Amicus Curiae Brief — 303 Creative LLC, et al., Petitioners v. Aubrey Elenis, et al.
Supreme Court briefOct 28, 2021
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No. 21-476
In The
Supreme Court of the United States
303 CREATIVE LLC, A LIMITED LIABILITY COMPANY;
LORIE SMITH,
Petitioners,
v.
AUBREY ELENIS, ET AL.,
Respondents.
On Petition for Writ of Certiorari to the
United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit
BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE FIRST AMENDMENT
SCHOLARS IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS
Edward Wenger
Counsel of Record
Shawn Toomey Sheehy
Sebastian Waisman
Holtzman Vogel Baran
Torchinsky Josefiak PLLC
15405 John Marshall Highway
Haymarket, VA 20169
(540) 341-8808
(540) 341-8809
ewenger@holtzmanvogel.com
Counsel for Amici Curiae
LANTAGNE LEGAL PRINTING
801 East Main Street Suite 100 Richmond VA 23219 (800) 847-0477
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ...................................... iii
STATEMENT OF INTEREST OF AMICI
CURIAE .............................................................. 1
INTRODUCTION ....................................................... 1
BACKGROUND .......................................................... 2
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT ............................ 7
ARGUMENT ............................................................... 9
I.
II.
THE FIRST AMENDMENT EXISTS TO
PROTECT UNPOPULAR SPEECH. ................. 9
A.
The Original Meaning of The First
Amendment’s Free Speech Clause. ......... 10
B.
This Court’s Jurisprudence
Confirms That The First
Amendment Prohibits
Governments From Seeking To
Prohibit One Side Of The Debate
From Speaking. ........................................ 13
C.
Colorado’s Anti-Discrimination Act
Violates The Free Speech Clauses’
Fixed Star ................................................. 16
THE GOVERNMENT CANNOT
SURVIVE STRICT SCRUTINY WHEN
IT TARGETS SPEECH. ................................... 19
ii
III. THE FIRST AMENDMENT DOES NOT
LOSE ITS FORCE BECAUSE THE
SPEAKER IS RECEIVING
COMPENSATION. ........................................... 21
IV. ALLOWING THE STATE TO COMPEL
CUSTOM EXPRESSION BECAUSE
THE EXPRESSION IS UNIQUE IS
DANGEROUS AND ANATHEMA TO
THE FIRST AMENDMENT. ........................... 23
CONCLUSION .......................................................... 25
iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
Alden v. Maine, 527 U.S. 706 (1999) ........................ 10
Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition, 535 U.S.
234 (2002).................................................... 14, 18
Bd. of Dirs. of Rotary Int'l v. Rotary Club of
Duarte, 481 U.S. 537 (1987) ............................. 24
Boy Scouts of Am. v. Dale, 530 U.S. 640 (2000) ....... 24
Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010) ... 8, 9, 22
Good News Club v. Milford Central School,
533 U.S. 98 (2001) ............................................ 20
Hurley v. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian and
Bisexual Grp. of Bos., 515 U.S. 557
(1995) ........................................................ passim
Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31, 138 S. Ct.
2448 (2018)................................................ passim
Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches Union Free
Sch. Dist., 508 U.S. 384 (1993)......................... 21
Matal v. Tam, 137 S. Ct. 1744 (2017)................... 9, 21
McCullen v. Coakley, 573 U.S. 464 (2014) ............... 17
McCutcheon v. FEC, 572 U.S. 185 (2014) ................ 19
iv
Nat'l Inst. of Family and Life Advocs. v.
Becerra, 138 S. Ct. 2361 (2018) ........................ 20
New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254
(1964) .......................................................... 14, 24
Nurre v. Whitehead, 559 U.S. 1025 (2010) ............... 20
Obergefell v. Hodges, 576 U.S. 644 (2015).......... 11, 15
Police Dep't of Chicago v. Mosley, 408 U.S. 92
(1972) .................................................................. 9
R. A. V. v. St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377 (1992) .............. 9, 13
Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155
(2015) ...................................................... 9, 15, 18
Riley v. Nat'l Fed'n of Blind, 487 U.S. 781
(1988) ........................................................ passim
Roberts v. United States Jaycees, 468 U.S.,
609 (1984).......................................................... 24
Rosenberger v. Rector & Visitors of the Univ.
of Va., 515 U.S. 819 (1995) ............. 5, 7, 9, 10, 20
Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic and
Institutional Rights, Inc., 547 U.S. 47
(2006) ................................................................ 20
Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443 (2011)...................... 19
Thomas v. Chi. Park Dist., 534 U.S. 316
(2002) .......................................................... 11, 12
v
Turner Broad. Sys., Inc. v. FCC, 512 U.S. 622
(1994) .......................................................... 17, 20
United States v. Playboy Ent. Grp., 529 U.S.
