Petitioners Brief — Loper Bright Enterprises, et al., Petitioners v. Gina Raimondo, Secretary of Commerce, et al.

Supreme Court briefJul 17, 2023

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No. 22-451

In the

Supreme Court of the United States

________________

LOPER BRIGHT ENTERPRISES, et al.,

Petitioners,

v.

GINA RAIMONDO, in her official capacity as

Secretary of Commerce, et al.,

________________

Respondents.

On Writ of Certiorari to the

United States Court of Appeals for the

District of Columbia

________________

BRIEF FOR PETITIONERS

________________

RYAN P. MULVEY

PAUL D. CLEMENT

ERIC R. BOLINDER

Counsel of Record

R. JAMES VALVO, III

ANDREW C. LAWRENCE*

CAUSE OF ACTION

CHADWICK J. HARPER*

CLEMENT & MURPHY, PLLC

INSTITUTE

1310 N. Courthouse Rd. 706 Duke Street

Suite 700

Alexandria, VA 22314

Arlington, VA 22201

(202) 742-8900

paul.clement@clementmurphy.com

*Supervised by principals of the

firm who are members of the

Virginia bar

July 17, 2023

Counsel for Petitioners

QUESTION PRESENTED

The Magnuson-Stevens Act (MSA) governs

fishery management in federal waters and provides

that the National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS)

may require vessels to “carry” federal observers

onboard to enforce the agency’s myriad regulations.

Given that space onboard a fishing vessel is limited

and valuable, that alone is an extraordinary

imposition. But in three narrow circumstances not

applicable here, the MSA goes further and requires

vessels to pay the salaries of the federal observers who

oversee their operations—although, with the

exception of foreign vessels that enjoy the privilege of

fishing in our waters, the MSA caps the costs of those

salaries at 2-3% of the value of the vessel’s haul. The

statutory question underlying this petition is whether

the agency can also force a wide variety of domestic

vessels to foot the bill for the salaries of the monitors

they must carry to the tune of 20% of their revenues.

Under well-established principles of statutory

construction, the answer would appear to be no, as the

express grant of such a controversial power in limited

circumstances forecloses a broad implied grant that

would render the express grant superfluous. But a

divided panel of the D.C. Circuit answered yes under

Chevron on the theory that statutory silence produced

an ambiguity that justified deferring to the agency.

The question presented is:

Whether the Court should overrule Chevron or at

least clarify that statutory silence concerning

controversial powers expressly but narrowly granted

elsewhere in the statute does not constitute an

ambiguity requiring deference to the agency.

ii

PARTIES TO THE PROCEEDING

Petitioners (plaintiffs-appellants below) are Loper

Bright Enterprises, Inc.; H&L Axelsson, Inc.; Lund

Marr Trawlers LLC; and Scombrus One LLC.

Respondents (defendants-appellees below) are

Gina Raimondo, in her official capacity as Secretary of

Commerce; the Department of Commerce; Richard

Spinrad, in his official capacity as Administrator of

the

National

Oceanic

and

Atmospheric

Administration (NOAA); NOAA; Chris Oliver, in his

official capacity as Assistant Administrator for NOAA

Fisheries; and the National Marine Fisheries Service.

iii

CORPORATE DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

Petitioners have no parent corporations, and no

shareholders own 10% or more of their stock.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

QUESTION PRESENTED .......................................... i

PARTIES TO THE PROCEEDING ........................... ii

CORPORATE DISCLOSURE STATEMENT ........... iii

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ...................................... vi

INTRODUCTION ....................................................... 1

OPINIONS BELOW ................................................... 3

JURISDICTION ......................................................... 3

CONSTITUTIONAL

AND

STATUTORY

PROVISIONS INVOLVED...................................... 3

STATEMENT OF THE CASE ................................... 3

A. Historical Background ................................. 3

B. Statutory Background .................................. 7

C. Factual and Procedural Background ......... 11

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .................................. 15

ARGUMENT ............................................................. 18

I.

The Court Should Overrule Chevron ................ 18

A. Chevron Is Entitled to Little, If Any,

Stare Decisis Effect ..................................... 18

B. In All Events, Every Stare Decisis

Consideration Militates in Favor of

Overruling Chevron .................................... 22

1. Chevron is egregiously wrong.............. 23

2. Chevron has caused significant

negative jurisprudential and realworld consequences ............................. 32

3. Overruling Chevron would not upset

reliance interests ................................. 40

v

II. At A Bare Minimum, The Court Should

Clarify That Chevron Is Not Triggered By

Statutory Silence ............................................... 43

III. In Either Event, The Court Should Reverse

Rather Than Remand ........................................ 47

CONCLUSION ......................................................... 52

APPENDIX

U.S. Const., art. I, §1 ................................................ 1a

U.S. Const., art. II, §1 .............................................. 1a

U.S. Const., art. III, §1 ............................................. 1a

U.S. Const., amend. V .............................................. 1a

5 U.S.C. §706 ............................................................ 2a

16 U.S.C. §1821(h) .................................................... 3a

16 U.S.C. §1853(a)-(b) .............................................. 6a

16 U.S.C. §1853a(c)(1), (e) ...................................... 16a

16 U.S.C. §1862(a)-(b), (d)-(e) ................................. 19a

vi

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

Cases

Ala. Ass’n of Realtors v. HHS,

141 S.Ct. 2485 (2021)............................................. 50

Allen v. Milligan,

2023 WL 3872517 (U.S. June 8, 2023) .................. 19

Am. Hosp. Ass’n v. Becerra,

142 S.Ct. 1896 (2022)......................................... 7, 35

Aposhian v. Wilkinson,

989 F.3d 890 (10th Cir. 2021)................................ 35

Aqua Prod., Inc. v. Matal,

872 F.3d 1290 (Fed. Cir. 2017) .............................. 22

Baldwin v. United States,

140 S.Ct. 690 (2020)........................................... 7, 31

Bartenwerfer v. Buckley,

143 S.Ct. 665 (2023)............................................... 46

Bd. of Educ. of Kiryas Joel Vill. Sch. Dist.

v. Grumet,

512 U.S. 687 (1994).......................................... 35, 36

Becerra v. Empire Health Found.,

for Valley Hosp. Med. Ctr.,

142 S.Ct. 2354 (2022)............................................... 7

Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of Fed.

Bureau of Narcotics,

403 U.S. 388 (1971)................................................ 20

Buffington v. McDonough,

143 S.Ct. 14 (2022)....................................... 7, 41, 43

Burnet v. Chicago Portrait Co.,

285 U.S. 1 (1932).................................................... 31

vii

Calder v. Bull,

3 U.S. (3 Dall.) 386 (1798) ..................................... 27

Cargill v. Garland,

57 F.4th 447 (5th Cir. 2023) .................................. 35

CBOCS W., Inc. v. Humphries,

553 U.S. 442 (2008)................................................ 41

Chevron, U.S.A., Inc.

v. Nat. Res. Defense Council, Inc.,

467 U.S. 837 (1984)............ 1, 5, 6, 19, 23, 25, 26, 31

Citizens United v. FEC,

558 U.S. 310 (2010)................................................ 40

City of Arlington v. FCC,

569 U.S. 290 (2013)............................................ 7, 39

Collins v. Yellen,

141 S.Ct. 1761 (2021)............................................. 24

CSX Transp. v. United States,

867 F.2d 1439 (D.C. Cir. 1989) ................................ 6

Decatur v. Paulding,

39 U.S. (14 Pet.) 497 (1840) ................................... 30

Edwards’ Lessee v. Darby,

25 U.S. 206 (1827).................................................. 31

Egan v. Delaware River Port Auth.,

851 F.3d 263 (3d Cir. 2017) ....................... 22, 28, 37

Franchise Tax Bd. v. Hyatt,

139 S.Ct. 1485 (2019)............................................. 18

Guedes v. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco,

Firearms & Explosives,

140 S.Ct. 789 (2020)............................................... 39

Gutierrez de Martinez v. Lamagno,

515 U.S. 417 (1995)................................................ 27

viii

Gutierrez-Brizuela v. Lynch,

834 F.3d 1142 (10th Cir. 2016).. 7, 21, 26, 38, 40, 44

Hayburn’s Case,

2 U.S. (2 Dall.) 408 (1792) ..................................... 25

Hohn v. United States,

524 U.S. 236 (1998)................................................ 22

In re Murchison,

349 U.S. 133 (1955)................................................ 27

Intel Corp. Inv. Pol’y Comm. v. Sulyma,

140 S.Ct. 768 (2020)............................................... 49

J. I. Case Co. v. Borak,

377 U.S. 426 (1964)................................................ 20

Janus v. Am. Fed’n of State, Cnty.,

and Mun. Emps. Council 31,

138 S.Ct. 2448 (2018)............................................. 40

Kennedy v. Bremerton Sch. Dist.,

142 S.Ct. 2407 (2022)............................................. 22

Kimble v. Marvel Ent., LLC,

576 U.S. 446 (2015)................................................ 41

King v. Burwell,

576 U.S. 473 (2015)................................................ 35

Kisor v. Wilkie,

139 S.Ct. 2400 (2019)....................................... 29, 42

La. Pub. Serv. Comm’n v. FCC,

476 U.S. 355 (1986)................................................ 44

Maine Lobstermen’s Ass’n v. NMFS,

2023 WL 4036598 (D.C. Cir. June 16, 2023) ........ 46

Marbury v. Madison,

5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137 (1803) ................................. 24

