIDDLE TEMPLE (1782-1909),
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1GD19MSLSsu3oryaqkoKySYieWYqPiB5y/view .......................................... 12
REVISED CROMPTON: LOFFICE ET AUCTORITIE DE JUSTICES DE PEACE (London: 1617) ................................... 5
SALISBURY AND WINCHESTER JOURNAL
(Sep. 23, 1782) ............................................................ 9
1 A TREATISE OF THE PLEAS OF THE CROWN 127,
130 (1724) (2nd. ed.) .............................................................. 5
Christina Vogel, Mapping the Language of Male
Partner Violence: An Historical Examination of Power,
Meaning, and Ambivalence, 29 VIOLENCE AGAINST
WOMEN 2787 (2023) ………………………………..4, 7, 11
In the Supreme Court of the United States
No. 22-915
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.,
Petitioners,
v.
ZACKEY RAHIMI.
_____________________
On Writ of Certiorari
to the United States Court of Appeals,
for the Fifth Circuit
____________________
BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE
PROFESSOR LORIANNE UPDIKE TOLER
IN SUPPORT OF NEITHER PARTY
____________________
STATEMENT OF INTEREST1
Amicus Curiae Lorianne Updike Toler is an assistant
professor at Northern Illinois University College of Law
who specializes in constitutional legal history. Amicus has
an interest in ensuring that the Court has an informed
understanding of the constitutional history of the Second
Amendment.
1
No counsel for any party authored this brief in whole or in part,
and no person or entity other than amici or their counsel made a monetary contribution intended to fund the brief ’s preparation or submission.
(1)
2
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The short answer to the question presented in this case
is “no.” History has not been kind to wives trapped in dangerous marriages. A husband’s “ancient” right to beat his
wife was limited beginning in the 1500s by a “reasonableness” standard under British Common Law. Contemporaneous colonial laws prohibited husbands from committing
acts of physical violence against wives, but these were frequently unenforced. After the Revolution, the “rule of
thumb” was introduced in 1782 in England, supplementing the “reasonableness” standard with a bright line rule
allowing husbands to beat wives with sticks smaller than
the diameter of a judge’s thumb. There is some doubt
whether the infamous and widely-ridiculed “rule of
thumb” nevertheless became the law in England thereafter, but the rule was introduced into the antebellum South
and was prevalent during Reconstruction. The rule of
thumb could potentially provide a gloss on the incorporated Second Amendment in preventing husbands from
using firearms in domestic violence, which were, on average, thicker than a man’s thumb.
History predating the Founding Era suggests a difference in punishments for those who posed a threat of violence against the community as compared to those who
posed a threat of individual violence against specific individuals. English law allowed the seizure of firearms from
certain groups of people who were deemed “dangerous to
the peace of the kingdom.” However, in Colonial America,
surety bonds were often required of criminal offenders
who posed harm or threats of harm to others. Those who
posed a threat to the community were subject to harsher
punishment such as disarmament, imprisonment and
3
forced fines. This compared to those who posed a threat to
individuals were merely fined.
Comprehensively, there are no pre-Founding laws directly on point which disarmed perpetrators of domestic
violence. However, on a broader level of generality, because domestic violence was considered a crime against
the community, British and pre-Founding history may be
construed to support disarming those who posed a harm
or threat of harm against an individual.
Founding Era sources provide less support for disarmament. Non-association laws were enacted to effectuate the
disarming of those who refused to take an oath of allegiance to the United States. These laws suggest that those
who refused to take an oath of allegiance to the rebel cause
were considered dangerous to public safety and therefore
were disarmed. However, this was the only context in
which individuals were disarmed during the Founding.
In all, the sources presented in this brief do not evidence
any history directly on point supporting disarmament of
domestic abusers, but it may be possible to broadly interpret the rule of thumb or disarmament laws for crimes
against the community as providing translatable historical
analogues for disarming domestic abusers, but this must
be done on a higher level of generality.
4
ARGUMENT
I.
A Husband’s Right to Beat His Wife was Limited
by Reasonableness under British Common Law,
Colonial Law, and the Antebellum South by the
Rule of Thumb
A. British Common Law Between 1500-1776
Prevented Husbands From Unreasonably
“Chastising” Wives, Including Killing Them or
Causing Serious Bodily Injury
William Blackstone recognized an “antient privilege” of
2
husbands to beat their wives. Dating back to Roman and
Biblical times, this “privilege” was based in the conception
3
of wives as property “subject to control.” The privilege of
“wife beating” persisted, but began to be limited begin4
ning in the early modern period. One shift undergirding
this change was “public condemnation of husbands killing
5
or using extreme forms of violence towards their wives.”
Gradually, this condemnation took on the imprimatur of
2
Sir William Blackstone, 1 & 4 COMMENTARIES ON THE LAW OF
ENGLAND at 433 (1765-1769) (1979 reprint).
3
Christina Vogel, Mapping the Language of Male Partner Violence:
An Historical Examination of Power, Meaning, and Ambivalence, 29
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN 2787, 2793 (2023).