803 (2000).................................................. passim
W. Va. State Bd. Of Educ. v. Barnette, 319
U.S. 624 (1943) ................................. 6, 14, 18, 24
STATUTES
U.S. Const. amend. I ......................................... passim
Colo. Rev. Stat. § 24-34-601(2) ................................. 17
OTHER AUTHORITIES
2 Papers of Thomas Jefferson 545 (J. Boyd ed.
1950) .................................................................. 12
4 Annals of Cong. 934 (1794) ...................................... 7
4 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws
of England 152 (1769)....................................... 11
David P. Currie, The Constitution In
Congress, The Federalist Period 17891801 (1997)........................................................ 12
James Madison, Public Opinion, National
Gazette (Dec. 19, 1791)..................................... 13
Jay Cost, James Madison’s Lessons on Free
Speech, National Review (Sept. 4, 2017,
8:00 AM) ............................................................ 13
1
STATEMENT OF INTEREST OF AMICI
CURIAE
Amici are legal scholars who have dedicated
their professional and academic careers to the study
of the First Amendment.1 Amici are law school
professors and professors of jurisprudence. Amici’s
scholarship includes the foundational principles of
the Free Speech Clause. The names and associations
of Amici are printed in an appendix following the
conclusion of this brief.
INTRODUCTION
The Tenth Circuit acknowledged that
Petitioners’ website designs constitute “pure speech”
that is “inherently expressive.” App. 20a-21a. Before
the Tenth Circuit, Colorado made clear that
Colorado’s Anti-Discrimination Act (“CADA”) is
intended to remedy an “invidious history of
discrimination” based on sexual orientation. App.
23a-24a. As the Tenth Circuit recognized, this means
that CADA’s very purpose is to eliminate 303
Creative’s and Ms. Smith’s speech from the
marketplace of ideas. App. 23a-24a.
Notwithstanding Colorado’s and the Tenth
Circuit’s recognition of CADA’s purpose—which
1 No counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in part,
and no party, party’s counsel, or any person other than amici
curiae or their counsel contributed money intended to fund
preparation or submission of this brief. This brief is filed with
consent of the parties. All parties were given timely notice of
amici’s intent to file.
2
should spell doom for CADA—the Tenth Circuit lent
its imprimatur to Colorado’s censorship. In doing so,
the Tenth made three errors.
First, it upheld a content-based speech statute
that compels Petitioners to mouth messages about
issues of public importance with which they
disagree.
Second, in upholding Colorado’s compulsive
law, the Tenth Circuit minted an unusual and
unusually dangerous new First Amendment
principle: as expression increases in uniqueness, it
enjoys ever decreasing First Amendment protection.
Third, the Tenth Circuit upheld Colorado’s
prohibition on speech that Petitioners do want to
express.
The Tenth Circuit, therefore, now permits
Colorado to compel Ms. Smith and 303 Creative to
voice messages they do not want to say and prohibits
them from saying what they do want to say.
Left uncorrected, the Tenth Circuit’s ruling
will remain binding precedent on all district courts
within the circuit. Certiorari is warranted
BACKGROUND
As the Tenth Circuit described it, CADA
“restricts a public accommodation’s ability to refuse
to provide services based on a customer’s identity.”
App. 3a. There are two clauses at issue. First, CADA
includes an Accommodation Clause, which prohibits
3
a public accommodation from refusing “the full and
equal enjoyment” of services because of an individual
or group’s sexual orientation. See id. Second, CADA
includes a Communications Clause, which prohibits
a public accommodation from publishing any
communication indicating “that the full and equal
enjoyment of the . . . services . . .will be refused . . .
because of sexual orientation.” App. 3a-4a
(alterations in original).
Petitioners are 303 Creative, LLC and
Ms. Lorie Smith. Ms. Smith is the founder and solemember owner of 303 Creative, LLC. App. 6a.
Ms. Smith is “willing to work with all people” and is
“generally willing to create graphics or websites for
lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (“LGBT”)
customers.” Id.
Ms. Smith, however, “sincerely believes . . .
that same-sex marriage conflicts with God’s will.” Id.
In the future, Ms. Smith and 303 Creative LLC
intend to offer “wedding websites that celebrate
opposite-sex marriages but intend to refuse to create
similar websites that celebrate same-sex marriage.”
Id.
The Tenth Circuit recognized that Ms. Smith’s
and 303 Creative’s objection “is based on the
message of the specific website . . . .” Id. Ms. Smith
and 303 Creative will not create a website
celebrating same-sex weddings, regardless of
whether the “customer is the same-sex couple
themselves, a heterosexual friend of the couple, or
even a disinterested wedding planner requesting a
mock-up.” App. 6a. In fact, the Parties stipulated
4
that Petitioners “are willing to work with all people
regardless of classifications such as race, creed,
sexual orientation, and gender.” App. 11a-12a. Ms.
Smith and 303 Creative also intend to publish an
explanatory statement stating that, due to
Ms. Smith’s religious convictions, she is unable to
create websites “promoting and celebrating ideas or
messages that violate [her] beliefs.” App. 7a. This
includes creating websites for “same-sex marriages
or any other marriage that is not between one man
and one woman.” Id. To create such a website would
“compromise [her] Christian witness and tell a story
about marriage that contradicts God’s true story of
marriage—the very story He is calling [her] to
promote.” Id.
When the Tenth Circuit analyzed CADA’s
Accommodation Clause, the court recognized that
Ms. Smith and 303 Creative’s creation of wedding
websites “is pure speech.” App. 20a. This is because
the website expresses “approval and celebration of
the couple’s marriage.” Id. The court found that the
“speech element is even clearer here than in Hurley
[v. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Group
of Boston, Inc. 515 US 557 (1995)], because
[Petitioners] actively create each website, rather
than merely hosting customer-generated content on
[Petitioners’] online platform.” App. 21a. Further,
the court rightly recognized that 303 Creative enjoys
First Amendment protection even though it is a forprofit business. App.22a.