ix

Marx v. Gen. Revenue Corp.,

568 U.S. 371 (2013)................................................ 48

Mexican Gulf Fishing v. U.S. Dep’t of Com.,

60 F.4th 956 (5th Cir. 2023) .................................. 22

Michigan v. EPA,

576 U.S. 743 (2015).......................................... 26, 39

Miller v. Johnson,

515 U.S. 900 (1995)................................................ 29

Mistretta v. United States,

488 U.S. 361 (1989).......................................... 27, 45

Mozilla Corp. v. FCC,

940 F.3d 1 (D.C. Cir. 2019) .................................... 40

Nat’l Cable & Telecomms. Ass’n

v. Brand X Internet Servs.,

545 U.S. 967 (2005).......................................... 19, 31

NFIB v. OSHA,

142 S.Ct. 661 (2022)......................................... 44, 50

Patterson v. McLean Credit Union,

491 U.S. 164 (1989)................................................ 18

Payne v. Tennessee,

501 U.S. 808 (1991)................................................ 22

Pearson v. Callahan,

555 U.S. 223 (2009).......................................... 21, 22

Pereira v. Sessions,

138 S.Ct. 2105 (2018)......................................... 7, 33

Perez v. Mortg. Bankers Ass’n,

575 U.S. 92 (2015)........................................ 7, 28, 34

Plaut v. Spendthrift Farm, Inc.,

514 U.S. 211 (1995).......................................... 26, 51

x

Printz v. United States,

521 U.S. 898 (1997)................................................ 51

Ramos v. Louisiana,

140 S.Ct. 1390 (2020)........................... 18, 23, 32, 40

Republic of Sudan v. Harrison,

139 S.Ct. 1048 (2019)............................................. 46

South Dakota v. Wayfair, Inc.,

138 S.Ct. 2080 (2018)............................................. 42

Stern v. Marshall,

564 U.S. 462 (2011)................................................ 25

TransUnion LLC v. Ramirez,

141 S.Ct. 2190 (2021)............................................. 24

U.S. Dep’t of Navy v. Fed. Lab. Rels. Auth.,

665 F.3d 1339 (D.C. Cir. 2012) .............................. 51

United States v. Gaudin,

515 U.S. 506 (1995).......................................... 18, 21

United States v. Hansen,

2023 WL 4138994 (U.S. June 23, 2023) ................ 51

United States v. Havis,

907 F.3d 439 (6th Cir. 2018).................................. 28

United States v. Mead Corp.,

533 U.S. 218 (2001)...................................... 4, 28, 34

United States v. Moore,

95 U.S. 760 (1877).................................................. 31

United States v. Texas,

2023 WL 4139000 (U.S. June 23, 2023) .......... 29, 51

United States v. Wiltberger,

18 U.S. (5 Wheat.) 76 (1820) ................................. 38

Valent v. Comm’r of Soc. Sec.,

918 F.3d 516 (6th Cir. 2019).................................. 22

xi

Waterkeeper All. v. EPA,

853 F.3d 527 (D.C. Cir. 2017) ................................ 22

Wayman v. Southard,

23 U.S. (10 Wheat.) 1 (1825) ................................. 26

West Virginia v. EPA,

142 S.Ct. 2587 (2022)........................... 36, 37, 45, 50

Whitman v. Am. Trucking Ass’ns,

531 U.S. 457 (2001).......................................... 26, 45

Constitutional Provisions

U.S. Const. Art. I ................................................ 24, 45

U.S. Const. Art. II ..................................................... 24

U.S. Const. Art. III ................................................... 24

Statutes

5 U.S.C. §706 .................................................. 4, 28, 29

16 U.S.C. §1801 et seq. ................................... 8, 48, 50

16 U.S.C. §1802 ................................................ 8, 9, 10

16 U.S.C. §1821 .................................................. 10, 47

16 U.S.C. §1852 ................................................ 8, 9, 11

16 U.S.C. §1853 ................................................ 8, 9, 10

16 U.S.C. §1853a ...................................................... 47

16 U.S.C. §1854 .............................................. 8, 10, 50

16 U.S.C. §1855 .......................................................... 7

16 U.S.C. §1858 ........................................................ 11

16 U.S.C. §1862 .................................................... 9, 50

28 U.S.C. §1 ................................................................ 1

28 U.S.C. §1254 .......................................................... 3

Pub. L. No. 94-265, §303,

Apr. 13, 1976, 90 Stat. 331 .................................... 49

xii

Pub. L. No. 101-627, §118,

Nov. 28, 1990, 104 Stat. 4436................................ 49

Regulations

50 C.F.R. §600.506.................................................... 10

79 Fed. Reg. 8,786 (Feb. 13, 2014) ........................... 11

83 Fed. Reg. 47,326 (Sept. 19, 2018) ........................ 12

83 Fed. Reg. 55,565 (Nov. 7, 2018)........................... 11

85 Fed. Reg. 7,414 (Feb. 7, 2020) ........... 12, 13, 39, 50

Other Authorities

Aditya Bamzai, The Origins of Judicial

Deference to Executive Interpretation,

126 Yale L.J. 908 (2017) .................... 3, 4, 25, 29, 30

Amy Coney Barrett, Substantive Canons and

Faithful Agency,

90 B.U. L. Rev. 109 (2010) ............................... 44, 45

Anita S. Krishnakumar, Metarules for

Ordinary Meaning, 134 Harv. L. Rev. F.

167 (2021) ............................................................... 19

Antonin Scalia, Judicial Deference to

Administrative Interpretations of Law,

1989 Duke L.J. 511 (1989)..................................... 33

Brett M. Kavanaugh, Fixing Statutory

Interpretation,

129 Harv. L. Rev. 2118 (2016) .. 7, 27, 29, 33, 35, 36,

38

Caleb Nelson, Originalism and Interpretive

Conventions, 70 U. Chi. L. Rev. 519 (2003) .... 25, 32

Cass R. Sunstein, et al., Judicial Review of

Administrative Action in a Conservative

Era, 31 Admin. L. Rev. 353 (1987) .......................... 6

xiii

Cass R. Sunstein, Law and Administration

After Chevron, 90 Colum. L. Rev. 2071

(1990) ...................................................................... 25

Clark Byse, Judicial Review of

Administrative Interpretation of Statutes:

An Analysis of Chevron’s Step Two, 2

Admin. L.J. 255 (1988) ............................................ 6

Cynthia R. Farina, Statutory Interpretation

and the Balance of Power in the

Administrative State,

89 Colum. L. Rev. 452 (1989) .................................. 5

David J. Barrron & Elena Kagan, Chevron’s

Nondelegation Doctrine, 2001 Sup. Ct. Rev.

201 (2001) ......................................................... 23, 25

David S. Tatel, The Administrative Process

and the Rule of Environmental Law,

34 Harv. Envtl. L. Rev. 1 (2010) ........................... 36

Dep’t of Com., Secretary of Commerce Issues

Fishery Disaster Determination for 2019

Atlantic Herring Fishery (Nov. 22, 2021),

https://perma.cc/HP3P-L48E ................................. 39

Guedes v. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco,

Firearms & Explosives, No. 22-1222 (U.S.

pet. for cert. filed June 14, 2023) .......................... 35

H.R. 1554, 101st Cong. §2 (1989) ............................. 50

H.R. 39, 104th Cong. §9 (1995) ................................ 50

H.R. 5018, 109th Cong. §9 (2006) ............................ 50

Jack M. Beerman, End the Failed Chevron

Experiment Now: How Chevron Has Failed

and Why It Can and Should Be Overruled,

42 Conn. L. Rev. 779 (2010) ........................ 4, 35, 41

xiv

Jessica Hathaway, “Feds Declare East Coast

Herring Fishery a Disaster,” National

Fisherman (Nov. 23, 2021),

https://perma.cc/BU5B-6JJ4 ................................. 48

John F. Duffy, Administrative Common Law

in Judicial Review, 77 Tex. L. Rev. 113

(1998) ...................................................................... 29

Jonathan R. Siegel, The Polymorphic

Principle and the Judicial Role in Statutory

Interpretation, 84 Tex. L. Rev. 339 (2005) ............ 19

Kent Barnett & Christopher J. Walker,

Chevron in the Circuit Courts, 116 Mich. L.

Rev. 1 (2017) .......................................................... 33

Kristin E. Hickman & Aaron L. Nielson,

Narrowing Chevron’s Domain, 70 Duke

L.J. 931 (2021) ....................................................... 44

Kristin E. Hickman & R. David Hahn,

Categorizing Chevron,

81 Ohio St. L.J. 611 (2020) .................................... 19

Kristin E. Hickman, The Three Phases of

Mead, 83 Fordham L. Rev. 527 (2014) .................. 34

Michael B. Rappaport, Chevron and

Originalism: Why Chevron Deference

Cannot Be Grounded in the

Original Meaning of the Administrative

Procedure Act,

57 Wake Forest L. Rev. 1281 (2022) ....... 3, 4, 30, 31

Nathan Alexander Sales & Jonathan H.

Adler, The Rest Is Silence: Chevron

Deference, Agency Jurisdiction, and

Statutory Silences,

2009 U. Ill. L. Rev. 1497 (2009)............................. 38

xv

NOAA Fisheries, Alaska,

https://perma.cc/4WEC-328H (last visited

July 17, 2023) ......................................................... 47

Overruling Chevron Could Make Congress

Great Again, The Reg. Rev. (Sept. 12,

2018), https://perma.cc/7HEZ-EDJH .................... 37

Philip Hamburger, Chevron Bias, 84 Geo.

Wash. L. Rev. 1187 (2016) ............................... 27, 28

Randy J. Kozel, Statutory Interpretation,

Administrative Deference, and the Law of

Stare Decisis, 97 Tex. L. Rev. 1125 (2019) ...... 20, 41

Raymond M. Kethledge, Ambiguities and

Agency Cases: Reflections After (Almost)

Ten Years on the Bench, 70 Vand. L. Rev.

En Banc 315 (2017)................................................ 33

Richard J. Pierce, Jr., The Combination of

Chevron and Political Polarity Has Awful

Effects, 70 Duke L.J. Online 91 (2021) ........... 37, 39

Richard M. Re, Personal Precedent at the

Supreme Court, 136 Harv. L. Rev. 824

(2023) ...................................................................... 21

Ronald A. Cass, Chevron—Complicated,

Start to Finish, 23 Federalist Soc’y Rev.

265 (2022) ............................................................... 32

Ryan D. Doerfler, Late-Stage Textualism,

2021 Sup. Ct. Rev. 267 (2021) ................................. 7

Sanford N. Caust-Ellenbogen, Blank Checks:

Restoring the Balance of Powers in the PostChevron Era, 32 B.C. L. Rev. 757 (1991) ................ 6

The Federalist No. 10

(Clinton Rossiter ed., 2003) ................................... 27

xvi

The Federalist No. 37

(Clinton Rossiter ed., 2003) ................................... 24

The Federalist No. 47

(Clinton Rossiter ed., 2003) ................................... 24

The Federalist No. 78

(Clinton Rossiter ed., 2003) ................................... 25

Thomas W. Merrill, The Story of Chevron:

The Making of an Accidental Landmark,

66 Admin. L. Rev. 253 (2014) .................................. 5

Tr. of Oral Arg., Am. Hosp. Ass’n v. Becerra,

No. 20-1114 ............................................................ 33

William N. Eskridge, Jr. & Lauren E. Baer,

The Continuum of Deference: Supreme

Court Treatment of Agency Statutory

Interpretations from Chevron to Hamdan,

96 Geo. L.J. 1083 (2008) ........................................ 20

INTRODUCTION

Almost forty years ago, a six-Justice Court—the

bare minimum for a quorum, see 28 U.S.C. §1—issued

Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense

Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984), which announced a

novel two-step procedure for examining whether an

administrative agency’s interpretation of a statute is

lawful. At step one, a court must assess whether the

statutory language is “clear” and, if so, give effect to

the clear terms. But if the statutory language is

“silent or ambiguous,” then—at step two—a court is

prohibited from resolving the legal question itself as it

would in any other case, and instead must defer to the

agency’s interpretation. That remains true even if the

court does not view the agency’s interpretation as the

best one and even if the agency’s interpretation is a

180-degree reversal of its prior views.

Ever since, judges, litigants, and scholars have

struggled not only to apply Chevron, but to reconcile it

with the Constitution, the Administrative Procedure

Act (APA), and the historical record. This Court is no

exception.

The Court has spent years issuing

decisions that sought to resolve the Chevron debate du

jour, but those efforts generated only more debates

and more confusion, leading many Justices to question

the whole enterprise. Today, the Court seemingly has

such intense misgivings about Chevron that it no

longer cites it even when it would seem to govern.

Because Chevron remains on the books, however,

administrative agencies continue to churn out

regulations premised on aggressive, newfound

2

readings of statutes, and lower courts continue to feel

obligated to afford agencies “Chevron deference”

unless and until this Court explicitly says otherwise.

This case is a prime example. In the statute at issue,

Congress authorized the National Marine Fisheries

Service (NMFS) to require commercial fishing vessels

to “carry” federal observers onboard to enforce agency

regulations.

But, recognizing that requiring

fishermen to pay observer salaries is extraordinary,

Congress expressly sanctioned such payments only in

three narrow circumstances and capped the payment

obligations for domestic vessels at 2-3% of the value of

their hauls. Nonetheless, seizing on the statute’s

“silence” and purported “ambiguity,” NMFS declared

that domestic vessels in the Atlantic herring fishery

would have to cede upwards of 20% of their returns to

pay observer salaries. Although the D.C. Circuit

unanimously agreed that Congress never explicitly

authorized this crushing regulation, and although it

unanimously acknowledged this Court’s reluctance to

apply Chevron, a panel majority upheld it under

Chevron anyway.

That result is intolerable, and the Court should

jettison Chevron altogether—or at least narrow its

scope.

Indeed, while Chevron’s interpretive

methodology does not trigger ordinary stare decisis

analysis, every stare decisis consideration favors

overruling it. At a bare minimum, the Court should

clarify that statutory silence does not trigger Chevron,

least of all when the silence concerns the grant of a

controversial power that Congress has explicitly but

narrowly conferred elsewhere. Either way, this Court

should reverse the decision below, as there is no basis

to regulate herring fishermen out of business once the

3

statute is given a fair reading without the tie going to

the agency.

OPINIONS BELOW

The D.C. Circuit’s opinion is reported at 45 F.4th

359. Pet.App.1-37. The district court’s opinion is

reported at 544 F.Supp.3d 82. Pet.App.38-114.

JURISDICTION

The D.C. Circuit issued its opinion on August 12,

2022. Petitioners timely filed a petition for certiorari

on November 10, 2022. This Court has jurisdiction

under 28 U.S.C. §1254(1).

CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY

PROVISIONS INVOLVED

Relevant constitutional and statutory provisions

are included in the appendix.

STATEMENT OF THE CASE

A. Historical Background

Before 1875, federal courts lacked general federalquestion jurisdiction. Accordingly, parties alleging

that an executive official violated federal law had to

seek an extraordinary writ (such as mandamus) or

otherwise pursue a common-law action or relief under

one of the limited pockets of federal-question

jurisdiction. See Aditya Bamzai, The Origins of

Judicial Deference to Executive Interpretation, 126

Yale L.J. 908, 948 (2017) (Bamzai); Michael B.

Rappaport, Chevron and Originalism: Why Chevron

Deference Cannot Be Grounded in the Original

Meaning of the Administrative Procedure Act, 57 Wake

Forest L. Rev. 1281, 1286 (2022) (Rappaport). In

mandamus cases, federal courts declined to grant

4

relief “unless the executive officer was acting plainly

beyond the scope of his authority.” United States v.

Mead Corp., 533 U.S. 218, 242 (2001) (Scalia, J.,

dissenting).