4
Id.
5
Id.
5
law as judges began penalizing unreasonable violence
6
against wives.
On the eve of the Revolution, Blackstone confirmed both
the antiquity of the wife-beating privilege and its more
modern limit of reasonableness. Blackstone’s language
(translated from the Latin where necessary) on point is as
follows:
The husband also (by the old law) might give
his wife moderate correction. For, as he is to
answer for her misbehavior, the law thought
it reasonable to intrust him with this power
of restraining her, by domestic chastisement, in the same moderation that a man is
allowed to correct his servants or children;
for whom the master or parent is also liable
6
Anthony Fitzherbert, THE NEW NATURA BREVIUM 80F, 179 (London, 1704 (permitting wives to obtain a writ against husbands if he
threatens to beat or kill her); REVISED CROMPTON: LOFFICE ET AUCTORITIE DE JUSTICES DE PEACE…(London: 1617) (permitting husbands to correct his wife “reasonably”); Sir Thomas Seymor’s Case,
MOORE (K.B.) 875, 72 Eng. Rep. 966 (1615 (permitting a wife to divorce her husband “pur unreasonable correccõn”); Wife of Cloburn
against Her Husband, HETLEY 150, 124 Eng. Rep. 414 (C.P. n.d.)
(1630) (rejecting husband’s contention that boxing his wife’s ear, spitting in her face, and calling her a damn whore was not unreasonable
cruely); Manby v. Scott, SIDERFIN 109, 82 Eng. Rep. 1000, 1001 (Ex.
1659) (prohibiting a husband from killing, beating, and starving his
wife); The King against the Lord Lee, 2 LEVINZ 127, 83 Eng. Rep. 482
(K.B. n.d.1675)(Limiting recovery of wife for hsuband’s “unkindnesses” to sureties); Dominus Rex v. Lister, 1 STRANGE 478, 93 Eng.
Rep. 645 (K.B. 1721)(limiting husband’s privilege to restrain wife
when required to “preserve his honour and estate” inapplicable here);
1 A TREATISE OF THE PLEAS OF THE CROWN 127, 130 (1724) (2nd. ed.)
(recognizing the right of a wife to a surety of peace as against her husband when he chastises her unreasonably).
6
in some cases to answer. But this power of
correction was confined within reasonable
bounds; and the husband was prohibited to
use any violence to his wife, aliter quam ad
virum, ex causa regiminis et castigationis
uxoris Suae, licite et rationabiliter pertinet
[for the reason of the rule and chastisement
of the wife, belongs otherwise to the husband lawfully and reasonably]. The civil law
gave the husband the same, or a larger, authority over his wife; allowing him, for some
misdemesnors, flagellis et sustibus acriter
verberare uxorem [to beat his wife severely
with whips]; for others, only modicum castigationem adhibere [to apply a little chastisement]. But, with us, in the politer reign of
Charles the second, this power of correction
began to be doubted: and a wife may now
have security of the peace against her husband; or, in return, a husband against his
wife. Yet the lower rank of people, who were
always fond of the old common law, still
claim and exert their antient privilege; and
the courts of law will still permit a husband
to restrain a wife of her liberty, in case of any
7
gross misbehaviour.
Blackstone here recognized that the “old law” permitted
a husband to control his wife through violence, but that
more modern law recognized limits of reasonableness and
proportionality based on provocation. Blackstone further
opines that the influence of “polite” civilization limited
7
1 Blackstone, supra n. 2 at 432-33.
7
wife-beating to the lower classes. While domestic violence
was not limited to the lower classes in 1765 (wealthier
8
women were actually more vulnerable ), Blackstone’s
summation of the common law and its evolution in 1765
was otherwise accurate.
B. Colonial Laws Placed Similar Limits on
Husband’s Privileges, but were Frequently
Unenforced
British limits on domestic violence found analogues in
colonial America. In 1641, Massachusetts passed one of
the first laws regarding domestic abuse.9 That law states
that “Everie marryed woeman shall be free from bodilie
correction or stripes by her husband, unlesse it be in his
owne defence upon her assault.”10 Essentially no married
woman should face physical violence (“bodilie correction”
or “stripes”) from her husband unless her husband was
defending himself from the wife’s attack.11 Because the
Massachusetts’ “Body of Liberties” specifically entitled a
section “Liberties of Women,” it could be interpreted that
the legislature intended to give women safety in the
home.12 Yet court records from colonial Massachusetts indicate that a very limited number of offenders received
8
Vogel, supra n. 3.
Liberties of Women, COLONIAL LAWS OF MASSACHUSETTS REPRINTED FROM THE EDITION OF 1672, WITH THE SUPPLEMENTS
9
THROUGH 1686, 51 (1686).
10
Id.
11
Id.
Elizabeth Pleck, Criminal Approaches to Family Violence,
1640-1980, 11 CRIME AND JUST. 19, 23 (1989).