Next, the court acknowledged that the
Accommodation Clause “‘compels’ [Petitioners] to
create speech that celebrates same-sex marriages.”
5
App. 22a. And because the Accommodation Clause
compels speech, the court ruled that “it also works as
a content-based restriction.” App. 23a. This is
because, under CADA, Ms. Smith and 303 Creative
cannot “create websites celebrating opposite-sex
marriages, unless they also agree to serve customers
who request websites celebrating same-sex
marriages.” Id. CADA, according to the Tenth
Circuit, is content-based because it is intended to
“eliminat[e]” certain ideas and viewpoints from the
public square. Id. 23a-24a.
Despite this Court’s admonition that contentbased speech laws will rarely survive constitutional
challenge, United States v. Playboy Ent. Grp., 529
U.S. 803, 818 (2000), and that “[v]iewpoint
discrimination is . . . an egregious form of content
discrimination,” Rosenberger v. Rector & Visitors of
the Univ. of Va., 515 U.S. 819, 829 (1995), the Tenth
Circuit nonetheless upheld CADA’s Accommodation
Clause. App.24a-32a. The court observed that CADA
was enacted to serve Colorado’s compelling interest
in ensuring equal access to goods in the marketplace.
App. 24a-25a. Although Petitioners are far from the
only providers of web-design services, the court ruled
that the Accommodation Clause was narrowly
tailored because Ms. Smith and 303 Creative’s
services are not fungible and, therefore, “LGBT
consumers will never be able to obtain weddingrelated services of the same quality and nature as
those that [Petitioners] offer.” App. 28a. According to
the Tenth Circuit, granting an exemption to
Petitioners would “relegate LGBT consumers to an
inferior market because [Petitioners’] unique
services are, by definition, unavailable elsewhere.”
6
App. 28a (emphasis in original). For that reason, the
court concluded, there is no less intrusive way to
achieve Colorado’s interest. App. 28a.
As for the Communications Clause, the Tenth
Circuit ruled that because Ms. Smith and 303
Creative’s proposed speech promoted unlawful
activity,
“including
unlawful
discrimination,”
Colorado was right to prohibit it. App. 33a.
Certiorari is plainly warranted. This Court
has recognized, in one of the most celebrated
comments from a Supreme Court opinion, that the
one fixed star in the constellation of the Constitution
is that “no official, high or petty, can prescribe what
shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or
other matters of opinion or force citizens to confess
by word or act their faith therein.” W. Va. State Bd.
Of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 642 (1943).
Creating an inverse relationship between expressive
ingenuity and constitutional security cannot be
squared with this principle. Nor can the First
Amendment’s “fixed star” be squared with the Tenth
Circuit’s conclusion that, because Colorado has
decreed Petitioners’ desired speech illegal under
CADA’s Communication Clause, it is therefore
unprotected under the First Amendment’s Free
Speech Clause. The First Amendment does not
condone state limits on speech based upon such
circular logic. Nor can the First Amendment’s “fixed
star” be squared with the Tenth Circuit’s conclusion
that CADA’s Accommodation Clause can compel
Petitioners to voice messages that they do not
believe or wish to express.
7
Left to stand, Colorado law will continue to
compel speech by those who would otherwise dissent
from State orthodoxy, and Tenth Circuit
jurisprudence will continue to turn strict scrutiny for
purposes of the First Amendment completely upside
down. App. 24a.
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
This brief advances four points.
First, CADA’s language and purpose run
counter to the original meaning of the Free Speech
Clause of the First Amendment and this Court’s
First Amendment jurisprudence. The very purpose of
the First Amendment is to remove the Government
from the role of a censor, acting as a guardian of the
public’s minds. See Riley v. Nat’l Fed’n of Blind, 487
U.S. 781, 791 (1988). Instead, as James Madison
recognized, the First Amendment promotes the
opposite principle: “If we advert to the nature of
Republican Government, we shall find that the
censorial power is in the people over the
government, and not in the government over the
people.” 4 Annals of Cong. 934 (1794).
Second, CADA is especially egregious because
it specifically targets the content of speech and
discriminates against the speaker based upon the
speaker’s viewpoint. See Rosenberger, 515 U.S. at
829.
Third, the First Amendment’s guarantees are
not diluted because the speaker receives
compensation. See Riley, 487 U.S. at 801. The First
8
Amendment protects the free speech rights of
corporations. “It is rudimentary that [Colorado]
cannot exact as the price” of incorporating “the
forfeiture of First Amendment rights.” Citizens
United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310, 351 (2010). But CADA
compels corporations and their individual members
to craft and disseminate messages that are contrary
to the speaker’s belief and prohibits them from
speaking what they do believe.
And fourth, by allowing Colorado to compel
expression because that expression is unique (and
uniquely in demand), the Tenth Circuit has
fabricated a novel and shockingly dangerous new
line of First Amendment jurisprudence. Custom
expression, like that of Petitioners in this case, has
more value (and should enjoy more First
Amendment protection) because it is unique. In the
Tenth Circuit’s view, however, the more distinctive a
speaker’s expression, the more justification the State
has for compelling that speaker to voice a Stateapproved message, so much so that the State can
satisfy strict scrutiny if it forces the expression of an
artist.