But in cases unburdened by the

demanding mandamus standard, federal courts

applied “de novo review.” Bamzai 958. Once Congress

conferred general federal-question jurisdiction,

judicial review became more common, and “agencies

did not receive deference.” Rappaport 1287. Courts

simply interpreted statutes in cases involving agency

action the same way that they did in other cases.

This longstanding judicial tradition of actually

interpreting statutes, rather than merely ascertaining

their clarity and deferring to the executive branch in

close cases, prevailed until the 1940s, when this Court

“steadily expanded the zone of interpretive discretion

given to administrative agencies.” Bamzai 976-77. In

1946, however, Congress responded by enacting the

APA, which declared that “the reviewing court shall

decide all relevant questions of law, interpret

constitutional and statutory provisions, and

determine the meaning or applicability of the terms of

an agency action.” 5 U.S.C. §706.

For decades, “federal courts seem to have

understood that under the APA”—and consistent with

earlier historical practice—“legal interpretations were

for independent judicial resolution.”

Jack M.

Beerman, End the Failed Chevron Experiment Now:

How Chevron Has Failed and Why It Can and Should

Be Overruled, 42 Conn. L. Rev. 779, 791 (2010)

(Beerman). But in 1984, a severely depleted six-

5

Justice Court decided Chevron, 1 which applied a

different methodology for “court review[]” of “an

agency’s construction of the statute which it

administers” in the course of resolving the meaning of

the term “stationary source” under the Clean Air Act.

467 U.S. at 840, 842. Although the decision initially

generated little notice and zero fanfare, see Thomas W.

Merrill, The Story of Chevron: The Making of an

Accidental Landmark, 66 Admin. L. Rev. 253, 276

(2014), it eventually took on a life of its own as a twostep

methodology

for

addressing

statutoryinterpretation questions arising in the context of

agency action. First, “employing traditional tools of

statutory construction,” a reviewing court must

determine “whether Congress has directly spoken to

the precise question at issue,” and “[i]f the intent of

Congress is clear, that is the end of the matter.”

Chevron, 467 U.S. at 842-43 & n.9. Second, if the

reviewing court determines that “Congress has not

directly addressed the precise question at issue”—i.e.,

if “the statute is silent or ambiguous with respect to

the specific issue”—the court must decide “whether

the agency’s answer is based on a permissible

construction of the statute.” Id. at 843.

“Chevron’s justification for choosing deference

was spare.”

Cynthia R. Farina, Statutory

Interpretation and the Balance of Power in the

Administrative State, 89 Colum. L. Rev. 452, 455

(1989). The Court suggested that statutory silence

and ambiguity amount to an “implicit” delegation to

1 Justice Marshall and then-Justice Rehnquist did not

participate in Chevron at all, and Justice O’Connor recused

herself after oral argument. See 467 U.S. at 866.

6

an agency to “interpret[]” and “constru[e]” a “statute

which it administers” and that the “political

branch[es]” are better suited to make “policy choices”

as compared to the judicial branch. Chevron, 467 U.S.

at 843-44 & nn.9, 11, 865-66. The Court further

suggested that history and precedent supported the

“principle

of

deference

to

administrative

interpretations.” Id. at 844.

As the Chevron two-step began to take hold,

criticism mounted. For example, some argued that

Chevron is inconsistent with the Constitution’s

separation of powers; others argued that Chevron

contradicted the APA; and others expressed

skepticism about Chevron’s workability. See, e.g.,

CSX Transp. v. United States, 867 F.2d 1439, 1445

(D.C. Cir. 1989) (Edwards, J., dissenting) (“Chevron’s

mandate is perplexing, because the rule of the case

appears to violate separation of powers principles[.]”);

Sanford N. Caust-Ellenbogen, Blank Checks:

Restoring the Balance of Powers in the Post-Chevron

Era, 32 B.C. L. Rev. 757, 773-74 (1991) (“[Chevron]

upsets the balance created by the Supreme Court in

its nondelegation doctrine.”); Clark Byse, Judicial

Review of Administrative Interpretation of Statutes:

An Analysis of Chevron’s Step Two, 2 Admin. L.J. 255,

266 (1988) (“[T]he Chevron model may not be as

simple to administer as its literal terms suggest.”);

Cass R. Sunstein, et al., Judicial Review of

Administrative Action in a Conservative Era, 31

Admin. L. Rev. 353, 367-68 (1987) (“Courts, not

administrative agencies, are supposed to say what the

law is,” and “[t]he Administrative Procedure

Act … can hardly be understood as a proclamation in

7

favor of judicial deference to administrative agency

interpretations of law.”).

With the passage of time, the full scale of the

“problems” with Chevron “have become widely

appreciated” by members of this Court. Buffington v.

McDonough, 143 S.Ct. 14, 21 (2022) (Gorsuch, J.,

dissenting from the denial of certiorari); see, e.g.,

Baldwin v. United States, 140 S.Ct. 690 (2020)

(Thomas, J., dissenting from the denial of certiorari);

Pereira v. Sessions, 138 S.Ct. 2105, 2120-21 (2018)

(Kennedy, J., concurring); Gutierrez-Brizuela v.

Lynch, 834 F.3d 1142, 1149-58 (10th Cir. 2016)

(Gorsuch, J., concurring); Brett M. Kavanaugh, Fixing

Statutory Interpretation, 129 Harv. L. Rev. 2118,

2150-54 (2016) (Kavanaugh); Perez v. Mortg. Bankers

Ass’n, 575 U.S. 92, 109-10 (2015) (Scalia, J.,

concurring in the judgment); City of Arlington v. FCC,

569 U.S. 290, 312-28 (2013) (Roberts, C.J., dissenting).

As a result, “Chevron has been unmentionable” in this

Court for years.

Ryan D. Doerfler, Late-Stage

Textualism, 2021 Sup. Ct. Rev. 267, 297 (2021).

Instead, consistent with traditional practice and its

assigned constitutional role, the Court has definitively

resolved questions of law itself. See, e.g., Am. Hosp.

Ass’n v. Becerra, 142 S.Ct. 1896 (2022); Becerra v.

Empire Health Found., for Valley Hosp. Med. Ctr., 142

S.Ct. 2354 (2022).

B. Statutory Background

This case concerns the interpretation of the 1976

Magnuson-Stevens Act (MSA). See 16 U.S.C. §§1801

8

et seq. 2 The MSA is administered by the Commerce

Secretary, who has delegated her responsibilities to

NMFS. §§1802(39), 1855(d).

The MSA divides the Nation’s federal fisheries

into eight regions, each governed by a “fishery

management council” overseen by NMFS. §1852(b)(c). Those councils propose “fishery management

plans” and amendments to them. See §§1852(h), 1854.

After NMFS examines each such proposal, it must

provide a public-comment period and decide whether

to approve or disapprove the proposal. §1854(a). If

NMFS approves the proposal, the agency promulgates

it as a final regulation. See §1854(b)(3).

The MSA sets forth various “required provisions”

that fishery-management plans “shall” contain, as

well as “discretionary provisions” that they “may”

contain. §1853(a)-(b). Among the required provisions,

plans “shall contain the conservation and

management measures” that are “necessary and

appropriate for the conservation and management of

the fishery, to prevent overfishing and rebuild

overfished stocks, and to protect, restore, and promote

the long-term health and stability of the fishery.”

§1853(a)(1)(A). Among the discretionary provisions,

plans “may require that one or more observers be

carried on board a vessel …, for the purpose of

collecting data necessary for the conservation and

management of the fishery.” §1853(b)(8). Plans also

“may prescribe such other measures, requirements, or

conditions and restrictions as are determined to be

2 Further statutory references are to Title 16 of the U.S. Code

unless otherwise noted.

9

necessary and appropriate for the conservation and

management of the fishery.” §1853(b)(14).

Space onboard a commercial fishing vessel is a

scarce and precious resource.

Thus, displacing

someone engaged in active fishing to make way for a

federal observer is already an enormous imposition.

Making the fishing vessels foot the bill for that

imposition adds insult to injury.

Hence, when

Congress determined that the fishing industry either

could or must cover the cost of federally mandated

observers, it said so expressly in the MSA. It did so

just three times.

First, the MSA provides that the North Pacific

Council—whose jurisdiction encompasses Alaska,

Washington, and Oregon and many of the largest and

most successful commercial fishing enterprises,

§1852(a)(1)(G)—“may” establish a “plan” that

“requires that observers be stationed on fishing

vessels” and “may … establish[] a system … of fees”

“to pay for the cost of implementing the plan.”

§1862(a). Those fees are expressly capped and “not to

exceed 2 percent[] of the unprocessed ex-vessel value

of fish and shellfish harvested.” §1862(b)(2)(E).

Second, for “limited access privilege programs”—

i.e., programs where persons are permitted to harvest

a specific quantity of the total allowable catch for the

fishery, see §1802(26), and thus where the need for

regulatory compliance is particularly acute—the MSA

provides that regional councils “shall … include an

effective system for enforcement, monitoring, and

management of the program, including the use of

observers or electronic monitoring systems,” and

“shall … provide … for a program of fees paid by

10

limited access privilege holders that will cover the

costs of management, data collection and analysis,

and enforcement activities.” §1853a(c)(1)(H), (e)(2).

Again, those fees are capped and “shall not exceed 3

percent of the ex-vessel value of fish harvested under

any such program.” §1854(d)(2)(B).

Finally, the MSA understandably expresses an

especial concern that authorized “foreign fishing”—

i.e., fishing involving foreign rather than U.S. vessels,

see §1802(19)—not deplete offshore resources within

our exclusive economic zone. The MSA thus requires

that “a United States observer will be stationed

aboard each foreign fishing vessel while that vessel is

engaged in fishing within the exclusive economic zone”

and that NMFS “shall impose … a surcharge in an

amount sufficient to cover all the costs of providing a

United States observer aboard that vessel.”

§1821(h)(1)(A), (4). Furthermore, to guard against the

possibility that “insufficient appropriations” would

allow foreign fishing to proceed unmonitored, the MSA

provides that NMFS shall certify a cadre of private

contractors to serve as observers as part of a

“supplementary observer program” and that NMFS

“shall … establish a reasonable schedule of fees that

certified observers or their agents shall be paid by the

owners and operators of foreign fishing vessels for

observer services.” §1821(h)(6)(A), (C); see 50 C.F.R.

§600.506(h)-(j) (referring to supplementary observers

as “contractors”).

The MSA backs these three limited and express

authorizations for industry-funded observers with

provisions authorizing the imposition of penalties on

noncompliant vessels.

Most saliently, the MSA

11

authorizes “sanctions” on vessels that fail to make

“any payment required for observer services provided

to or contracted by an owner or operator.”

§1858(g)(1)(D). But beyond these provisions, the MSA

is silent with respect to forcing the fishing industry to

pay for the cost of inspectors.

C. Factual and Procedural Background

1. The New England Council is responsible for the

fishery-management plan applicable to, inter alia, the

Atlantic herring fishery. See §1852(a)(1)(A). Unlike

the express authorizations for industry-funded

monitoring in the three limited contexts discussed

above, nothing in the MSA expressly provides that

vessels participating in the herring fishery could or

should foot the bill for federal inspection efforts. As a

consequence, and because Congress has declined to

appropriate funds to NMFS for such inspection efforts

in recent years, the agency has spent the better part

of a decade attempting to develop a workaround. See,

e.g., 79 Fed. Reg. 8,786, 8,793 (Feb. 13, 2014) (“Budget

uncertainties prevent NMFS from being able to

commit to paying for increased observer coverage in

the herring fishery.”).

In 2013, the New England Council began

developing the attempted workaround at issue here:

an “omnibus amendment” to all New England fisherymanagement plans that would empower the Council

to require “the fishing industry to pay its costs for

additional monitoring, when Federal funding is

unavailable.” CADC.App.273. After the New England

Council submitted this amendment, NMFS opened a

comment period before promulgating a final rule

approving it. See 83 Fed. Reg. 55,565 (Nov. 7, 2018);

12

83 Fed. Reg. 47,326 (Sept. 19, 2018). In February

2020, NMFS published that final rule, thus

establishing a process to introduce forced industryfunded monitoring across all New England fisheries.

See 85 Fed. Reg. 7,414 (Feb. 7, 2020). NMFS took that

action notwithstanding industry warnings that it

would impose an “impossible financial burden” on

small businesses, CADC.App.46, and even as it

conceded that “[i]ndustry-funded monitoring is a

complex and highly sensitive issue” due to the

“socioeconomic conditions of the fleets that must bear

the cost” and because “it involves the Federal

budgeting

and

appropriations

process,”

CADC.App.293.