12
8
any type of punishment other than admonition or fines.13
On occasion, offenders were appointed “supervisors,” or
ordered to submit a bond to ensure good behavior.14 Given
the infrequency of enforcement and narrow range of enforcement mechanisms, such protections provided little
more than parchment barriers for wives to withstand violent partners.15
C. The Rule of Thumb as Found in the
Antebellum South at the time of the
Fourteenth Amendment’s Ratification May
Limit the Use of Arms by Domestic Abusers
After the break with England and at the close of the
Revolutionary War, British limits on domestic violence
took on a different form. The test of "reasonableness” was
replaced by at least one judge with a more bright-line rule
regarding the size of the instrument of violence. At the assizes of September 1782 in Westminster, Sir Francis
Buller, appointed as the youngest-ever English judge to
16
the King’s Bench at 32 in 1778, infamously introduced the
17
“rule of thumb” into British Common Law. A man was
Lyle Koehler, A SEARCH FOR POWER: THE WEAKER SEX” IN
SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY NEW ENGLAND. Urbanda: University of
Illinois Press, 140-141 (1980).
13
14
Id. at 141 (1980).
Jordan J. Al-Rawi, The Case for Relaxing Bruen’s Historical
Analogues Test: Rahimi, 18 U.S.C. §922(g)(8), and Domestic Violence Regulation in Colonial and Post-Enactment America, 39
BERKLEY J. GENDER L. & JUST. 1, 14 (forthcoming Spring 2024).
15
16
William Prideaux Courtney, Francis Buller, 7 DICTIONARY OF
NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY, 1855-1900, 248-49 (1921-22).
17
HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE (Sep. 23, 1782), infra at addendum 1.
9
tried for beating his wife with a faggot (a stick used for
18
firewood), “value one farthing,” killing her. Counsel for
the defense argued that a husband had a common law
right to chastise his wife, citing scripture and the example
19
of “all wise nations.” If chastisement was legal, so too,
20
argued the defense, was the consequence (here, death).
At this point, instead of objecting to the death of the wife,
“[t]he Judge laid down the law—He said the
great point for consideration was, the instrument used by the husband—had it been
a whip, had it been a switch, any thing that
bent and could break no bones, it would have
been different—but the prisoner had beat
his wife with a faggot. Here the council for
the prisoner asked, what sized stick a man
might chastise his wife with? The learned
21
Judge thrust forth his thumb…”
According to the most widely-published account of the
22
trial, Justice Buller then said “of the size of my thumb.”
The response was electric. Within the Courtroom, which
was “full of women,” a Dublin reporter observed women
mocking the judge, who asked each other if anyone could
18
DUBLIN EVENING POST (Sep. 28, 1782), infra at addendum 2.
19
Id.
20
Id.
21
Id.
22
HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE, supra n. 17; the same account was published in the following newspapers, SALISBURY AND WINCHESTER
JOURNAL (Sep. 23, 1782), NORFOLK CHRONICLE (Sep. 21, 1782), BATH
CHRONICLE AND WEEKLY GAZETTE (Oct. 3, 1782).
10
be “kept under” by a stick so thin; “if we are to be beaten”
23
they said, “let us be beaten by something we can feel.”
Ladies outside of the Courtroom sent messages to his
lodgings, to “obtain the exact measure of his Lordship’s
thumb,” presumably to know the legal limits of their
24
abuse.
The mocking continued for months thereafter. By midOctober, an advertisement was run for the publication of
“The Thumb-stick, a judicial poem, addressed to new married men, with a few thoughts on the nature of faggots, by
25
Sir F. Buller, Knt.” Prominent caricaturist James Gillray
sketched two cartoons of Justice Buller in November 1782
for publications, both attached as addendums to this
26
brief. The first depicts Justice Buller selling a bundle of
“thumb sticks” for wife-beating. The second, entitled “Mr.
Justice Thumb in the Act of Flagellation” wherein the
judge is beating his wife with a thin stick depicts a scroll
in the corner with the words, “a Husband may chastise his
27
wife with a stick the size of his thumb. COKE.” The publication of this cartoon was heavily advertised throughout
England as an enticement to purchase The Rambler,
23
DUBLIN EVENING POST, supra n. 18.
24
HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE, supra n. 17.
25
ABERDEEN PRESS AND JOURNAL (Oct. 14, 1782).
26
See addendums 3-4.
27
See addendum 5. No such reference to a rule of thumb or even any
reference to the “reasonableness” standard limiting wife-beating appears in Sir Edward Coke’s INSTITUTES ON THE LAWS OF ENGLAND
(1628-1644).
11
28
newly published in 1783. The entire country was in on the
joke.
There is some doubt whether the infamous and widelyridiculed “rule of thumb” nevertheless became the law in
England thereafter. In the initial report of the case, “the
lawyers have given their opinion, that if a husband should
use a stick, differing in dimensions from Judge [Buller]’s
thumb, an action will lie, and heavy damages be recovera29
ble by the wife.” In the European Magazine and London
Review of November 1, another Lord’s thumb was “inadmissible, as the Size of a Cane or Stick, with which a Man
may lawfully correct his Wife, was settled by Judge
30
Buller.” Historians differ as to the effect of Judge
Buller’s pronouncement upon the law, but most indicate
that the “rule of thumb” made its way into the common
31
law after 1782.