Because this rule has the potential to abrogate
entirely First Amendment protection for any person
who has the wherewithal to market a unique brand
of artistic expression, the Court cannot allow it to
remain in effect. This Court should therefore grant
certiorari to correct the Tenth Circuit’s egregious
error. Left uncorrected, the district courts that
comprise the Tenth Circuit are bound to apply the
Tenth Circuit’s flawed strict scrutiny analysis.
9
ARGUMENT
I.
THE FIRST AMENDMENT EXISTS TO
PROTECT UNPOPULAR SPEECH.
“Premised on a mistrust of governmental
power,” the First Amendment declares, in no
uncertain terms, Congress shall make no law
abridging the freedom of speech. Citizens United,
558 U.S. at 340; see also U.S. Const. amend. I.2 Since
the time of its ratification, the First Amendment has
always stood as a bulwark against the government
regulating “speech in ways that favor some
viewpoints or ideas at the expense of others.’” Matal
v. Tam, 137 S. Ct. 1744, 1757 (2017). Accordingly,
the government has no power “to restrict expression
because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter,
or its content.” Police Dep’t of Chicago v. Mosley, 408
U.S. 92, 95 (1972). Nor is the Government
empowered to insert itself into the marketplace of
ideas and grant license to one side of the debate to
fight freestyle, while “requiring the other to follow
Marquis of Queensberry rules.” R. A. V. v. St. Paul,
505 U.S. 377, 392 (1992). Further, the Government
“must abstain from regulating speech when the
specific motivating ideology or the opinion or
perspective of the speaker is the rationale for the
restriction.” Rosenberger, 515 U.S. at 829.
The Free Speech Clause, as an original
matter, was ratified to prevent the Government from
2 The First Amendment’s free speech guarantee applies to the
states through the Fourteenth Amendment. Reed v. Town of
Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155, 163 (2015).
10
acting as a censor. The Framers were aware of the
dangers posed to freedom of thought when the
Government inserts itself as an arbiter of what ideas
may and may not be disseminated. They envisioned
a marketplace of ideas where all ideas could be
discussed on their merits and permitted all persons
the ability to form ideas and advocate for them
freely.
By contrast, through CADA, Colorado has
inserted itself into the marketplace of ideas. Acting
not as an umpire calling balls and strikes, but rather
as a censor, Colorado targets specific speech based
on the content of the speaker’s expression. Indeed,
CADA exists for the express purpose of eliminating
certain ideas from the marketplace. App. 23a-24a.
This form of viewpoint discrimination is particularly
egregious. See Rosenberger, 515 U.S. at 829.
On matters of great public importance, CADA
compels Ms. Smith and 303 Creative to say what
they do not want to say and prohibits them from
saying what they do want to say. And the Tenth
Circuit permits this because Petitioners’ speech is
unique. CADA is therefore precisely the type of law
that the Framers sought to prohibit when crafting
the Free Speech Clause.
A. The Original Meaning of The
Amendment’s Free Speech Clause.
First
Blackstone’s four volume magnum opus,
Commentaries on the Laws of England, “constituted
the preeminent authority on English law for the
founding generation.” Alden v. Maine, 527 U.S. 706,
11
715 (1999). The Framers relied heavily upon
Blackstone for various provisions in the Constitution
and state constitutions. Obergefell v. Hodges, 576
U.S. 644, 724-25 (2015) (Thomas, J., dissenting).
Recognizing the limitations of prohibiting prior
restraints only, the Framers of the First Amendment
sought to broaden the protection of free speech.
In 16th and 17th century England,
Parliament passed licensing laws “to contain the
‘evils’ of the printing press.” Thomas v. Chi. Park
Dist., 534 U.S. 316, 320 (2002). These “licensing
laws” were the “core abuse” to which the First
Amendment was directed. Id. For example, the
“Printing Act of 1662” prescribed, among other
things, what could be printed. Id. Before publishing
a book, the author was required to submit the text to
a government official who had broad authority “to
suppress works that he found to be heretical,
seditious, schismatical, or offensive.” Id. (internal
citation and quotation marks omitted). Those
authors who dared to publish a book without prior
approval were punished. Id. Even though the
English licensing regime ended before the 18th
century began, Blackstone still “warned against the
restrictive
power
of
such
a
licenser—an
administrative official who enjoyed unconfined
authority to pass judgment on the content of speech.”
Id. (citing 4 W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the
Laws of England 152 (1769)) (internal quotation
marks omitted).
Two of the leading Framers of the
Constitution, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison,
both recognized the dangers of a government
12
inserting itself into the public square to “pass
judgment on the content of speech.” Thomas, 534
U.S. at 320 (stating that although the English
licensing system expired before this Nation’s
founding, Blackstone still expressed alarm “against
the restrictive power of such a licenser—an
administrative official who enjoyed unconfined
authority to pass judgment on the content of
speech.”) (internal quotation marks omitted). For
that reason, James Madison recognized that the
Constitution should enshrine a commitment to
fostering a free exchange of ideas.