For the Atlantic herring fishery, the final rule

creates an industry-funded-monitoring program that

aims to cover 50% of herring trips undertaken by

vessels with a Category A permit (authorizing fishing

in all Atlantic herring management areas) or a

Category B permit (authorizing fishing in all those

areas except the Gulf of Maine). 85 Fed. Reg. at 7,417.

More precisely, “[p]rior to any trip declared into the

herring fishery, representatives for vessels with

Category A or B permits are required to notify NMFS

for monitoring coverage.” Id. If NMFS determines

that an observer is required on a particular vessel, but

NMFS does not assign a government-paid observer,

the vessel must contract with and pay for a

government-approved third party that provides

monitoring services. Id. at 7,417-18. If the vessel

refuses to foot the bill, it is “prohibited from fishing

for, taking, possessing, or landing any herring.” Id. at

7,418. And the bills are hefty: NMFS estimates that

“industry’s cost responsibility associated with

13

carrying an at-sea monitor” is “$710 per day,” which

would “reduce”

annual

returns-to-owner by

“approximately 20 percent.” Id.

2. Petitioners are four family-owned and familyoperated companies that participate in the Atlantic

herring fishery.

Pet.App.4.

In February 2020,

petitioners filed suit alleging, as relevant here, that

the MSA did not authorize NMFS to mandate

industry-funded monitoring in the herring fishery.

Petitioners moved for summary judgment, and NMFS

cross-moved for summary judgment. In resolving

those motions, the district court explained that its

analysis was “governed by Chevron.” Pet.App.60.

And, remarkably, the court found for NMFS at step

one, holding that the MSA unambiguously authorizes

industry-funded monitoring in the herring fishery.

See Pet.App.59-69.

3. A divided D.C. Circuit panel affirmed. Writing

for the majority, Judge Rogers likewise applied the

“two-step Chevron framework.” 3 Pet.App.5. The

majority acknowledged that this Court “has not

applied th[at] framework” in “recent cases,” but it

emphasized that only this Court can “overrul[e] its

own decisions.” Pet.App.15. Applying Chevron, the

majority stated at step one that the MSA “suggests”

that NMFS may impose industry-funded monitoring

in the Atlantic herring fishery after noting that the

statute allows NMFS to require vessels to “carry” atsea monitors, that it includes two “necessary and

appropriate” provisions, and that it contains a

3 Now-Justice Jackson heard oral argument below, but Chief

Judge Srinivasan subsequently replaced her.

14

“penalty” provision. Pet.App.5-13. But the majority

did not rest its decision on Chevron step one, as it

ultimately found statutory “silence” such that the

MSA leaves “unresolved” whether NMFS “may

require industry to bear the costs of at-sea

monitoring.” Pet.App.6, 12. The majority explained

that “it behooves the court to proceed to Step Two,”

where it declared NMFS’ “interpretation” of the MSA

“reasonable.” Pet.App.5, 13-16.

Judge Walker dissented. After reiterating that

this Court has ceased invoking Chevron and that some

Justices had called for its reconsideration, he

explained that “Congress unambiguously did not”

“authorize [NMFS] to make herring fishermen in the

Atlantic pay the wages of federal monitors who inspect

them at sea.” Pet.App.21. Judge Walker explained

that “it is not usual to require a regulated party to pay

the wages of its monitor when the statute is silent”—

indeed, that NMFS “ha[d] identified no other context

in which an agency, without express direction from

Congress, requires an industry to fund its inspection

regime.” Pet.App.29. Judge Walker also observed

that NMFS’ theory “could lead to strange results” and

“undermine Congress’s power of the purse.”

Pet.App.31-32. And Judge Walker noted that, “if

Congress had wanted to allow industry funding of atsea monitors in the Atlantic herring fishery, it could

have said so,” but it “instead chose to expressly

provide for it in only certain other contexts.”

Pet.App.32-33. In short, Judge Walker determined,

nothing authorizes NMFS to require herring

fishermen to “spend a fifth of their revenue on the

wages of federal monitors embedded by regulation

onto their ships.” Pet.App.37.

15

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

The decision below relied on Chevron to reach the

extraordinary conclusion that NMFS may leverage

statutory silence to require herring fisherman to foot

the bill for federal overseers to the tune of 20% of the

fishermen’s annual returns. That decision exemplifies

all that is wrong with Chevron. The Court should

either abandon Chevron for good or at least

substantially cabin its scope.

This Court can discard the Chevron two-step

without analyzing the stare decisis factors applicable

when the Court revisits its substantive statutory or

constitutional holdings. What everyone knows as

“Chevron” is not the decision’s substantive holding

about stationary sources under the Clean Air Act, but

the decision’s methodology for interpreting statutes.

Such interpretive methodologies do not enjoy the same

kind of stare decisis as substantive decisions.

In any event, the stare decisis considerations

applicable in substantive statutory and constitutional

cases only confirm that Chevron must go. First,

Chevron is egregiously wrong several times over. As a

constitutional

matter,

Chevron

impermissibly

transfers both Article III judicial power and Article I

legislative power to Article II executive agencies, and

it runs afoul of the Due Process Clause by requiring

courts to systematically place a thumb on the scale

against the citizenry. As a statutory matter, Chevron

flouts the plain text of the APA, which makes clear

that courts, not agencies, are supposed to interpret

statutes—as a majority of the Court has already

concluded. And Chevron is entirely ahistorical, as it

purported to draw support for deference from a

16

historical record that actually confirms that courts

traditionally discharged their responsibility to

interpret statutes even in cases involving executive

agencies.

Chevron has also proved unworkable and

engendered significant negative consequences. It is no

secret that courts have struggled to apply the Chevron

methodology in a principled way, and the Court’s

manifold efforts to tweak the methodology have only

added to the confusion. The best evidence that

Chevron is unworkable is the fact that this Court no

longer deigns to apply it. More troublingly, Chevron

has seriously distorted how the political branches

operate. Thanks to Chevron, Congress does far less

than the Framers envisioned and the executive branch

does far more, as roughly half of Congress can count

on friends in the executive branch to tackle

controversial issues via executive action without the

need for compromise, bicameralism, or presentment.

That creates a dynamic where the “law” on important

and divisive issues changes radically with every

change of administration, with the latest executive

action predictably challenged in a hand-picked

jurisdiction with an attendant emergency petition to

this Court. Moreover, as baleful as the consequences

are for the separation of powers, Chevron’s primary

victim is the citizenry, as Chevron literally gives the

tie to their regulators in every close case.

There are no concrete reliance interests that

counsel in favor of preserving Chevron. Indeed,

Chevron is a reliance-destroying doctrine. It enables

agencies to change the import of the U.S. Code and

empowers every new administration to change the

17

rules on issues of fundamental importance. Moreover,

any claim of reliance on Chevron is especially hard to

take seriously when this Court has declined to apply

the doctrine for years and expressed misgivings about

it for even longer. But even assuming that private

parties could have legitimately relied on a particular

application of Chevron in a particular case, discarding

Chevron’s interpretive methodology would not ipso

facto upset the substantive results in those cases.

Even the substantive result in Chevron would survive

the overruling of Chevron’s methodology. And while

some government officials will no doubt complain

about the inconvenience of losing Chevron, their

interests carry no weight in the stare decisis analysis.

The case for a clean break with Chevron is thus

overwhelming. But, at a minimum, this Court should

make clear that the doctrine is not triggered by

statutory silence, especially silence concerning a

controversial power expressly but narrowly conferred

elsewhere in the statute. A rule requiring courts to

construe silence as an agency-empowering delegation

is at odds with the bedrock administrative-law rule

that agencies enjoy only the power that Congress has

affirmatively conferred, and it promotes excessive

delegation of Article I power to Article II agencies.

Beyond all that, sensible rules of statutory

interpretation confirm that silence is not consent for

executive agencies to wield a controversial power that

Congress has expressly conferred, only in narrow

circumstances and subject to equally express limits,

elsewhere in the statute.

Once misguided notions of deference are

eliminated, it is plain that the decision below cannot

18

stand. By far the best reading of the MSA is that

Congress did not sub silentio authorize NMFS to

impose an industry-funded-monitoring program that

could deprive vessels in the Atlantic herring fishery of

upwards of one-fifth of their annual returns. The

Court thus should reverse rather than remand and

bring an end to NMFS’ overreaching effort to regulate

the herring industry into nonexistence.

ARGUMENT

I.

The Court Should Overrule Chevron.

A. Chevron Is Entitled to Little, If Any,

Stare Decisis Effect.

This Court’s “precedents on precedent” teach that

stare decisis has greater or lesser force depending on

the nature of the challenged precedent. Ramos v.

Louisiana, 140 S.Ct. 1390, 1412 (2020) (Kavanaugh,

J., concurring in part). Thus, “[c]onsiderations of stare

decisis have special force” when it comes to

substantive interpretations of statutes because “the

legislative power is implicated, and Congress remains

free to alter what [the Court] has done.” Patterson v.

McLean Credit Union, 491 U.S. 164, 172-73 (1989). By

contrast, stare decisis is “weak[er]” when the Court

“interpret[s] the Constitution” because that

“interpretation can be altered only by constitutional

amendment.” Franchise Tax Bd. v. Hyatt, 139 S.Ct.

1485, 1499 (2019).

And stare decisis’ “role” is

“reduced” further when the precedent involves a

“procedural rule,” which “does not serve as a guide to

lawful behavior.” United States v. Gaudin, 515 U.S.

506, 521 (1995).

The methodology employed in Chevron is not

entitled to even the weakest of these forms of stare

19

decisis. To be sure, Chevron’s specific result regarding

the term “stationary source” under the Clean Air Act,

see 467 U.S. at 866, may call for standard stare decisis

analysis, as that discrete holding involves the

interpretation of a particular statutory provision and

thus implicates “statutory stare decisis,” Allen v.

Milligan, 2023 WL 3872517, at *20 (U.S. June 8,

2023). Ironically, it is only the Chevron methodology

that creates any doubt about whether this Court’s

interpretation of the Clean Air Act is entitled to full

stare decisis effect. See Nat’l Cable & Telecomms.

Ass’n v. Brand X Internet Servs., 545 U.S. 967, 980-82

(2005). But to state the obvious, this is not a Clean

Air Act case, and what the question presented seeks to

have overruled is Chevron’s interpretive methodology.

That has significant consequences for the stare decisis

analysis.

“Unlike ordinary statutory precedents, ‘the

Court’s precedents … pronouncing the Court’s own

interpretive methods and principles typically do not

fall within that category of stringent statutory stare

decisis.’”

Allen, 2023 WL 3872517, at *21 n.1

(Kavanaugh, J., concurring). In fact, “there is broad

agreement” that “interpretive methodologies” and

“canons” “do not” “receive stare decisis effect” at all.

Kristin E. Hickman & R. David Hahn, Categorizing

Chevron, 81 Ohio St. L.J. 611, 653 (2020); see also, e.g.,

Anita S. Krishnakumar, Metarules for Ordinary

Meaning, 134 Harv. L. Rev. F. 167, 178 (2021) (“Under

our current system of statutory interpretation, there

is no methodological stare decisis[.]”); Jonathan R.

Siegel, The Polymorphic Principle and the Judicial

Role in Statutory Interpretation, 84 Tex. L. Rev. 339,

389 (2005) (“[T]he Court’s actual cases make clear that

20

when the Court issues opinions interpreting statutes,

stare decisis effect attaches to the ultimate holding as

to the meaning of the particular statute interpreted,

but not to general methodological pronouncements, no

matter how apparently firm.”). To pick just two

examples, this Court has moved away from creating

new implied causes of action or new Bivens actions

without overruling J. I. Case Co. v. Borak, 377 U.S.

426 (1964) or Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents of

Federal Bureau of Narcotics, 403 U.S. 388 (1971).

That near-consensus makes sense, as “[a]sking a

Justice to give presumptive fidelity to a wide-ranging

methodology with which she disagrees is asking too

much.” Randy J. Kozel, Statutory Interpretation,

Administrative Deference, and the Law of Stare

Decisis, 97 Tex. L. Rev. 1125, 1127 (2019) (Kozel).

There is no basis for a Chevron exception to this

general rule. Indeed, if the Chevron methodology

enjoyed ordinary stare decisis effect, it would be clear

error for this Court to simply ignore Chevron and its

methodology in case after case. But this Court has

repeatedly done just that in all manner of cases since

1984. See William N. Eskridge, Jr. & Lauren E. Baer,

The Continuum of Deference: Supreme Court

Treatment of Agency Statutory Interpretations from

Chevron to Hamdan, 96 Geo. L.J. 1083, 1121 (2008)

(“Of the 1014 [Supreme Court] cases included in our

study, Chevron (or a Chevron precedent) was cited in

only 120. In only 84 cases (8.3% of the population) did

the Court apply the Chevron two-step test.”). And that

trend has only accelerated in recent years, to the point

where it is widely recognized that Chevron has

“expired at the Court.” Richard M. Re, Personal

Precedent at the Supreme Court, 136 Harv. L. Rev.