28
See., e.g., CHESTER COURANT (Dec. 24, 1782); HAMPSHIRE
CHRONICLE (Dec. 30, 1782); BATH CHRONICLE AND WEEKLY GAZETTE (Jan. 2, 1783), all of which ran the advertisement, “On Wednesday, the First of January, 1783, will be published, Price 6d. to be continued the first of every month….Also an Engraving in caricature, in
the manner of Hogarth, of Mr. Justice Thumb, in the Act of Glagellation, Number 1 of The Rambler’s Magazine; or, the Annals of Gallantry, Glee, Pleasure, or the Bon Ton…”
29
HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE, supra n. 17.
30
Answers to Correspondence, EUROPEAN MAGAZINE AND LON-
DON REVIEW, frontispiece (Nov. 1782).
31
Cf., Henry Ansgar Kelly, “Rule of Thumb” and the Folklaw of the
Husband’s Stick, 44 JOURNAL OF LEGAL EDUCATION 341 (1994); Vogel, supra n. 3 at 2794; Nan Oppenlander, The Evolution of Law and
Wife Abuse, 3 LAW & POL. Q. 382, 387 (1981).
12
Regardless of the impact of the “rule” on the British
Isles, it was clearly embraced as a common law rule in the
antebellum south. This may have been facilitated by the
late eighteenth century practice of aristocratic slave-owning families sending their sons to England for their legal
education. Beginning the very year that Judge Buller
made his infamous pronouncement, Middle Temple’s registry from 1782-1813 lists 49 enrolled American students
from Boston down to the Caribbean islands, most from
32
slave-holding states.
The ”rule of thumb” made its American debut in an 1824
Mississippi case, Bradley v. State, wherein the court recognized that a whip or rattan “no bigger than my thumb”
was considered part of the “reasonable” allowance permit33
ted a husband to “give his wife moderate correction.” It
reappeared during Reconstruction in an 1867 North Carolina case and in an 1871 Alabama case, but was finally re34
jected in North Carolina in 1874.
In all, the presence of the infamous “rule of thumb’s”
limit on the instrumentalities of domestic violence in the
South at the time of the Fourteenth Amendment’s ratifi-
32
2 REGISTER OF ADMISSIONS TO THE HONOURABLE SOCIETY OF
MIDDLE
TEMPLE
394-427
(1782-1909),
https://drive.google.com/file/d/1GD19MSLSsu3oryaqkoKySYieWYqPiB5y/view (last visited Oct. 28, 2023).
THE
33
34
Bradley v. State, 1 MISS. 156, 1 WALKER 156 (1824).
State v. Rhodes, 61 N.C. 453 (1868); Fulgham v. State, 46 Ala. 143
(1871); State v. Oliver, 70 N.C. 60 (1874) (“The doctrine of years ago,
that a husband had the right to whip his wife, provided, he used a
switch no larger than his thumb, no longer governs the decisions of
our Courts”).
13
cation may provide a gloss on the incorporation of the Second Amendment. If instrumentalities or weapons of domestic abuse were limited to those no bigger than a
judge’s thumb, it would likely prohibit the use of guns
against wives, which were, at that stage, larger thicker in
35
diameter than a thumb. Though nothing in this prefounding, founding, and ratification history of domestic violence laws speak to disarmament, at a higher level of abstraction, the rule of thumb limit could also be viewed as a
prohibition on a domestic abuser’s access to such arms.
II. British and Colonial Sources Punished Those
Who Posed a Threat of Violence Against the
Community with Disarmament and Those Who
Posed a Threat of Violence Against Specific
Individuals with Fines
A. English Law Permitted Seizure of Firearms
from Certain Dangerous Groups
The English Militia Act of 1662 enabled the Crown to
“seize all arms in the custody or possession of any person”
who were deemed “dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom.”36 Two interpretations of this Act follow: first, that
35
Bertram Barnett, Small Arms in the Civil War, Anchor, A
North Carolina History Online Resource, https://www.ncpedia.org/anchor/small-arms-civil-war https://perma.cc/3H5Q-9FNG,
(last visited Oct. 30, 2023) (The popular rifles and pistols carried
during this time had a wide range of calibers; the diameter of the
bores of barrels and the ammunition used were mostly larger than
the diameter of an average man’s thumb.).
An Act for Ordering the Forces in the Several Counties of this
Kingdom, STATUTES OF THE REALM (1662), in 5 STATUTES OF THE
REALM 360 (John Raithby ed., 1628-80).
36
14
England had established a well-practiced tradition of disarming dangerous persons who were deemed a threat to
the Crown,37 and second, that the Act was created to suppress political enemies by disarming them.38 Regardless,
the government’s ability to seize arms led to the grievance
that Protestants were being disarmed while papists were
“armed and employed contrary to law” in the English Bill
of Rights of 1689.39 As a corrective, the English Bill of
Rights secured to Protestants the right “have arms” 40
while presumably permitting the government to seize
Catholics’ arms deemed “dangerous to the Peace of the
41
Kingdom.”
