Petition for Writ of Certiorari — MyPillow, Inc., Petitioner v. US Dominion, Inc., et al.

Supreme Court briefJun 17, 2022

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APPENDIX

i

APPENDIX

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Appendix A Order in the United States Court of

Appeals for the District of Columbia

Circuit

(January 20, 2022) . . . . . . . . . . . . App. 1

Appendix B Memorandum Opinion in the United

States District Court for the District of

Columbia

(August 11, 2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . App. 4

Appendix C Order in the United States District

Court for the District of Columbia

(August 11, 2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . App. 63

Appendix D Order in the United States District

Court for the District of Columbia

(March 1, 2022) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . App. 65

App. 1

APPENDIX A

United States Court of Appeals

FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT

No. 21-7103

September Term, 2021

1:21-cv-00445-CJN

[Filed: January 20, 2022]

____________________________________

US Dominion, Inc., et al.,

)

)

Appellees

)

)

v.

)

)

My Pillow, Inc.,

)

)

Appellant

)

)

Michael J. Lindell,

)

)

Appellee

)

____________________________________)

Consolidated with 21-7104

BEFORE: Wilkins, Rao, and Jackson, Circuit

Judges

ORDER

App. 2

Upon consideration of the motion to dismiss for lack

of jurisdiction, the joint opposition thereto, and the

corrected reply, it is

ORDERED that the motion to dismiss be granted.

The district court’s order denying appellants’ motions

to dismiss does not qualify for immediate review under

the collateral order doctrine. Appellants have not

demonstrated that the order denied a “colorable”

immunity defense, see Broidy Cap. Mgmt. LLC v.

Muzin, 12 F.4th 789, 796 (D.C. Cir. 2021), and the

order is effectively reviewable on appeal from final

judgment, see, e.g., Kilburn v. Socialist People’s Libyan

Arab Jamahiriya, 376 F.3d 1123, 1133 (D.C. Cir. 2004).

Further, the district court has not certified the

nonfinal order for immediate appeal pursuant to 28

U.S.C. § 1292(b). See, e.g., Coopers & Lybrand v.

Livesay, 437 U.S. 463, 474–75 (1978) (“[T]he

discretionary power to permit an interlocutory appeal

[under 28 U.S.C. § 1292(b)] is not, in the first instance,

vested in the courts of appeals.

App. 3

United States Court of Appeals

FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA CIRCUIT

No. 21-7103

September Term, 2021

A party seeking review of a nonfinal order must first

obtain the consent of the trial judge.”). Appellants

therefore have not provided any valid basis upon which

this court could exercise appellate jurisdiction.

Pursuant to D.C. Circuit Rule 36, this disposition

will not be published. The Clerk is directed to withhold

issuance of the mandate herein until seven days after

resolution of any timely petition for rehearing or

petition for rehearing en banc. See Fed. R. App. P.

41(b); D.C. Cir. Rule 41.

Per Curiam

FOR THE COURT:

Mark J. Langer, Clerk

BY:

/s/

Manuel J. Castro

Deputy Clerk

App. 4

APPENDIX B

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

[Filed: August 11, 2021]

Civil Action No. 1:21-cv-00040 (CJN)

____________________________________

US DOMINION, INC., et al.,

)

)

Plaintiffs,

)

)

v.

)

)

SIDNEY POWELL, et al.,

)

)

Defendants.

)

____________________________________)

Civil Action No. 1:21-cv-00213 (CJN)

____________________________________

US DOMINION, INC., et al.,

)

)

Plaintiffs,

)

)

v.

)

)

RUDOLPH W. GIULIANI,

)

)

Defendant.

)

____________________________________)

App. 5

Civil Action No. 1:21-cv-00445 (CJN)

____________________________________

US DOMINION, INC., et al.,

)

)

Plaintiffs,

)

)

v.

)

)

MY PILLOW, INC., et al.,

)

)

Defendants.

)

____________________________________)

MEMORANDUM OPINION

US Dominion, Inc., and other related corporate

entities sued three sets of Defendants—Sidney Powell,

her law firm, and a related entity; Rudy Giuliani; and

Mike Lindell and his company, My Pillow, Inc.—

alleging that they each defamed Dominion in

connection with the 2020 presidential election.

Although the three lawsuits have not been

consolidated, they were designated as related pursuant

to Local Rule 40.5(b)(2) and assigned to this Court. The

Defendants have since moved to dismiss all of

Dominion’s claims. For the following reasons, the Court

denies their Motions in full.

I. Factual Background

The most recent presidential election occurred on

November 3, 2020.1 While many Americans cast their

1

The following factual summary is drawn from the facts alleged in

the Complaint, documents attached as exhibits or incorporated by

App. 6

votes that day, others did not; some voted in-person

before November 3, and others sent their ballots by

mail. States employed a myriad of procedures to handle

early and mail-in votes: some started counting in the

days or weeks leading up to the election, while others

waited until Election Day itself. See, e.g., 25 Pa. Stat.