21

824, 847-48 (2023). None of this would be explicable if

Chevron’s methodology carried any meaningful stare

decisis force.

At most, Chevron could claim the kind of weak or

“reduced” stare decisis effect afforded to procedural

rules. Gaudin, 515 U.S. at 521. Pearson v. Callahan,

555 U.S. 223 (2009), provides an instructive example

of that limited form of stare decisis. There, the Court

unanimously overruled a “two-step procedure” for

resolving qualified-immunity claims. See id. at 23235. In doing so, the Court observed that the stare

decisis “standards” that apply when a “constitutional

or statutory precedent is challenged”—e.g., whether

the precedent “was ‘badly reasoned’ or … has proved

to be ‘unworkable’”—are “out of place” in this context.

Id. at 234. Instead, the Court declared it “appropriate”

to “depart[]” from the challenged precedent simply

because doing so “would not upset expectations” vis-àvis “property and contract rights,” the challenged

precedent “consist[ed] of a judge-made rule,” and

“experience ha[d] pointed up the precedent’s

shortcomings.” Id. at 233.

Those same considerations overwhelmingly

support overruling Chevron’s two-step procedure. In

general, procedural rules do not engender reliance

interests because they “merely govern how courts will

go about their own business when deciding disputes

many years later that parties often cannot foresee

when arranging their affairs,” and it is “particularly

hard to see how Chevron might have engendered

serious reliance interests” when its “very point” is to

allow agencies to change the law. Gutierrez-Brizuela,

834 F.3d at 1158 (Gorsuch, J., concurring); see also

22

pp.40-42, infra. Second, Chevron is undeniably a

judge-made rule. Finally (and to put it mildly),

Chevron has “been questioned by Members of the

Court in later decisions” and has “defied consistent

application by the lower courts” (whose members have

likewise questioned the decision). 4 Pearson, 555 U.S.

at 235; see pp.6-7, supra; pp.26-29, infra. If anything,

this Court’s task is even more straightforward here

than in Pearson, as Chevron’s procedural rule “has

often been disregarded in [this Court’s] own practice.”

Hohn v. United States, 524 U.S. 236, 252 (1998); cf.

Kennedy v. Bremerton Sch. Dist., 142 S.Ct. 2407, 2427

(2022) (“[T]his Court long ago abandoned Lemon[.]”).

Accordingly, applying the reduced stare decisis

considerations applicable to procedural decisions, the

case for discarding Chevron is overwhelming.

B. In All Events, Every Stare Decisis

Consideration Militates in Favor of

Overruling Chevron.

While the stronger form of stare decisis is

inapplicable here, the factors relevant to that analysis

are still amply satisfied. Stare decisis is never an

“inexorable command.” Payne v. Tennessee, 501 U.S.

808, 828 (1991). Instead, this Court evaluates “three

broad considerations”: (1) “is the prior decision not

4 See, e.g., Mexican Gulf Fishing v. U.S. Dep’t of Com., 60 F.4th

956, 976 (5th Cir. 2023) (Oldham, J., concurring in part); Valent

v. Comm’r of Soc. Sec., 918 F.3d 516, 524-25 (6th Cir. 2019)

(Kethledge, J., dissenting); Aqua Prod., Inc. v. Matal, 872 F.3d

1290, 1334 (Fed. Cir. 2017) (Moore, J., concurring); Waterkeeper

All. v. EPA, 853 F.3d 527, 539 (D.C. Cir. 2017) (Brown, J.,

concurring); Egan v. Delaware River Port Auth., 851 F.3d 263,

278-83 (3d Cir. 2017) (Jordan, J., concurring in the judgment).

23

just wrong, but grievously or egregiously wrong?”; (2)

“has the prior decision caused significant negative

jurisprudential or real-world consequences?”; and (3)

“would overruling the prior decision unduly upset

reliance interests?” Ramos, 140 S.Ct. at 1414-15

(Kavanaugh, J., concurring in part). All of those

considerations strongly support overruling Chevron.

1.

Chevron is egregiously wrong.

“Chevron barely bothered to justify its rule of

deference, and the few brief passages on this matter

pointed in disparate directions.” David J. Barrron &

Elena Kagan, Chevron’s Nondelegation Doctrine, 2001

Sup. Ct. Rev. 201, 212-13 (2001) (Barron & Kagan).

Chevron principally suggested that deference is

appropriate because a statutory ambiguity is an

“implicit” delegation to an agency to “interpret[]” and

“constru[e]” a “statute which it administers,” as

Article III judges are not “experts” in “policy-making.”

467 U.S. at 843-44 & nn.9, 11, 865-66. Chevron

further suggested that “the principle of deference to

administrative interpretations” is supported by

history and precedent. Id. at 844-45 & n.14. In

reality, Chevron’s rule of judicial deference to the

executive’s interpretation of statutes is flatly

inconsistent with Constitution, the APA, and

centuries of tradition. Chevron thus is the poster child

of a case that was “egregiously wrong when decided.”

Ramos, 140 S.Ct. at 1415 (Kavanaugh, J., concurring

in part).

Chevron is at odds with the basic division of labor

in the first three Articles of the Constitution. As the

Framers recognized, “[t]he accumulation of all powers,

legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the same

24

hands … may justly be pronounced the very definition

of tyranny.” The Federalist No. 47, at 298 (James

Madison) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 2003). And the

separation of powers “was not simply an abstract

generalization in the minds of the Framers: it was

woven into the document that they drafted in

Philadelphia in the summer of 1787.” TransUnion

LLC v. Ramirez, 141 S.Ct. 2190, 2203 (2021). Thus,

“to preserve the liberty of all the people,” Collins v.

Yellen, 141 S.Ct. 1761, 1780 (2021), the Constitution

established a tripartite system of government that

separated the federal government’s powers into three

branches. Article I therefore vests “all Legislative

powers” in Congress, U.S. Const. Art. I, §1; Article II

vests “[t]he Executive power” in the President, U.S.

Const. Art. II, §1; and Article III vests “[t]he judicial

power” in the courts, U.S. Const. Art. III, §1.

Chevron poses a triple threat to this

constitutional design. As the Court declared early on

in Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137 (1803),

“[i]t is emphatically the province and duty of the

judicial department to say what the law is.” Id. at 177.

That includes saying what the law is in close cases,

even when the authorities at issue are murky or silent.

Indeed, most cases and controversies arise precisely

because the applicable authorities have a sufficient

degree of ambiguity for reasonable parties to differ

and then litigate.

Some Framers viewed such

ambiguity as nearly ubiquitous: “All new laws” are

“more or less obscure and equivocal,” as “no language

is so copious as to supply words and phrases for every

complex idea, or so correct as not to include many

equivocally denoting different ideas.” The Federalist

No. 37, at 225 (James Madison) (emphasis added); see

25

also, e.g., Caleb Nelson, Originalism and Interpretive

Conventions, 70 U. Chi. L. Rev. 519, 526-27 (2003).

But even as they recognized that ambiguity is

prevalent, the Framers agreed that the power to

“ascertain” the “meaning” of not only “the

Constitution” but also “any particular act proceeding

from the legislative body” must “belong[]” to “the

judges” alone.

The Federalist No. 78, at 466

(Alexander Hamilton); see id. (“The interpretation of

the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the

courts.”); Bamzai 938-41.

Chevron is impossible to square with this

understanding. As one scholar concisely put it,

Chevron is the “counter-Marbury” for “the

administrative state.” Cass R. Sunstein, Law and

Administration After Chevron, 90 Colum. L. Rev.

2071, 2075 (1990). Instead of requiring a court to

authoritatively declare the meaning of “ambiguous”

statutory text as Article III demands, Chevron

requires a court to defer to the “interpretation[s]” and

“constructions” offered by an executive agency, even if

the court concludes that the agency does not have the

best reading of the text. 467 U.S. at 843-44 & n.11. To

the extent that the Chevron Court believed that

Congress “implicitly” desired this result, but see

Barron & Kagan 212 (“Chevron doctrine at most can

rely on a fictionalized statement of legislative

desire[.]”), that only makes matters worse. Congress

plainly lacks the power to delegate the judicial power

to a different branch regardless of whether that desire

is implicit or explicit. See, e.g., Hayburn’s Case, 2 U.S.

(2 Dall.) 408, 410 n.* (1792); see also Stern v. Marshall,

564 U.S. 462, 484 (2011) (“Article III could neither

serve its purpose in the system of checks and balances

26

nor preserve the integrity of judicial decisionmaking if

the other branches of the Federal Government could

confer the Government’s ‘judicial Power’ on entities

outside Article III.”). And this Court would be dutybound to resist that kind of diminishment. See, e.g.,

Plaut v. Spendthrift Farm, Inc., 514 U.S. 211, 217-40

(1995) (invalidating congressional effort to reopen

final judgments). Simply put, by “wrest[ing] from

Courts the ultimate interpretative authority to ‘say

what the law is’” and “hand[ing] it over to the

Executive,”

Chevron

constitutes

a

grievous

separation-of-powers violation. Michigan v. EPA, 576

U.S. 743, 761 (2015) (Thomas, J., concurring); see

Gutierrez-Brizuela, 834 F.3d at 1152 (Gorsuch, J.,

concurring) (“Chevron seems no less than a judgemade doctrine for the abdication of the judicial duty.”).

To the extent that Chevron also characterized

agency interpretations of statutes as the “formulation

of policy,” 467 U.S. at 843, that just relocates the

separation-of-powers violation. Article I’s Vesting

Clause gives all legislative power to Congress, and the

text of that Clause “permits no delegation of those

powers.” Whitman v. Am. Trucking Ass’ns, 531 U.S.

457, 472 (2001). While this Court’s precedent treats a

certain degree of congressional delegation of

legislative power to executive agencies as permissible,

that is because the line between making the law and

executing it can be murky. See, e.g., Wayman v.

Southard, 23 U.S. (10 Wheat.) 1, 46 (1825); GutierrezBrizuela, 834 F.3d at 1154 (Gorsuch, J., concurring).

It is not because affirmatively delegating the power to

make policy to the executive branch is consistent with

our constitutional scheme, let alone something to be

encouraged or facilitated via judicial deference. See

27

Mistretta v. United States, 488 U.S. 361, 371-72

(1989). Accordingly, conceptualizing Chevron as a tool

that promotes agency policymaking succeeds only in

confirming that Chevron “is nothing more than a

judicially orchestrated shift of power from Congress to

the Executive Branch,” Kavanaugh 2150—and an

authorization for the kind of concentration of power

that the entire constitutional structure seeks to guard

against, see The Federalist No. 47, at 298 (James

Madison) (“[T]he preservation of liberty requires that

the three great departments of power should be

separate and distinct.”).

Chevron’s constitutional infirmities run deeper

and extend to undermining due process. As this Court

has long explained, “[a] fair trial in a fair tribunal is a

basic requirement of due process,” and “no man can be

a judge in his own case.” In re Murchison, 349 U.S.

133, 136 (1955); see Calder v. Bull, 3 U.S. (3 Dall.) 386,

388 (1798) (“[A] law that makes a man a Judge in his

own cause … is against all reason and justice[.]”); see

also The Federalist No. 10, at 74 (James Madison)

(similar). Chevron plainly “runs up against” that

“mainstay of our system of government.” Gutierrez de

Martinez v. Lamagno, 515 U.S. 417, 428 (1995). As in

this case, the government is generally a party in cases

in which courts apply Chevron, and that doctrine

requires courts to make a “precommitment” to favor

the government’s “judgments about the law.” Philip

Hamburger, Chevron Bias, 84 Geo. Wash. L. Rev.

1187, 1212 (2016) (Hamburger). Rather than having

neutral umpires call balls and strikes, Chevron

adjusts the strike zone to favor the home team. “How

is it fair in a court of justice for judges to defer to one

of the litigants,” United States v. Havis, 907 F.3d 439,

28

451 (6th Cir. 2018) (Thapar, J., concurring), rev’d en

banc, 927 F.3d 382 (per curiam), especially when that

litigant is not advancing the best interpretation of the

law and is “the most powerful of parties, the

government”? Hamburger 1212; see Egan, 851 F.3d at

281 (Jordan, J., concurring in the judgment) (“We

would never allow a private litigant the power to

authoritatively reinterpret the rules applicable to a

dispute, yet we routinely allow the nation’s most

prolific and powerful litigant, the government, to do

exactly that.”).