B. Disarmament and Surety Bonds in Colonial
America Were Often Required of Criminal
Offenders Who Posed Harm or Threats of
Harm to Others
Colonial laws permitted the forfeiture of arms in a limited subset of crimes, both violent and non-violent.42 These
Joseph G.S. Greenlee, The Historical Justification for Prohibiting Dangerous Persons from Possessing Firearms, 20 WYO. L. REV.
249, 261 (2020).
37
Nelson Lund, The Past and Future of the Individual’s Right to
Arms, 31 GA. L. REV. 1, 8 (1996).
38
39
THE BILL OF RIGHTS (1689).
40
Id.
41
An Act for Ordering the Forces, supra n. 36.
Royce de R. Barondes, The Odious Intellectual Company of Authority Restricting Second Amendment Rights to the "Virtuous," 25
TEX. REV. L. & POL. 245, 284 (2021) (Citing An Act for the Punishing
of Criminal Offenders (1692), ch. 11, § 6, reprinted in THE CHARTERS AND GENERAL LAWS OF THE COLONY AND PROVINCE OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY 237, 240 (T. B. Wait & Co. 1814)).
42
15
crimes included the use of any menaces or threatening
speech,43 threatening another person to “wound, kill or destroy him,”44 or harm a person or his estate.45 Simultaneously, offenders were required to post a surety bond in order to maintain their arms. This tracked British law:
Blackstone’s Commentaries provided that if a party could
demonstrate he had “just cause to fear” another or that
there was suspicion that a crime was foreseeable, they
could “demand surety of the peace against such a person.”46 This applied to wives vis-à-vis husbands and vice
47
versa. Colonial laws permitted the disarmament of convicted criminals as well as requiring surety bonds of those
who posed harm or threat of harm.
An Act for Punishment of Criminal Offenders 1692-1693, in 1
ACTS AND RESOLVES, PUBLIC AND PRIVATE, OF THE PROVIDENCE OF
MASS. BAY 51-55 (1869).
43
44
An Act About Binding the Peace 1700, in 2 STATUTES AT LARGE
OF PENNSYLVANIA FROM 1682 TO 1801, 23 (1700-1809).
An Act About Binding the Peace 1700, in 1 LAWS OF THE STATE
OF DELAWARE FROM THE FOURTEENTH DAY OF OCTOBER, ONE
45
THOUSAND SEVEN HUNDRED, TO THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF AUGUST,
ONE THOUSAND SEVEN HUNDRED AND NINETY-SEVEN, 52 (1797).
46
4 BLACKSTONE, supra n. 2 at 252 (1769) (1979 Reprint).
47
Id. at 251.
16
C. Under Colonial Law, Those Who Posed a
Violent Threat to the Community as Opposed
to Individuals Could Be Disarmed, Imprisoned
and Fined
In 1692, Massachusetts passed a law entitled: An Act for
the Punishment of Criminal Offenders.48 This Act empowered each judicial figure to arrest all “affrayers, rioters,
disturbers or breakers of the peace…”49 “Affray” here is
defined as “the fighting of two or more persons in some
public place to the terror of the people.”50 Upon confession
or conviction, the Act authorized imprisonment until he
“f[ound] sureties for the peace and good behavior.”51 Additionally, the Act called for the seizure of the offender’s “armor or weapons,” which were then forfeited to the King.52
Although this Act goes on to punish “breach of the peace
in any person that shall smite or strike another,” the language of this Act limits disarmament to people who participated in more serious disorderly conduct which involved disruption of the community and could lead to potential uprisings.53 It is possible to infer that because the
legislature was willing to disarm those who were a threat
An Act for Punishment of Criminal Offenders (1692-1693), supra
n. 43.
48
49
Id.
Affraye, John Comwell, THE INTERPRETER, OR, BOOKE CONTAINING THE SIGNIFICATION OF WORDS, 32 (Cambridge: Printed by
50
John Legate 1607)
51
An Act for Punishment of Criminal Offenders, supra n. 43 at 51-
55.
52
Id.
An Act for Punishment of Criminal Offenders (1692-1693), supra
n. 43. (Requiring only a fine or a surety for peace and good behavior
for striking another).
53
17
to the community, they were deemed too dangerous to
have firearms, as compared to those who may individually
cause harm to another.
The New Hampshire legislature passed an Act in 1771
entitled “An Act for Punishing Criminal Offenders.”54 The
language of this act is nearly identical to the 1692 statute
from Massachusetts.55 This law committed the offender to
prison until they paid some form of surety bond and enabled the government to seize and to sell the arms used by
offenders.