Thomas Jefferson considered it both “sinful”
and “tyrannical” to compel an individual to pay for
the dissemination of opinions with which the
individual disagreed. Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31,
138 S. Ct. 2448, 2464 (2018) (citing A Bill for
Establishing Religious Freedom, in 2 Papers of
Thomas Jefferson 545 (J. Boyd ed. 1950). James
Madison argued that the First Amendment granted
a broad freedom of expression. In debates that
followed
the
Whiskey
Rebellion
and
the
condemnation of “certain self-created societies”
James Madison rose to the defense of free speech
and associations. See David P. Currie, The
Constitution In Congress, The Federalist Period
1789-1801, 190-91 (1997). In a December 4, 1794
letter to James Monroe, Madison rejected the idea
that the Government could stifle speech. Id. at 191
n.141. Madison stated that it was an indefensible
principle that:
[T]he Govt. may stifle all censures on
its misdoings; for if it be itself the
13
Judge it will never allow any censures
to be just, and if it can suppress
censures flowing from one lawful source
it may those flowing from any other—
from the press and from individuals as
well as from Societies.
Id. James Madison therefore recognized the
necessity of the free flow of ideas and opinions.
Madison stated that for a constitutional republic
such as the United States to thrive, therefore, the
country must encourage “a general intercourse of
sentiments” through, among other things, the
general circulation of newspapers.3
Accordingly, since 1791, the First Amendment
has acted to prevent the Government from
“proscribing speech . . . because of disapproval of the
ideas expressed.” R. A. V., 505 U.S. at 382 (internal
citations omitted).
B. This Court’s Jurisprudence Confirms
That The First Amendment Prohibits
Governments From Seeking To Prohibit
One Side Of The Debate From Speaking.
Accordingly, this Court has recognized that
the very purpose of the Bill of Rights generally, is “to
See JAMES MADISON, PUBLIC OPINION, NATIONAL GAZETTE
(Dec. 19, 1791), https://founders.archives.gov/documents/
Madison/01-14-02-0145; see also Jay Cost, James Madison’s
Lessons on Free Speech, NATIONAL REVIEW (Sept. 4, 2017, 8:00
AM), https://www.nationalreview.com/2017/09/ james-madisonfree-speech-rights-must-be-absolute-nearly/.
3
14
withdraw certain subjects from the vicissitudes of
political controversy, to place them beyond the reach
of majorities and officials and to establish them as
legal principles to be applied by the courts.”
Barnette, 319 U.S. at 638. As for the First
Amendment specifically, this Court has recognized
that the “very purpose of the First Amendment is to
foreclose
public
authority
from
assuming
guardianship of the public mind . . . ” Riley, 487 U.S.
at 791. The First Amendment prohibits the
government,
regardless
of
motive,
from
“substitute[ing] its judgment as to how best to speak
for that of the speakers and listeners . . . .” Id. The
First Amendment’s guarantee is therefore most at
risk “when the government seeks to control thought
or to justify its laws for that impermissible end.”
Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition, 535 U.S. 234, 253
(2002).
The Free Speech Clause of the First
Amendment is therefore committed “to the principle
that debate on public issues should be uninhibited,
robust, and wide-open, and that it may well include
vehement, caustic, and sometimes unpleasantly
sharp attacks on government and public officials.”
New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 27071 (1964). The antithesis of this is the government
using its authority to mandate uniformity of opinion.
Barnette, 319 U.S. at 640-41. The Free Speech
Clause “exists precisely so that opinions and
judgments, including esthetic and moral judgments
about art and literature, can be formed, tested, and
expressed.” Playboy Ent. Grp., 529 U.S. at 818.
Judgments, including moral judgments, “are for the
15
individual to make, not for the Government to
decree . . . .” Id.
This Court has described the topics of sexual
orientation and gender identity as “sensitive political
topics” that are “undoubtedly matters of profound
value and concern to the public.” Janus, 138 S. Ct. at
2476 (internal citation and quotation marks
omitted). Debate about these issues, therefore,
“occupies the highest rung of the hierarchy of First
Amendment values and merits special protection.”
Id. (internal citation and quotation marks omitted);
see also Obergefell, 576 U.S. at 716 (Scalia, J.,
dissenting) (“Since there is no doubt whatever that
the People never decided to prohibit the limitation of
marriage to opposite-sex couples, the public debate
over same-sex marriage must be allowed to
Particularly
continue.”)
(emphasis
added).4
egregious, therefore, are those laws that restrict
speech “because of disagreement with the message
[the speech] conveys.” Reed, 576 U.S. at 164. When
the Government decides to eliminate debate on an
issue, App. 23a-24a, the Government tends to
succeed only in closing minds. Obergefell, 576 U.S. at
710 (Roberts, C.J., dissenting).
This is why content-based speech restrictions
rarely survive strict scrutiny. Playboy Ent. Grp., 529
4 This case appears to test the Obergefell majority’s assurance
that people of faith may continue to “advocate” and “teach their
views of marriage.” Obergefell, 576 U.S. at 711 (Roberts, C.J.,
dissenting) (internal quotation marks omitted); but see App.
24a (eliminating certain ideas, particularly opposition to samesex marriage, is the admitted purpose of CADA).
16
U.S. at 818. To permit content-based speech
restrictions to survive would risk the uninhibited
marketplace of ideas, risking instead regulations
“that sought to shape our unique personalities or
silence dissenting ideas.” Id.
Accordingly, the very Polaris of this Nation’s
constellation of free speech jurisprudence is that “no
official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be
orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other
matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by
word or act their faith therein.” Barnette, 319 U.S. at
642. Compelling people to salute the flag and the
pledge of allegiance, for example, invades the
intellect and soul of individuals, an area the First
Amendment “reserve[s] from all official control.” Id.