While Chevron’s constitutional flaws are manifold

and sufficient, Chevron is also egregiously wrong as a

matter of statutory construction. Chevron was a case

about the proper procedures for assessing the

statutory interpretations embodied in administrative

action. The salience of the APA to that question would

seem self-evident.

Quite remarkably, however,

Chevron “did not even bother to cite” the APA. Mead,

533 U.S. at 241 (Scalia, J., dissenting); see Perez, 575

U.S. at 109 (Scalia, J., concurring in the judgment)

(describing Chevron as “[h]eedless of the original

design of the APA”). Had Chevron grappled with the

APA, the error of its methodology would have been

immediately apparent.

Section 706 of the APA straightforwardly provides

that “the reviewing court shall decide all relevant

questions of law, interpret constitutional and

statutory provisions, and determine the meaning or

applicability of the terms of an agency action.” 5

U.S.C. §706 (emphasis added). As five members of

this Court have now recognized, that language

indicates that courts must interpret statutes “de

29

novo.” Kisor v. Wilkie, 139 S.Ct. 2400, 2433 (2019)

(Gorsuch, J., concurring in the judgment); see United

States v. Texas, 2023 WL 4139000, at *14 (U.S. June

23, 2023) (Gorsuch, J., concurring in the judgment).

That understanding is reinforced by the fact that §706

“places the court’s duty to interpret statutes on an

equal footing with its duty to interpret the

Constitution,” John F. Duffy, Administrative Common

Law in Judicial Review, 77 Tex. L. Rev. 113, 194

(1998), and “constitutional provisions ha[ve] been

subject to de novo review” “[s]ince at least Marbury,”

Bamzai 985; see, e.g., Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900,

923 (1995) (citing Marbury and explaining that “we

think it inappropriate for a court engaged in

constitutional scrutiny to accord deference to the

[government’s] interpretation of the [statute]”). If any

doubt about §706’s meaning remained, other

subsections of §706 demonstrate that Congress knew

how to instruct courts to defer to agencies—and that

it deliberately declined to do so when it came to

questions

of

statutory

(or

constitutional)

interpretation. See, e.g., 5 U.S.C. §706(2)(A) (“The

reviewing court shall hold unlawful and set aside

agency action, findings, and conclusions found to be

arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion, or

otherwise not in accordance with law.”). It thus is

beyond debate that Chevron “flout[s] the language of

the [APA].” Kavanaugh 2150 n.161.

Chevron just as clearly flouts the historical record.

While it is true that, before the 1875 grant of general

federal-question jurisdiction, courts often gave “great

leeway to executive discretion in interpreting legal

text,” that is only because “many statutory questions

could be resolved only in the context of a mandamus

30

action brought against an executive official,” and a

mandamus action “carried with it a deferential

standard of review.” Bamzai 947, 958; see Rappaport

1287 (“[T]he apparent deference conferred on agencies

was the result of the limited remedies available in

federal court.”). But in non-mandamus cases, “no

comparable interpretive deference” existed—only “de

novo review.” Bamzai 917, 958.

This Court’s decision in Decatur v. Paulding, 39

U.S. (14 Pet.) 497 (1840), provides a clear example.

There, the Court declined to grant mandamus relief in

a case involving an executive official’s discretionary

act, but at the same time, the Court admonished that,

“[i]f a suit should come before this Court, which

involved the construction of any of these laws”—i.e., in

a non-mandamus posture—“the Court certainly would

not be bound to adopt the construction given by the

head of a department.” Id. at 515. To the contrary, if

the Justices “supposed his decision to be wrong, they

would, of course, so pronounce their judgment.” Id.

That much followed from “their duty to interpret the

Act of Congress, in order to ascertain the rights of the

parties in the cause before them.” Id. And once

Congress

conferred

general

federal-question

jurisdiction, this Court “interpreted agency statutes …

without conferring deference.” Rappaport 1288.

To be sure, when conducting de novo review, this

Court traditionally gave “respect” to “certain executive

interpretations of legal text” when executive officers

proffered those interpretations “contemporaneous[ly]

with enactment” or held them “continuously … for a

long time,” Bamzai 944—as the cases cited in Chevron

demonstrate, see, e.g., Edwards’ Lessee v. Darby, 25

31

U.S. 206, 210 (1827) (“In the construction of a doubtful

and

ambiguous

law,

the

contemporaneous

construction of those who were called upon to act

under the law, and were appointed to carry its

provisions into effect, is entitled to very great

respect.”); United States v. Moore, 95 U.S. 760, 762-63

(1877) (similar); Burnet v. Chicago Portrait Co., 285

U.S. 1, 16 (1932) (similar). But that is just a standard

principle of textual interpretation, not a principle of

deference, much less a rule of abdication in cases of

ambiguity. See Rappaport 1291. Indeed, this Court

gives respect to contemporaneous and longstanding

legal interpretations when examining constitutional

text too, see id. at 1291-92, and no one characterizes

that practice as deference, see Baldwin, 140 S.Ct. at

693 (Thomas, J., dissenting from the denial of

certiorari) (explaining that giving “respect to certain

contemporaneous, consistent interpretations of

statutes by executive officers” is akin to “the more

general principle of ‘liquidation,’ in which consistent

and longstanding interpretations of an ambiguous

text could fix its meaning”).

However one characterizes the practice of

respecting contemporaneous and longstanding

interpretations of legal text, it could not possibly

justify Chevron (let alone Brand X). Chevron and its

progeny demand deference to an agency’s noncontemporaneous and inconsistent interpretations of a

statute—a rule without any historical pedigree. See

Chevron, 467 U.S. at 863 (“The fact that the agency

has

from

time

to

time

changed

its

interpretation … does not … lead us to conclude that

no deference should be accorded the agency’s

interpretation of the statute.”); Brand X, 545 U.S. at

32

981 (“Agency inconsistency is not a basis for declining

to analyze the agency’s interpretation under the

Chevron framework.”); accord Caleb Nelson,

Originalism and Interpretive Conventions, 70 U. Chi.

L. Rev. 519, 551 n.137 (2003) (“[T]he terms of the

delegation inferred by Chevron give administrative

agencies substantially more freedom to depart from

settled understandings than the Madisonian concept

of ‘liquidation.’”).

In sum, all constitutional, statutory, and

historical roads lead to the same conclusion: Chevron

is “not just wrong”; it is “grievously [and] egregiously

wrong.” Ramos, 140 S.Ct. at 1415 (Kavanaugh, J.,

concurring in part).

2.

Chevron has caused significant

negative jurisprudential and realworld consequences.

Chevron “is the most talked about, most written

about, most cited administrative law decision of the

Supreme Court. Ever.” Ronald A. Cass, Chevron—

Complicated, Start to Finish, 23 Federalist Soc’y Rev.

265 (2022). What drives all that conversation is that

Chevron has not only proven unworkable but

enormously damaging to our system of government.

The genius of our Constitution is its separation of

government powers to the end of protecting individual

liberty. By reallocating power away from the courts

and Congress and concentrating it in the executive,

Chevron has tinkered with that basic framework.

Forty years later, the superiority of the Framers’

design and the baleful consequences for individual

liberty from Chevron’s tinkering are unmistakable.

33

Chevron’s workability problems were present

early on, have grown over time, and have become so

acute that this Court has simply stopped trying to

apply it. Even Justices who partially defended

Chevron recognized early on that the imprecision of its

threshold test for triggering deference was the

doctrine’s Achilles’ heel. See Antonin Scalia, Judicial

Deference to Administrative Interpretations of Law,

1989 Duke L.J. 511, 520-21 (1989) (warning that

“battles … will be fought” over the “ambiguity” of the

Chevron test). The “fundamental problem” is that

“different judges have wildly different conceptions of

whether a particular statute is clear or ambiguous,”

which generates inconsistency in Chevron’s

application that is “antithetical to the neutral,

impartial rule of law.” Kavanaugh 2152-54. Many

judges declare ambiguity readily and engage in

“reflexive deference” to the agency. Pereira, 138 S.Ct.

at 2120 (Kennedy, J., concurring); see Kent Barnett &

Christopher J. Walker, Chevron in the Circuit Courts,

116 Mich. L. Rev. 1, 33-34 (2017) (sampling over 1,000

cases and concluding that courts of appeals find

ambiguity at Chevron step one 70% of the time). By

contrast, other judges literally never find ambiguity.

See, e.g., Raymond M. Kethledge, Ambiguities and

Agency Cases: Reflections After (Almost) Ten Years on

the Bench, 70 Vand. L. Rev. En Banc 315, 323 (2017)

(“I personally have never had occasion to reach

Chevron’s step two in any of my cases[.]”).

Even the litigant with the most Chevron

experience of all—the federal government—has

conceded (as it must) that there is no good answer to

how much ambiguity is enough to get to step two. See,

e.g., Tr. of Oral Arg. 72, Am. Hosp. Ass’n, No. 20-1114

34

(Justice Gorsuch: “So the government can’t tell us how

much ambiguity is enough?” Assistant to the Solicitor

General: “I’m not sure anybody’s answered that

question.”). It is hard to see how a two-step test is

worth its salt, or worth keeping, if no one can agree

what triggers the second step.

This case brings Chevron’s unworkability into

stark relief. The district court thought the MSA

unambiguously favored NMFS at Chevron step one.

The D.C. Circuit majority found that same statute

ambiguous at step one and deferred to NMFS’

interpretation at step two. And in dissent, Judge

Walker determined that the same statute

unambiguously favored petitioners at step one.

Worse still, Chevron’s unworkability has only

grown as the doctrine has become more “elaborate,”

Perez, 575 U.S at 109 (Scalia, J., concurring in the

judgment), via failed efforts to redress its workability

problems. In Mead, for instance, the Court declared

that a court must undertake a so-called “step zero” to

determine whether the Chevron framework even

applies. But “Mead has proven just as confusing and

controversial as Chevron.” Kristin E. Hickman, The

Three Phases of Mead, 83 Fordham L. Rev. 527, 528

(2014). In practice, that threshold test provides no

more guidance than “that test most beloved by a court

unwilling to be held to rules (and most feared by

litigants who want to know what to expect): th’ol’

‘totality of the circumstances’ test.” Mead, 533 U.S. at

241 (Scalia, J., dissenting).

Nor is that all. In a string of cases, the Court has

eschewed Chevron altogether when “major questions”

are presented. See, e.g., King v. Burwell, 576 U.S. 473,

35

485-86 (2015). That injects yet another threshold

question of “how major must the questions be for

Chevron not to apply?” (and “why is it still appropriate

for cases involving less major but still important

questions?”). Kavanaugh 2152. Other perplexing

questions wait in the wings if Chevron is not

discarded. See, e.g., Cargill v. Garland, 57 F.4th 447,

468 (5th Cir. 2023) (en banc) (discussing circuit splits

over whether Chevron is waivable and whether

Chevron applies when a statute has criminal and not

just civil applications); Guedes v. Bureau of Alcohol,

Tobacco, Firearms & Explosives, No. 22-1222 (U.S.

pet. for cert. filed June 14, 2023) (asking Court to

decide whether Chevron trumps the rule of lenity if

Chevron’s fate is unresolved in this case). As judges

and commentators thus have explained, “whether

Chevron applies is often contested and unclear,”

Aposhian v. Wilkinson, 989 F.3d 890, 897 (10th Cir.

2021) (Tymkovich, J., dissenting), which forces

everyone involved to devote “inordinate resources” to

extraneous issues, Beerman 784.

Of course, the best evidence of Chevron’s

unworkability is this Court’s consistent declination to

apply it in cases where the lower courts and parties

labored extensively to document that they were on this

or that side of Chevron’s hazy doctrinal lines. See, e.g.,

Am. Hosp. Ass’n, 142 S.Ct. 1896. With the greatest

respect, this Court has already voted with its feet, just

as it did with Lemon, by refusing to apply a test that

has proven too incoherent or imprecise to serve any

function beyond occasionally adding makeweight to a

decision reached by other means. Cf. Bd. of Educ. of

Kiryas Joel Vill. Sch. Dist. v. Grumet, 512 U.S. 687,

750 (1994) (Scalia, J., dissenting) (noting Court

36

invokes Lemon “only when useful”). Lower courts and

litigants do not have that luxury, and this Court

should free them from the continued burden of

wrestling with a thoroughly unworkable methodology.

Cf. id. at 751 (noting lower courts and litigants “are

not free to ignore Supreme Court precedent at will”).