Virginia’s analogue varied the language of the statute
slightly: “[N]o man . . . [shall] go [ ] or ride armed by night
or by day, in fairs or markets, or in other places, in terror
of the country, upon pain of being arrested and committed
to prison by any justice on his view, or proof of others,
there to a time for so long a time as a jury, to be sworn for
that purpose by the said justice, shall direct, and in like
manner to forfeit his armour to the Commonwealth . . . .”56
These laws targeted those who posed a threat to society
by disarming them, in addition to fines and potential jail
time.
A similar statute in North Carolina required constables
to “arrest all such persons as, in your sight, shall ride or
An Act for Punishing Criminal Offenders (1696), in ACTS AND
LAWS OF HIS MAJESTY'S PROVINCE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE: IN NEWENGLAND; WITH SUNDRY ACTS OF PARLIAMENT, 16-19 (1771).
54
55
Id.
An Act Forbidding and Punishing Affrays (1786), in REVISED
CODE OF THE STATE OF VIRGINIA 554 (1819).
56
18
go armed offensively, or shall commit or make any riot, affray, or other breach of his Majesty’s peace . . .”57 This statute did not provide for forfeiture of firearms, yet its goal
was still to suppress threats of violence to the community.
In contrast, Rhode Island passed an Act in entitled “An
Act for Punishing Criminals.”58 This Act calls for imprisonment for twelve months or a fine of ten pounds if a person is convicted of rioting.59 This Act separates the offenses of rioting and breach of the peace from assault and
battery.60 Although disarmament of offenders is not discussed, there is a stark difference in the punishment. A
conviction of rioting elevated the monetary punishment by
tenfold, as compared to a conviction of breaching the
peace. The significant difference in the value of the fine
tracks the 1692 Massachusetts law. There, the harsher
punishment of disarmament was reserved for those who
posed a threat to the community, as compared to those
who posed a threat to an individual, resulting in the payment of a fine.61
An Act to Appoint Constables (1751), in 1 REVISAL OF ALL THE
ACTS OF ASSEMBLY, OF THE PROVINCE OF NORTH-CAROLINA, NOW
IN FORCE AND USE (1773).
57
An Act for Punishing Criminal Offenders (1662), in 1 THE CHARTER GRANTED BY HIS MAJESTY KING CHARLES THE SECOND, TO
58
THE COLONY OF RHODE-ISLAND, AND PROVIDENCE-PLANTATIONS,
IN AMERICA 4-9 (1719).
59
Id.
60
Id.
An Act for Punishment of Criminal Offenders (1692 -1693), supra n. 43 (Allows for disarming of offenders who breach the peace
and cause fear in King’s subjects but requiring only a fine or a sureties for peace and good behavior for striking another).
61
19
These statutes underly a distinction with a difference:
only offenders who threatened or disturbed the public
were punished with disarmament; private violent offenders received the lesser punishments of fines and payments
of sureties. Some states’ laws that punished offenders who
threatened specific individuals with imprisonment effectively disarmed the offenders while in prison; however,
many laws do not speak to whether firearms were taken
away after the prison sentence nor of the return of firearms once the surety bond was paid. In all, these statutes
provide historical evidence for reserving the harsher punishment of disarmament for those who posed a threat to
the community.
III. During the Founding itself, Only Those Who
Refused to Take an Oath of Allegiance Were
Considered Dangerous enough to the Public to be
Disarmed
During the Founding, the types of individuals posing a
threat to society shifted to those disloyal to the rebel
cause. Under British rule, free white colonists were disarmed only if they refused to take a test of allegiance that
62
defined membership in the body politic. Before the Revolution, this meant allegiance to King George III.63 One
62
Robert H. Churchill, Gun Regulation, the Police Power, and the
Right to Keep Arms in Early America: The Legal Context of the Second Amendment, 25 LAW AND HIST. REV., 139, 158 (2007). In contrast
to free whites, slaves and Native Americans were not permitted guns
during this period; See An Act Directing the Trial of Slaves Committing Capital Crimes; and for the More Effectual Punishing Conspiracies and Insurrection of Them; and For the Better government of Negros, Mulattoes, and Indians, Bond or Free (1751), in 1 ACTS OF ASSEMBLY, NOW IN FORCE, IN THE COLONY OF VIRGINIA 349 (1752).
63
Id.
20
such act is New Jersey’s 1752 An Act for the Security of
His Majesty’s Government of New Jersey.64 This law provided that “[W]hereas some persons…disaffected to His
Majesty’s Person and government…to the great Hurt of
His Majesty’s faithful and loyal subjects inhabiting within
the same…will, if not prevented, prove dangerous to the
Government of this Providence.” 65 Under this law, oaths
of allegiance were administered to “any person or persons
whatsoever who they shall or may suspect to be Dangerous or disaffected to his Majesty or his Government.”66 If
a person refused to take the oath, they were deemed a
“Popish Recusant Convict,” and were subjected to any forfeiture, and legal process that the Laws of England permitted. 67 A refusal to take an oath of allegiance to the King
of England was interpreted to be a crime against the
King’s people, which in turn resulted in being labeled dangerous and led to a criminal conviction. Although this particular law does not specifically state that those who refused to take the oath led to disarmament, it effectively
disarmed them, as it permitted a “popish recusant” conviction, which prevented disabled offenders from owning
any “arms or weapons” unless a special allowance was
made.68 Each state had analogous laws which required
64
An Act for the Security of His Majesties Government 1722, in
ACTS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW-JERSEY… 92-98 (1752).