Compelling, therefore, “individuals to mouth support
for views they find objectionable violates” this
constitutional principle. Janus, 138 S. Ct. at 246364. Prohibiting speakers from speaking their desired
message because it is contrary to the Government’s
desired message is also unconstitutional.
C. Colorado’s
Anti-Discrimination
Act
Violates The Free Speech Clauses’ Fixed
Star.
The Tenth Circuit rightly acknowledged that
CADA’s Accommodation Clause compels speech and
is content based. App. 23a. The Tenth Circuit also
acknowledged that the Communication Clause is
also content based because it prohibits speech that
“expresses an intent to deny service” on, here,
religious grounds. App. 7a, 34a. CADA prohibits 303
Creative from making websites that celebrate
17
opposite-sex marriages if 303 Creative does not
make websites that celebrate same-sex marriages.
App. 23a. In fact, CADA “is intended to remedy a
long and invidious history of discrimination based on
sexual orientation.” App. 23a-24a. Accordingly, there
is a “substantial risk of excising certain ideas or
viewpoints from the public dialogue.” App. 24a
(quoting Turner Broad. Sys., Inc. v. FCC, 512 U.S.
622, 642 (1994)). The Tenth Circuit then
acknowledged that “[e]liminating such ideas is
CADA’s very purpose.” App. 24a.
This Court has previously ruled that the test
to determine if a law is content based is whether the
law requires enforcement authorities “to examine
the content of the message that is conveyed to
determine whether a violation has occurred.”
McCullen v. Coakley, 573 U.S. 464, 479 (2014). In his
dissent, Judge Tymkovich echoed this Court’s test
when describing CADA’s Communication Clause as
requiring:
[A]n arbiter to—at the very least—read
a challenged communication, . . . notice,
or advertisement to determine whether
it indicates that the full and equal
enjoyment of the public accommodation
will be refused, withheld from, or
denied an individual.
App. 74a (Tymkovich, C.J., dissenting) (alterations
in original) (quotation marks omitted) (quoting and
citing Colo. Rev. Stat. § 24-34-601(2)(a)).
18
Despite acknowledging all of this, the Tenth
Circuit majority still granted a green light to
Colorado to continue its viewpoint discrimination.
Unless corrected, Colorado is therefore permitted to
prescribe what is orthodox for public discourse and
therefore compelling people, such as 303 Creative, to
mouth support for views they find objectionable.
Barnette, 319 U.S. at 642; Janus, 138 S. Ct. at 246364; Hurley v. Irish-American Gay, Lesbian and
Bisexual Grp. of Bos., 515 U.S. 557, 579 (1995)
(stating that speech restrictions that are “used to
produce thoughts and statements acceptable to some
groups or, indeed, all people, grates on the First
Amendment, for it amounts to nothing less than a
proposal to limit speech in the service of orthodox
expression.”). Colorado is also prescribing what is
orthodox by prohibiting Ms. Smith and 303 Creative
from voicing their civil dissent. Colorado’s actions
therefore place the Free Speech Clause’s guarantee
at risk. Free Speech Coalition, 535 U.S. at 253. This
is a more “blatant” violation of the Free Speech
Clause because CADA is aimed at the specific
opinion of the speaker. Reed, 576 U.S. at 168.
Accordingly, to allow CADA’s Accommodation
Clause to stand would undercut the very purpose of
the Free Speech Clause, namely, to “foreclose public
authority from assuming guardianship of the public
mind . . . .” Riley, 487 U.S. at 791. Allowing CADA’s
Accommodation Clause and Communication Clause
to stand would risk allowing a regulation to remain
that explicitly seeks “to shape our unique
personalities [and] silence dissenting ideas.” Playboy
Ent. Grp., 529 U.S. at 818.
19
If the First Amendment’s Free Speech Clause
“protects flag burning, funeral protests, and Nazi
parades—despite the profound offense such
spectacles cause” then surely too, the Free Speech
Clause is intended to permit 303 Creative to abstain
from “mouth[ing] support for views they find
objectionable.” McCutcheon v. FEC, 572 U.S. 185,
191 (2014); Janus, 138 S. Ct. at 2463-64. Stated
differently, if the Free Speech Clause permits the
despicable and vociferous public jeering of a loved
one at their private funeral, Snyder v. Phelps, 562
U.S. 443, 460-61 (2011), then surely the Free Speech
Clause permits Ms. Smith’s civil and silent dissent
within the privacy of her conscience.
II.
THE
GOVERNMENT
CANNOT
SURVIVE STRICT SCRUTINY WHEN
IT TARGETS SPEECH.
Perhaps the most breathtaking portion of the
Tenth Circuit’s analysis is its conclusion that
“enforcing CADA as to [Petitioners’] unique services
is narrowly tailored to Colorado’s interest in
ensuring equal access to the commercial
marketplace.” App. 32a. It drew this conclusion even
though it observed that Petitioners’ “creation of
wedding websites is pure speech.” App. 20a.5 And it
did so even after observing that “[i]t is a
‘fundamental rule of protection under the First
5 See
also App 21a (Majority Op.) (“[C]reating a website,
(whether through words, pictures, or other media) implicates
[Petitioners’] unique creative talents, and is thus inherently
expressive.”).