The destruction that Chevron has wrought,

however, is hardly confined to the courtroom. To the

contrary, Chevron has also undermined how the

political process is supposed to operate. “The framers

believed that the power to make new laws regulating

private conduct was a grave one that could, if not

properly checked, pose a serious threat to individual

liberty,” so they “insist[ed] that two houses of

Congress must agree to any new law and the President

must concur or a legislative supermajority must

override his veto.” West Virginia v. EPA, 142 S.Ct.

2587, 2618 (2022) (Gorsuch, J., concurring).

Chevron obliterates this careful design. “Chevron

encourages the Executive Branch (whichever party

controls it) to be extremely aggressive in seeking to

squeeze its policy goals into ill-fitting statutory

authorizations and restraints.” Kavanaugh 2150; see

David S. Tatel, The Administrative Process and the

Rule of Environmental Law, 34 Harv. Envtl. L. Rev. 1,

2 (2010) (noting that, “in both Republican and

Democratic administrations,” there are “often” cases

where “it looks for all the world like agencies choose

their policy first and then later seek to defend its

legality”). And given the potential political costs of

reaching compromises, Congress is “all too happy to

stay out of the business of governing.” Overruling

Chevron Could Make Congress Great Again, The Reg.

37

Rev. (Sept. 12, 2018), https://perma.cc/7HEZ-EDJH.

After all, if roughly half of those in Congress can

accomplish their policy objectives in full by calling up

their friends in the executive branch, there is precious

little incentive for elected policymakers to

“compromise,” which is “need[ed]” if legislation is to

pass via the constitutionally prescribed course. West

Virginia, 142 S.Ct. at 2618 (Gorsuch, J., concurring);

see Egan, 851 F.3d at 279 (Jordan, J., concurring in

the judgment) (explaining that, because of Chevron,

Congress refuses to “undertak[e] the difficult work of

reaching consensus on divisive issues”).

The net effect is that Chevron incentivizes a

dynamic where Congress does far less than the

Framers anticipated, and the executive branch is left

to do far more by deciding controversial issues via

regulatory fiat. Major policy disagreements that

should be settled by legislative compromise are

instead resolved temporarily by executive actions that

change with every administration. The new executive

actions precipitate challenges by skeptical states in

hand-picked forums that promptly find their way to

this Court’s emergency docket. And this whole cycle

repeats itself “every few years” as new presidential

administrations make “radical changes in the

meaning of numerous laws.” Richard J. Pierce, Jr.,

The Combination of Chevron and Political Polarity

Has Awful Effects, 70 Duke L.J. Online 91, 92 (2021)

(Pierce). There is a far better way—the one that the

Framers designed. Discarding Chevron is a critical

step to restoring that design. Cf. Nathan Alexander

Sales & Jonathan H. Adler, The Rest Is Silence:

Chevron Deference, Agency Jurisdiction, and

Statutory Silences, 2009 U. Ill. L. Rev. 1497, 1501

38

(2009) (“A no-deference rule … creates desirable

incentives for Congress to resolve a greater number of

policy matters itself, leaving fewer to agencies and the

courts.”).

But as damaging as Chevron is for the judiciary

and Congress, the real loser is the citizenry. At one

level, that is obvious. In a liberty-loving Republic, one

would expect that, whenever there is doubt about

whether the executive has authority over the

governed, the tie would go to the citizenry—as is true

in other contexts. Cf. United States v. Wiltberger, 18

U.S. (5 Wheat.) 76, 95 (1820) (rule of lenity). But

Chevron quite literally erects the opposite rule for

breaking not only ties, but anything deemed

“ambiguous”—and, again, “no definitive guide exists

for determining whether statutory language

is … ambiguous.” Kavanaugh 2138.

The difficulties for the citizenry take more subtle

forms as well. It is perhaps a tolerable fiction that the

citizenry can master the various provisions of the U.S.

Code. But under Chevron, the citizenry is “charged

with an awareness of Chevron,” and the full range of

discretionary executive lawmaking it empowers.

Gutierrez-Brizuela, 834 F.3d at 1152 (Gorsuch, J.,

concurring). That means that citizens are “required

not only to conform their conduct to the fairest reading

of the law they might expect from a neutral judge, but

forced to guess whether the statute will be declared

ambiguous; to guess again whether the agency’s initial

interpretation of the law will be declared ‘reasonable’;

and to guess again whether a later and opposing

agency interpretation will also be held ‘reasonable.’”

Guedes v. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms &

39

Explosives, 140 S.Ct. 789, 790 (2020) (Gorsuch, J.,

dissenting from the denial of certiorari). All of that

“make[s] it impossible for Americans to be able to rely

on any stable legal regime as the basis for their

decisionmaking in many important contexts.” Pierce

92.

And while Chevron certainly impacts the

Chevrons of the world, “[t]he administrative

state … ‘touches almost every aspect of daily life,’”

City of Arlington, 569 U.S. at 313 (Roberts, C.J.,

dissenting), and thus the Chevron doctrine has

destabilizing consequences for smaller enterprises too.

This case is Exhibit A. Petitioners are small,

family-owned businesses that have operated for

decades in a fishery where margins are exceedingly

tight. See, e.g., Dep’t of Com., Secretary of Commerce

Issues Fishery Disaster Determination for 2019

Atlantic Herring Fishery (Nov. 22, 2021),

https://perma.cc/HP3P-L48E. For most of that time,

no one ever hinted that petitioners would have to

surrender any of their returns to pay the salaries of

federally mandated observers—because that mandate

appears exactly nowhere in the MSA. But feeling

“sufficiently emboldened” by Chevron, Michigan, 576

U.S. at 763 (Thomas, J., concurring), NMFS recently

dusted off decades-old MSA provisions to promulgate

a rule that would require petitioners to fork over some

20% of their annual returns to pay those salaries—all

because Congress did not deem the monitoring project

worthy of federal appropriations. See 85 Fed. Reg. at

7,418. Although the D.C. Circuit unanimously agreed

that the MSA nowhere clearly authorized such

oppressive regulation, a majority nevertheless

40

thought that Chevron tipped the scales in NMFS’

favor, thus placing petitioners’ businesses and those of

other herring fishermen at risk of extinction. It thus

cannot seriously be disputed that Chevron exacts

negative “real-world effects on the citizenry, not just

… on the law and the legal system.” Ramos, 140 S.Ct.

at 1415 (Kavanaugh, J., concurring in part).

3.

Overruling Chevron would not upset

reliance interests.

There are no serious reliance interests requiring

the Court to preserve Chevron.

This Court’s

precedents emphasize the relevance of concrete

reliance interests in the stare decisis analysis, such as

those that develop “in property and contract cases,

where parties may have acted in conformance with

existing legal rules in order to conduct transactions.”

Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310, 365 (2010). But

“no one rationally orders their affairs in reliance on

Chevron deference.” Beerman 785. Indeed, no one

could. After all, Chevron’s raison d’être “is to permit

agencies to upset the settled expectations of the people

by changing policy direction depending on the agency’s

mood at the moment.” Gutierrez-Brizuela, 834 F.3d at

1158 (Gorsuch, J., concurring); see, e.g., Mozilla Corp.

v. FCC, 940 F.3d 1 (D.C. Cir. 2019) (upholding FCC’s

fourth inconsistent interpretation of a single statute

over fifteen years).

And it is especially hard to

imagine how anyone could claim reliance on Chevron

when they “have been on notice for years regarding

this Court’s misgivings about [it],” Janus v. Am. Fed’n

of State, Cnty., & Mun. Emps. Council 31, 138 S.Ct.

2448, 2484 (2018)—to the point where the Court no

longer cites the case and treats it like a “doctrinal

41

dinosaur,” Kimble v. Marvel Ent., LLC, 576 U.S. 446,

458 (2015).

In all events, to the extent that anyone has

attempted to rely on a concrete application of Chevron

in a particular case notwithstanding the looming

threat of a Brand X-style switcheroo, abandoning

Chevron’s methodology would not necessarily disturb

that substantive precedent. Any case decided under

step one will be unaffected by Chevron’s overruling.

And any case decided under step two cannot generate

justifiable reliance given the executive’s ability revisit

matters under Brand X. If anything, those judicial

decisions will be entitled to more respect in a postChevron world.

As this Court has explained,

“[p]rinciples of stare decisis … demand respect for

precedent whether judicial methods of interpretation

change or stay the same.” CBOCS W., Inc. v.

Humphries, 553 U.S. 442, 457 (2008). It follows that

“[c]oncrete applications of Chevron” will continue to

“carry a presumption of durability independent of the

decision-making approaches that yielded them”—i.e.,

even if Chevron is overruled. Kozel 1161; see Beerman

786 (similar).

Any reliance by government officials does not

affect the calculus. To be sure, some administrative

agencies (like NMFS) have relied on Chevron over the

years

to

advance

“adventurous

statutory

interpretations” that test the limits of the English

language and common sense. Beerman 842. But cf.

Buffington, 143 S.Ct. at 21 (Gorsuch, J., dissenting

from the denial of certiorari) (“The federal government

itself now often waives or forfeits arguments for

Chevron deference before this Court.”). But “stare

42

decisis accommodates only legitimate reliance

interests,” South Dakota v. Wayfair, Inc., 138 S.Ct.

2080, 2098 (2018) (quotation marks and brackets

omitted), and this Court “has never suggested that the

convenience of government officials should count in

the balance of stare decisis, especially when weighed

against the interests of citizens in a fair hearing before

an independent judge and a stable and knowable set

of laws,” Kisor, 139 S.Ct. at 2447 (Gorsuch, J.,

concurring in the judgment).

Finally, nothing in Kisor detracts from this

straightforward analysis. Most obviously, Kisor never

argued that Auer/Seminole-Rock deference was

unworkable, id. at 2423, while Chevron is unworkable

in the extreme. At the same time, Auer/SeminoleRock deference was not an innovation of the Eighties,

but pre-dated the APA and was not honored only in

the breach, see id. at 2422, as has been the case with

Chevron. Nor did Kisor fully grapple with the distinct

stare decisis factors applicable to methodological

decisions (perhaps because most of the majority

seemed to consider Auer and Seminole Rock correctly

decided, see id. at 2418-20 (plurality op.)); it did not,

for example, cite Pearson and its abandonment of a

different, rigid two-step test. But most important,

deferring to an agency’s interpretation of its own

regulations does not involve the grave separation-ofpowers problem posed by Chevron.

After all,

Auer/Seminole-Rock deference assumes that the

agency had sufficient authority from Congress to

address the matter at hand via regulations and then

gives weight to a post hoc clarification of those

regulations in an amicus brief or other agency

document.

Thus, while Auer/Seminole-Rock

43

deference may risk the health of the notice-andcomment process, Chevron endangers our entire

structure of separated and delimited government.

Finally, it bears emphasis that the combined force of

Auer/Seminole-Rock deference and Chevron poses a

double threat to the citizenry, so if Auer/SeminoleRock deference is here to stay, that is all the more

reason to jettison Chevron.

*

*

*

Chevron is slated to turn forty in June 2024. The

best celebration for our system of government and our

citizenry would be to mark that milestone with an

overruling. Chevron is both profoundly wrong and

profoundly disruptive, and overruling it would not

disturb any legitimate reliance interests. “[T]he whole

project deserves a tombstone no one can miss.”

Buffington, 143 S.Ct. at 22 (Gorsuch, J., dissenting

from the denial of certiorari).

II. At A Bare Minimum, The Court Should

Clarify That Chevron Is Not Triggered By

Statutory Silence.

If the Court chooses not to discard Chevron

entirely, it should at least narrow the doctrine and

clarify that it does not apply merely because the

statute is silent on a given issue, especially when the

purported silence involves an extraordinary power

that Congress expressly conveyed elsewhere in the

statute. Even apart from the considerations that

support Chevron’s overruling in toto, see pp.18-43,

supra, the proposition that statutory silence is a

deference-empowering delegation of authority to an

agency is particularly dubious.

And narrowing

Chevron

does

not

implicate

stare

decisis

44

considerations, as the Court has previously done just

that. See, e.g., Kristin E. Hickman & Aaron L.

Nielson, Narrowing Chevron’s Domain, 70 Duke L.J.

931, 996 (2021) (“[T]he Court has already narrowed

Chevron’s scope, in Mead and King, without raising

stare decisis concerns.”).