65
Id.
66
Id.
67
Id.
An Act for Disarming Papist and Reputed Papist, Refusing to
Take the Oaths to the Government Statutes at Large (1756), in BEING A COLLECTION OF ALL THE LAWS OF VIRGINIA, FROM THE FIRST
68
21
proof of loyalty to the King of England by taking an oath
69
of allegiance to the King, or face disarmament.
The battles of Lexington & Concord and the later siege
of Boston provided a turning point; thereafter, colonists
required allegiance to the rebel cause. Those who actively
assisted the British were imprisoned and those who libeled or defamed acts of the Continental Congress were
disenfranchised and ultimately prohibited from keeping
arms, holding office, or serving in the military.70
The Continental Congress recommended that colonies
disarm persons “who are notoriously disaffected to the
cause of America, or who have not associated, and shall
SESSION OF THE LEGISLATURE 35-39 (1820) (No Papist, may have,
or keep in any arms, weapons, gunpowder or ammunition).
69
An Act Declaring that All Persons of Foreign Birth, Heretofore
Inhabiting Within This Colony and Dying Seizes of Any Lands, Tenements, or Hereditaments, Shall Be Forever Hereafter Deemed, Talem, and Assumed to Have to Been Naturalized and For Naturalizing
all Protestants of Foreign Birth, Now Inhabiting this Colony 1715, in
LAWS OF NEW-YORK, FROM THE YEAR 1691, TO 1773 INCLUSIVE 97100 (1774); An Act Requiring All Persons to Take the Oaths Appointed
to Be Taken Instead of Allegiance and Supremacy, ACTS AND LAWS
OF HIS MAJESTY'S PROVINCE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE: IN NEW-ENGLAND; WITH SUNDRY ACTS OF PARLIAMENT 1-2 (1771); The Oaths of
Fidelity to his Majesty and the Lord Proprietor of the Providence of
New Jersey (1675), in GRANTS, CONCESSIONS, AND ORIGINAL CONSTITUTIONS OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW-JERSEY: THE ACTS PASSED
DURING THE PROPRIETARY 51 (1753).
G.A. Gilbert, The Connecticut Loyalists, 4 AM. HIST. REV. 273,
282 (1899); An Act for the Punishment of High-Treason and Other
Atrocious Crimes Against the State, in 1 ACTS AND LAWS OF THE
STATE OF CONNECTICUT IN AMERICA 251 (1784).
70
22
refuse to associate, to defend, by arms, these United Colonies.”71 Committees of Correspondence were created in
Massachusetts which inspected and determined the safety
of an individual and determined if a person should be
deemed dangerous.72 Massachusetts then took disarming
citizens who were “notoriously disaffected to the cause of
America . . . and [ ] appl[ied] the arms taken from such
persons . . . to the arming of the continental troops.”73 Nonassociators, as they were called, were considered dangerous, and disarmed.
Other states followed suit. New Hampshire’s non-associator law specified that those who conspired against the
United States of America or in any way “aid[ed] the enemies [ ] of the United States,” were imprisoned at a term
not exceeding five years, where they forfeited all real and
personal property, presumably including guns.74 Rhode Island’s law predating the Revolution called for death and
1 JOURNALS OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS 1774-1789, at 285
(Way and Gideon ed., 1823) (declaration and resolves of the First
Continental Congress on March 14, 1776).
71
An Act for the Executing in the Colony of the Massachusetts
Bay, In New England, One Resolve of the American Congress,
Dated 14, 1776, Recommending the Disarming Such Persons As are
Notoriously Disaffected to the Cause of America… 1775-1776, in 5
ACTS AND RESOLVES, PUBLIC AND PRIVATE, OF THE PROVINCE OF
THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY 479 (1886).
72
73
Id.
An Act Against Treason And Misprision Of Treason And For
Regulating Trials In Such Cases And For Directing Modes Of Executing Judgements Against Persons Convicted Of Those Crimes
1777, in PERPETUAL LAWS OF THE STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,
FROM THE SESSION OF THE GENERAL-COURT, JULY 1776, TO THE
SESSION IN DECEMBER 1788, CONTINUED INTO THE PRESENT YEAR
1789, 226-231 (1789).