20
Amendment, that a speaker has the autonomy to
choose the content of his own message.’” App. 19a20a. (quoting Hurley, 515 U.S. at 573 and citing
Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic and Institutional
Rights, Inc., 547 U.S. 47, 61 (2006)). Finally, the
court drew this conclusion even while acknowledging
that the law at issue “works as a content-based
restriction.” Id. at 23a (citing Nat’l Inst. of Family
and Life Advocs. v. Becerra, 138 S. Ct. 2361, 2371
(2018)).6
Because CADA’s application to Petitioners’
business forecloses only her chosen perspective on
the question of marriage (rather than all marriagerelated speech), Colorado’s law extends beyond mere
content-based
discrimination
into
viewpoint
discrimination. Lest there be any doubt, this Court’s
jurisprudence “make[s] it perfectly clear that
discrimination against religious, as opposed to
secular, expression is viewpoint discrimination.”
Nurre v. Whitehead, 559 U.S. 1025, 1028 (2010)
(citing Good News Club v. Milford Central School,
533 U.S. 98, 106, 107 (2001)). And because viewpoint
discrimination is, according to this Court, “an
egregious
form
of
content
discrimination,”
Rosenberger, 515 U.S. at 829, it brings with it
heightened constitutional skepticism.
“‘The
First
Amendment
forbids
the
government to regulate speech in ways that favor
6 See
also App. 24a (Majority Op.) (“[T]here is more than a
‘substantial risk of excising certain ideas or viewpoints from
the public dialogue. . . . Eliminating such ideas is CADA’s very
purpose.” (quoting Turner Broad. Sys., Inc., 512 U.S. at 642).
21
some viewpoints or ideas at the expense of others.’”
Matal, 137 S. Ct. at 1757 (emphasis added) (cleaned
up) (quoting Lamb’s Chapel v. Center Moriches
Union Free Sch. Dist., 508 U.S. 384, 394 (1993).
Colorado, however, has taken it a step further
here—it has not only forbidden Petitioners from
expressing their viewpoint regarding marriage
through CADA’s Communication Clause, but has
also, through CADA’s Accommodation Clause,
compelled Petitioners to express a viewpoint that is
entirely at odds with their sincerely held religious
beliefs. It is hard to conceive of a situation more
anathema to the First Amendment’s protections
than the one at issue in this case. For this reason
alone, the Tenth Circuit’s opinion is fatally flawed.
III.
THE FIRST AMENDMENT DOES NOT
LOSE ITS FORCE BECAUSE THE
SPEAKER
IS
RECEIVING
COMPENSATION.
None of the foregoing analysis is affected by
the fact that Petitioners are members of the
economic marketplace (rather than participants
solely in the marketplace of ideas). Indeed, this
Court has foreclosed any suggestion that receiving
recompense for expressing a viewpoint means that
the expression of that viewpoint receives no (or less)
First Amendment protection. On the contrary, “it is
well settled that a speaker’s rights are not lost
merely because compensation is received; a speaker
is no less a speaker because he or she is paid to
speak.” Riley, 487 U.S. at 801. Furthermore, it is
also
“rudimentary”
in
First
Amendment
jurisprudence that a state cannot compel the
22
forfeiture of a speaker’s free speech rights as a price
for doing business in the state. See Citizens United,
558 U.S. at 351.
The Tenth Circuit, to its credit, gave lip
service to this principle. It noted that “a profit
motive” does not “transform [Petitioners’] speech
into commercial conduct,” a point advanced in the
court below by Respondent. See App. 22a. Rather,
“[t]he First Amendment’s protections against
compelled speech are “enjoyed by business
corporations generally and by ordinary people
engaged in unsophisticated expression as well as by
professional publishers.” Id. (quoting Hurley, 515
U.S. at 574).
Notwithstanding its recitation of this
principle, the court below essentially gave
Petitioners’ speech short constitutional shrift
because she is an economic market participant. As
pointed out by Chief Judge Tymkovich in dissent,
“[a]lthough the majority acknowledges that “the
commercial nature of [Petitioners’] business does not
diminish [their] speech interest, . . . the opinion then
states that this same commercial nature allows
Colorado to regulate it.” App. 77a n.8 (Tymkovich,
C.J., dissenting). In other words, the majority
pointed to Colorado’s “purportedly compelling
interest in providing market access to [Petitioners’]
website designs” and concluded that compelling her
into expression that violates her sincerely held
religious beliefs was the least restrictive way of
animating this “purportedly compelling interest.” Id.
23
This was error, and it provides additional
grounds for a certiorari grant in this case.
IV.
ALLOWING THE STATE TO COMPEL
CUSTOM EXPRESSION BECAUSE
THE EXPRESSION IS UNIQUE IS
DANGEROUS AND ANATHEMA TO
THE FIRST AMENDMENT.
The rationale relied on by the Tenth Circuit is
not merely constitutionally erroneous; it is
dangerous. In the court’s view, if an expressive
service is unique, celebrated, or imbued with
distinctive artistic talent, it enjoys less First
Amendment protection. This perverse conclusion is
based on the premise that (1) the creativity driving
the expression effectively creates a “monopoly” and
that (2) the government has an especially compelling
interest in ensuring access to the services of the
“monopoly.” “Taken to its logical end, the
government
could
regulate
the
messages
communicated by all artists, forcing them to promote
messages approved by the government in the name
of ‘ensuring access to the commercial marketplace.’”
App. 80a (Tymkovich, C.J., dissenting) (emphasis in
orginal).