Affording deference based on statutory silence is

ultimately a substantive canon of construction: If the

statute is silent, the government wins. Not every

substantive canon is legitimate, see, e.g., Amy Coney

Barrett, Substantive Canons and Faithful Agency, 90

B.U. L. Rev. 109 (2010) (Barrett), and applying

Chevron to statutory silence falls on the illegitimate

side of the dividing line by a sizable margin. It is

bedrock administrative law that “[a]dministrative

agencies are creatures of statute” and “accordingly

possess only the authority that Congress has

provided.” NFIB v. OSHA, 142 S.Ct. 661, 665 (2022)

(per curiam). As a result, “an agency literally has no

power to act … unless and until Congress confers

power upon it.” La. Pub. Serv. Comm’n v. FCC, 476

U.S. 355, 374 (1986) (emphasis added). A rule

requiring courts to interpret statutory silence as an

agency-empowering delegation “stand[s] this ancient

and venerable principle nearly on its head.” GutierrezBrizuela, 834 F.3d at 1153 (Gorsuch, J., concurring).

Given this bedrock and liberty-protecting principle,

the far more obvious inference from statutory silence

is that Congress withheld a power from the agency,

rather than handing it a blank check.

The problems do not end there.

Although

applying a substantive canon to break ties may make

sense when it “promotes constitutional values,”

45

Barrett 181; see West Virginia, 142 S.Ct. at 2616-17

(Gorsuch, J., concurring), applying Chevron to

statutory silence undermines those values. After all,

delegation of law-making power to the executive is

never a good thing and always runs counter to the

Constitution’s design. Article I, §1 of the Constitution

vests “all” of the federal government’s “legislative

powers” in Congress, U.S. Const. Art. I, §1 (emphasis

added), not just some of them, and there is no such

thing as a salutary amount of delegation. The

difficulty, of course, is finding a workable test for

identifying impermissible delegations. See Mistretta,

488 U.S. at 415 (Scalia, J., dissenting) (“[W]hile the

doctrine

of

unconstitutional

delegation

is

unquestionably a fundamental element of our

constitutional system, it is not an element readily

enforceable by the courts.”). But whether or not this

Court can fashion an administrable test for separating

wheat from chaff in this context, there is no

justification whatsoever for a doctrine that rewards

delegation by finding rulemaking authority in the

absence of statutory text. The sensible principles all

run in the opposite direction. If Congress “does

not … hide elephants in mouseholes,” Whitman, 531

U.S. at 468, it surely does not empower agencies to

conjure elephants, or even mice, out of nothing at all.

But even assuming that there are some

circumstances when a court may construe statutory

silence as an implicit delegation of authority to an

agency, those circumstances certainly do not include a

dynamic where the statutory silence implicates a

controversial power and the silence is in

contradistinction to an express grant of the power

elsewhere in the very same statute.

Indeed,

46

construing that type of silence as an implicit

delegation to an agency is wildly out-of-step with the

sensible rules of statutory interpretation that this

Court applies in other contexts. For example, this

Court has frequently reiterated that, “[w]hen

Congress includes particular language in one section

of a statute but omits it in another section of the same

Act, we generally take the choice to be deliberate.”

Bartenwerfer v. Buckley, 143 S.Ct. 665, 673 (2023)

(quotation marks omitted). That strongly suggests

that the power to make the regulated pay for onboard

regulators is limited to the three specific instances

where Congress granted that extraordinary power.

The Court has also frequently reiterated that it is

“hesitant to adopt an interpretation of a congressional

enactment which renders superfluous another portion

of that same law.” Republic of Sudan v. Harrison, 139

S.Ct. 1048, 1058 (2019). That strongly favors finding

that the limits on the burdens the agency can impose

on domestic fisheries foreclose imposing unlimited

burdens on other domestic fisheries.

Finally, all these principles apply a fortiori when

the power at issue is as dangerous as the authority of

an executive agency to impose what to all the world,

and certainly to petitioners, looks like a prohibitive

tax. When a statute is silent as to a power that

dangerous, the only reasonable inference is that

Congress withheld that power altogether. See Maine

Lobstermen’s Ass’n v. NMFS, 2023 WL 4036598, at *11

(D.C. Cir. June 16, 2023) (“We may reasonably expect

the Congress at least to speak, not to be silent, when

it delegates this power to destroy.”).

47

III. In Either Event, The Court Should Reverse

Rather Than Remand.

Regardless of whether the Court overrules or

merely narrows Chevron, the Court should reverse the

decision below rather than remand in order to bring a

definitive end to this dispute and to provide an

example of what statutory interpretation should look

like in a post-Chevron (or Chevron-lite) world. Doing

so would also illustrate the stark difference between

statutory interpretation distorted by Chevron and the

kind of statutory interpretation that is the bread and

butter of Article III courts in every other context.

While the D.C. Circuit majority posited that the MSA

“suggests” that NMFS acted properly here, Pet.App.8,

statutory text, context, and history, along with this

Court’s precedent, all confirm the opposite.

Starting with the text, there is none that explicitly

authorizes NMFS’ asserted power. That omission is

telling given that that Congress specifically addressed

industry-funded monitoring in other contexts. In

particular, the MSA provides that the North Pacific

Council “may” impose an industry-funded-monitoring

program, §1862(a), and that such programs “shall”

exist in the contexts of both a “limited access privilege

program,” §§1853a(c)(1)(H), 1853a(e)(2), and “foreign

fishing,” §1821(h)(4), (6).

Those express and limited authorizations make

perfect sense. The North Pacific Council oversees

some of the largest and most commercially successful

enterprises that can more easily absorb the costs of

federal monitoring.

Compare NOAA Fisheries,

Alaska, https://perma.cc/4WEC-328H (last visited

July 17, 2023) (“Alaska produces more than half the

48

fish caught in waters off the coast of the United States,

with an average wholesale value of nearly $4.5 billion

a year.”), with Jessica Hathaway, “Feds Declare East

Coast Herring Fishery a Disaster,” National

Fisherman (Nov. 23, 2021), https://perma.cc/BU5B6JJ4 (NOAA economist estimating value of Atlantic

herring fishery at $6.77 million in 2020). Even still,

the authority is permissive and subject to strict limits

to

prevent

overburdening

the

regulated.

Furthermore, when vessels are given a special

“limited access privilege” to operate in restricted areas

subject to strict catch limits, both the need for

observation and the reasonableness of making specialprivilege holders foot the bill are at their apex. And

when foreign vessels are allowed to operate within our

exclusive economic zone, there is no reason why

taxpayers should pay for monitoring costs. See

§1801(a)(3) (congressional finding that “massive

foreign fishing fleets” contributed to overfishing and

“interfered with domestic fishing efforts”).

No

comparable justification exists for garden-variety

domestic fishing operations.

It thus is more than “fair to suppose that Congress

considered the unnamed possibility” here—

authorizing industry-funded monitoring in the

Atlantic herring fishery—“and meant to say no to it.”

Marx v. Gen. Revenue Corp., 568 U.S. 371, 381 (2013).

That conclusion is especially appropriate given that

Congress has authorized both the permissive use of

industry-funded observers (in one context) and the

mandatory use of industry-funded observers (in two

separate contexts). If Congress had simply mandated

the use of industry-funded observers in two limited

contexts, perhaps one could say that Congress never

49

considered the possibility of granting permissive

authority.

But here, Congress considered both

distinct authorities and conveyed neither in this

context.

The MSA’s statutory evolution reinforces that

Congress intentionally declined to authorize

permissive industry-funded-monitoring programs

outside the North Pacific. Congress explicitly granted

the North Pacific Council the discretion to establish an

industry-funded observer program as part of the

Fishery Conservation Amendments of 1990. See Pub.

L. No. 101-627, §118(a), Nov. 28, 1990, 104 Stat. 4436,

4447. In the very same amendments, Congress added

the MSA provision authorizing the “carrying” of

observers on vessels, which supplemented NMFS’

preexisting authority to include other “necessary and

appropriate” measures. See id. §109(b)(2), 104 Stat.

4436, 4448 (codified at §1853(b)(8)); see also Pub. L.

No. 94-265, §303(a)(1)(A), (b)(7), Apr. 13, 1976, 90

Stat. 331, 351-52. If NMFS truly had discretionary

authority to impose industry-funded monitoring in

any fishery as a result of the combination of the

“carrying” and “necessary and appropriate”

provisions, there would have been no need for a

specific grant of authority to the North Pacific Council.

But see Intel Corp. Inv. Pol’y Comm. v. Sulyma, 140

S.Ct. 768, 779 (2020) (“When Congress acts to amend

a statute, we presume it intends its amendment to

have real and substantial effect.”).

That NMFS lacks its asserted power is further

confirmed by the fact that, in the only two instances

where Congress has expressly authorized industryfunded observer programs for domestic vessels, it has

50

placed strict caps on fees to ensure that the fishing

enterprise is not overburdened. See §1862(b)(2)(E)

(2% cap in the North Pacific); §1854(d)(2)(B) (3% cap

for limited-access-privilege programs). In the absence

of any congressional authorization, NMFS has shown

no such restraint. NMFS itself estimates that the

levies imposed on the Atlantic herring fishery could

extract 20% of annual returns. 85 Fed. Reg. at 7,418.

And all this under a statute (the MSA) enacted with a

specific finding that “[c]ommercial … fishing

constitutes a major source of employment and

contributes significantly to the economy of the

Nation,” with “[m]any coastal areas … dependent

upon fishing and related activities.” §1801(a)(3).

And there is more. Across several decades,

Congress has

considered multiple proposed

amendments that, if enacted into law, would have

provided expanded authority for industry-funded

observer programs. See, e.g., H.R. 5018, 109th Cong.

§9(b) (2006); H.R. 39, 104th Cong. §9(b)(4) (1995); H.R.

1554, 101st Cong. §2(a)(3) (1989). But “the most

noteworthy action” that Congress has taken vis-a-vis

those proposals is to reject them. NFIB, 142 S.Ct. at

666; see also West Virginia, 142 S.Ct. at 2614; Ala.

Ass’n of Realtors v. HHS, 141 S.Ct. 2485, 2486 (2021)

(per curiam). Those rejections have left NMFS

attempting to divine from statutory silence a power

that is literally unprecedented. Indeed, NMFS “has

identified no other context in which an agency,

without express direction from Congress, requires an

industry to fund its inspection regime.” Pet.App.29

(Walker, J., dissenting).

As this Court has

admonished, that kind of “prolonged reticence” to

exercise a power so dangerous to the citizenry and

51

attractive to the executive is powerful evidence that

the power is non-existent or “constitutionally

proscribed.” Plaut, 514 U.S. at 230; accord Printz v.

United States, 521 U.S. 898, 905 (1997).

This is the very last context where it is

appropriate to ignore that warning sign.

The

appropriations process is a primary constitutional

mechanism by which Congress keeps the executive

branch in “check[].” Texas, 2023 WL 4139000, at *9;

see U.S. Dep’t of Navy v. Fed. Lab. Rels. Auth., 665

F.3d 1339, 1347 (D.C. Cir. 2012) (Kavanaugh, J.) (“The

Appropriations Clause … is particularly important as

a restraint on Executive Branch officers[.]”).

Whatever the permissibility of congressional action

expressly exempting agencies from the appropriations

process, interpreting statutory silence to empower

agencies to free themselves from such shackles is

wholly untenable and would raise serious separationof-powers concerns. As already explained, one of the

principal defects with Chevron is that it violates the

separation of powers. There is no need to introduce

new separation-of-powers problems while leaving old

ones behind. Cf. United States v. Hansen, 2023 WL

4138994, at *10 (U.S. June 23, 2023) (applying canon

of constitutional avoidance).

*

*

*

For all these reasons, the answer to the statutory

question here should have been obvious. In the face of

statutory silence, an agency asserted a controversial

and dangerous power that imposed serious hardships

on the citizenry while evading the appropriations

process. That silence was not ambiguity but a

congressional decision not to grant the agency powers

52

that it had expressly granted and expressly cabined

elsewhere in the statute. That the court below

nonetheless sided with the agency is a testament to

the dangers of Chevron. The right result here is clear:

Chevron should be overruled, and the decision below

should be reversed so that the liberty of the small

businesses that pursued this matter all the way to this

Court is secured.

CONCLUSION

For the foregoing reasons, this Court should

reverse the judgment below.

Respectfully submitted,

RYAN P. MULVEY

PAUL D. CLEMENT

ERIC R. BOLINDER

Counsel of Record

R. JAMES VALVO, III ANDREW C. LAWRENCE*

CAUSE OF ACTION CHADWICK J. HARPER*

INSTITUTE

CLEMENT & MURPHY, PLLC

1310 N. Courthouse Rd. 706 Duke Street

Suite 700

Alexandria, VA 22314

Arlington, VA 22201 (202) 742-8900

paul.clement@clementmurphy.com

*Supervised by principals of the firm

who are members of the Virginia bar

Counsel for Petitioners

July 17, 2023

This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

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