74
23
the forfeiture of all land, goods and chattel for those who
were convicted of high treason and petit treason.75 In 1798,
the law empowered Justices of the Peace to require “sureties for the good behavior of all dangerous and disorderly”
people who had committed treason and simultaneously
permitted the sheriff to levy warrants on the offender’s
goods and chattels.76 One interpretation of this law is that
committing treason made one dangerous and thus permitted disarmament through the levying of chattels. Another
interpretation is that sheriffs had power to disarm, but
only through legal means. The Pennsylvania legislature
deemed it “improper and dangerous” to allow non-associators to possess any firearms, weapons or gunpowder and
thereby empowered lieutenants in the military to disarm
anyone who had not taken an oath to the state.77 New Jersey’s legislature similarly empowered its Council of Safety
“to deprive and take from such Persons as they shall judge
disaffected and dangerous to the present Government, all
the Arms, Accoutrements, and Ammunition which they
own or possess.”78 North Carolina’s non-associator law
held that “all Persons failing or refusing to take the Oath
75
An Act for Punishing Criminal Offenders 1662, supra n. 58.
An Act for Establishing Justices of the Peace and Vesting Them
With Certain Powers 1798, in PUBLIC LAWS OF THE STATE OF
RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS PASSED SINCE THE
SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN JANUARY, A.D. 1798, 6-7
(1798-1813).
76
An Act for Repealing Part of An Act, Entitled “A Further Supplement to the Act, Entitled ‘An Act for Further Security of Government; and For Disarming Person Who Shall Not Have Given Attestations of allegiance And Fidelity to This State or Some Other of The
United States’” 1778 in 9 STATUTES AT LARGE OF PENNSYLVANIA
FROM 1682 TO 1801, 346-348 (1776-1779).
77
78
1777 N.J. Laws 90, ch. 40 § 20.
24
of Allegiance…shall not keep Guns or other Arms within
his or their house, but the same may be seized by a written
Order of a Justice of the County in which he or they reside…”79 The choice in all of these states was between taking the oath of allegiance or facing punishment which almost certainly included disarmament.
Disarmament for dangerously affiliating with the wrong
side of history persisted after the Revolution. During
Shay’s Rebellion, General Benjamin Lincoln relayed to
George Washington that he intended to use government
troops to “break the little knots of those in arms which
were collected in various parts of the Counties.”80 In a letter the following month, James Madison later details how
General Lincoln had disarmed and disenfranchised disaffected debtors before they were later pardoned to Thomas
Jefferson.81
Maintaining arms required first allegiance to the rebel
cause and then the establishment. Disarmament was justified again on the basis of danger to the community.
CONCLUSION
Throughout the British, colonial, and founding history
discussed above, disarmament was exercised only on individuals considered dangerous to the community as a
whole. Those who committed violent crimes on individuals
were fined or received some lesser type of punishment.
79
24 THE COLONIAL AND STATE RECORDS 84-89, 85 (1777).
Letter From Benjamin Lincoln to George Washington (Dec. 4,
1786), in THE PAPERS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON DIGITAL EDITION
(2008).
80
Letter From James Madison to Thomas Jefferson (Mar. 19,
1787), in THE PAPERS OF JAMES MADISON DIGITAL EDITION (2010).
81
25
Domestic violence was unfortunately permitted but limited by a reasonableness standard, though these limits
were infrequently enforced. The only limit on the instruments of domestic violence was found in the common law
rule of thumb, which limited the width of the wife-beating
stick to no bigger than a judge’s thumb. Though there is
some doubt as to this infamous rule being implemented in
England, it was clearly adopted in the antebellum South,
presumably by southerners who studied law in England.
It is found in Court rulings contemporaneous to Reconstruction and the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868. This rule could potentially provide a gloss
on the incorporated Second Amendment by limiting the
size of the weapons and arms used in domestic violence.
Respectfully submitted,
J. Carl Cecere
Counsel of Record
CECERE PC
6035 McCommas Blvd.
Dallas, Texas 75206
(469) 600-9455
ccecere@cecerepc.com
Lorianne Updike Toler
Swen Parson Hall
Northern Illinois
University College of
Law
DeKalb, IL 60115
(617)595-0837
lupdiketoler@niu.edu
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
November 22, 2023
APPENDIX
APPENDIX TABLE OF CONTENTS
Addendum I: HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE (SEP. 23, 1782) ................................................... 1
Addendum II: DUBLIN EVENING POST (SEP. 28, 1782) ................................................... 2
Addendum III: James Gilray, Judge Thumb, or Sticks of Lawful Size for Family
Discipline (NOV. 21, 1782), in THE WORKS OF JAMES GILRAY FROM ORIGINAL PLATES,
image 13 (1851) ............................................................................................................... 3
Addendum IV: James Gilray, Mr. Justice Thumb in The Act of Flagellation, THE
RAMBLER (JAN. 1783) ....................................................................................................... 4
ADDENDUM I
HAMPSHIRE CHRONICLE (Sep. 23, 1782)
1
ADDENDUM II
DUBLIN EVENING POST (Sep. 28, 1782)
2
ADDENDUM III
James Gilray, Judge Thumb, or Sticks of Lawful Size for Family Discipline (NOV. 21, 1782),
in THE WORKS OF JAMES GILRAY FROM ORIGINAL PLATES, image 13 (1851)
3
ADDENDUM IV
James Gilray, Mr. Justice Thumb in the Act of Flagellation,
THE RAMBLER (Jan. 1783)
4
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.