In effect, this conclusion strips away First
Amendment protection from all artistic expression
that happens to be offered for sale. This doctrine, if
permitted to stand, would sending chilling
reverberations throughout the community of artists
who market their expression. And because this effect
violates an unbroken line of this Court’s precedent
24
(see, e.g., Hurley, 515 U.S. at 574, Riley, 487 U.S. at
801, Sullivan, 376 U.S. at 265-66), certiorari is all
the more warranted.
Although in some circumstances, not present
here, this Court’s jurisprudence recognizes that a
state has a compelling interest in guaranteeing that
its citizens have “equal access to publicly available
goods,” Roberts v. United States Jaycees, 468 U.S.,
609, 624 (1984), this equal-access principle has never
been used as the First Amendment cudgel that the
Tenth Circuit employed here. The First Amendment
exists to make sure that the state may not use the
machinery of government to compel uniformity of
opinion. See Barnette, 319 U.S. at 640-41. To permit
a state untrammeled access within the marketplace
of ideas would grant the power to regulate and
silence those views that the state disapproves. App.
80a (Tymkovich, C.J., dissenting). Applying state
public accommodation laws to a speaker’s message
and expressive conduct as “a means to produce
speakers free of . . . biases . . . is a decidedly fatal
objective.” Hurley, 515 U.S. at 579.
Thus, this Court does not permit state
antidiscrimination laws that “distinguish between
prohibited and permitted activity on the basis of
viewpoint.” Roberts, 468 U.S. at 623; see also Bd. of
Dirs. of Rotary Int’l v. Rotary Club of Duarte, 481
U.S.
537,
549
(1987)
(upholding
public
accommodation law because it makes “no
distinctions on the basis of the organization’s
viewpoint.”); Boy Scouts of Am. v. Dale, 530 U.S. 640,
659 (2000) (declaring unconstitutional New Jersey’s
public accommodations law that required the boy
25
scouts to accept a scoutmaster that would
“significantly burden the organization’s right to
oppose or disfavor homosexual conduct.”).
This case is a paradigm for what may happen
when a court warps these principles. Petitioners
have dedicated their time, effort, and artistic talent
to creating unique expressive products for sale. Their
efforts have paid off (both monetarily and
artistically), and their exceptional products are in
demand. They also are compelled by their faith to
say, and to not say, certain things while
participating in their craft. The First Amendment,
and this Court’s jurisprudence, afford Petitioners the
space to create expression and market it while at the
same time adhering to their faith. The Tenth Circuit
has adopted an irrational (and breathtakingly
dangerous) principle that, the more talented and
recognizable the artist, the less the First
Amendment protects their expression, permitting
the state to compel speech the speaker disapproves
and prohibiting speech that the speaker does
approve. Under this view, then, a modern-day
Michelangelo, after painting the Sistine Chapel,
could later be forced to service a church loyal to
Martin Luther. To state this conclusion proves why
this Court’s review of the lower court’s decision is
critically important.
CONCLUSION
To protect the First Amendment’s free speech
guarantee that debate about issues of public concern
shall be robust, this Court should grant certiorari.
The First Amendment cannot sanction CADA’s
26
mandate that speakers mouth support for public
positions the speaker disapproves while prohibiting
the speaker from voicing civil dissent.
Respectfully submitted,
Oct. 28, 2021.
Edward Wenger
Counsel of Record
Shawn Toomey Sheehy
Sebastian Waisman
Holtzman Vogel Baran
Torchinsky Josefiak PLLC
15405 John Marshall Highway
Haymarket, VA 20169
(540) 341-8808
(540) 341-8809
ewenger@holtzmanvogel.com
Counsel for Amici Curiae
1a
LIST OF AMICI
APPENDIX1
Larry Alexander
Warren Distinguished Professor
University of San Diego
Helen M. Alvaré
The Robert A. Levy Endowed Chair in Law and
Liberty
Antonin Scalia Law School
Michael S. Ariens
Aloysius A. Leopold Professor of Law
St. Mary’s University School of Law
Gerard V. Bradley
Professor of Law
University of Notre Dame
Elizabeth A. Clark
Associate Director
International Center for Law and Religion Studies
Brigham Young University
Robert F. Cochran, Jr.
Louis D. Brandeis Professor of Law Emeritus
Pepperdine University School of Law
1 Institutions are listed for identification purposes only.
Opinions expressed are those of the individual amici, and not
necessarily of their affiliated institutions.
2a
Teresa S. Collett
Professor of Law
University of St. Thomas School of Law
George W. Dent, Jr.
Schott-van den Eynden Professor of Law Emeritus
Case Western Reserve University School of Law
Richard F. Duncan
Sherman S. Welpton, Jr. Professor of Law and
Warren R. Wise Professor of Law
University of Nebraska College of Law
Richard A. Epstein
Laurence A Tisch Professor of Law
NYU School of Law
Bruce P. Frohnen
Ella and Ernest Fisher Professor of Law
Ohio Northern University
Robert P. George
McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence
Princeton University
Michael W. McConnell
Richard & Frances Mallery Professor, Stanford Law
School
Director, Stanford Constitutional Law Center
Senior Fellow, Hoover Institution
Brett Scharffs
Rex E. Lee Chair and Professor of Law
Brigham Young University
3a
Maimon Schwarzschild
Professor of Law
University of San Diego
Steven D. Smith
Warren Distinguished Professor of Law
University of San Diego
Mark S. Scarberry
Professor of Law
Pepperdine University Caruso School of Law
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