§ 3146.8 (2020) (dictating that Pennsylvania mail-in

ballots may be counted no earlier than seven o’clock

a.m. on election day); N.C. Gen. Stat. § 163-234 (2020)

(directing that North Carolina may start counting two

weeks before election day).

Even twenty-four hours after the polls closed, no

clear winner had emerged—several news outlets

projected 253 electoral votes for now-President Biden

and 213 for then-President Trump, but the outcome of

the election depended on six states (Georgia,

Pennsylvania, Nevada, North Carolina, Alaska, and

Arizona) whose results were not finalized until much

later.2

On November 7, various news outlets declared Joe

Biden the winner.3 But public controversy surrounding

reference in the Complaint, and matters about which the Court

may take judicial notice. EEOC v. St. Francis Xavier Parochial

Sch., 117 F.3d 621, 625 (D.C. Cir. 1997).

2

See No winner yet, but Joe Biden’s chances to be US president

looks better, Deccan Chronicle (Nov. 5, 2020), https://www.deccan

chronicle.com/world/america/051120/no-winner-yet-but-bidens-cha

nces-looks-better-with-253-electoral-col.html.

3

See, e.g., Gabriel T. Rubin, Joe Biden Wins the 2020 Presidential

Election: What Happens Next?, Wall St. J. (Nov. 7, 2020),

https://www.wsj.com/articles/joe-biden-wins-the-2020-presidential-

App. 7

the election was far from over: election results in

various states were challenged, audited, and eventually

certified over the course of the next several weeks.

A. The Parties

US Dominion, Inc., Dominion Voting Systems, Inc.,

and Dominion Voting Systems Corporation (together,

“Dominion”) are related corporate entities involved in

the sale of electronic voting machines and software in

the United States. Powell Compl., ECF No. 1 at ¶ 2 n.1.

Dominion contracts with state and local governments

to supply voting systems and services in elections

across the country. Id. ¶ 33. At the time of the 2020

presidential election, Dominion had contracts to supply

those services in twenty-eight states and Puerto Rico.

Id.

These three corporate entities are now organized as

US Dominion, Inc., a Delaware corporation based in

Denver, Colorado, id. ¶ 30, and its two wholly-owned

subsidiaries, Dominion Voting Systems, Inc., and

Dominion Voting Systems Corporation, id. ¶¶ 12–14,

32. The companies’ origins lie in the founding in 2002

of Dominion Voting Systems Corporation (also now a

subsidiary) in Toronto, Ontario. Id. ¶ 29.

Defendant Sidney Powell is an attorney, formal

federal prosecutor, and media figure. Id. ¶ 15. She is a

director of Defending the Republic, Inc. (“DTR”), a

election-what-happens-next-11604772736; Katie Glueck, Joe Biden

is elected the 46th president of the United States., N.Y. Times (Nov.

7, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/11/07/us/politics/joe-bidenis-elected-the-46th-president-of-the-united-states.html.

App. 8

Texas corporation that runs the website

defendingtherepublic.org, id. ¶¶ 17, 21, and the

president of Powell, P.C., a Texas law firm and sole

proprietorship from which she conducts her private

practice, id. ¶ 16. Among other recent representations,

between 2018 and 2020, Powell and her law firm

represented Michael Flynn in the criminal case against

him in this district. Id. ¶¶ 24, 25, 80. Powell also

appeared as counsel of record in election-related

lawsuits in Georgia, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Arizona

filed by various parties. Id. ¶ 75. During the period

relevant to this suit, Powell made numerous media

appearances in which she discussed the election and

Dominion.

Defendant Rudolph Giuliani once served as the

mayor of New York City, Associate Attorney General of

the United States, and United States Attorney for the

Southern District of New York. Giuliani Compl., ECF

No. 1 at ¶ 8. He hosts a radio show and YouTube

podcast and is the personal attorney for President

Trump. Id. Giuliani has also represented the Trump

campaign, including in its lawsuit challenging mail-in

ballots and the conduct of election officials in

Pennsylvania. Id. ¶ 25. Like Powell, Giuliani made

numerous media appearances in which he discussed

the election and Dominion.

Defendant Michael Lindell is the founder and CEO

of My Pillow, Inc. (“MyPillow”), Lindell Compl., ECF

No. 1 at ¶ 10, a Minnesota corporation that sells

(among other things) pillows and bedding, id. ¶ 9. In

July 2017, then-President Trump endorsed MyPillow at

a White House event. Id. ¶ 22. MyPillow sponsored

App. 9

several rallies in support of President Trump and has

offered discounts on its products using discount codes

such as “FightforTrump,” “45,” and “PROOF.” Id. ¶ 1.

Like Powell and Giuliani, Lindell has made numerous

media appearances in which he discussed the election

and Dominion.

Dominion alleges that each Defendant made

defamatory statements about its role in the 2020

election. Those statements are too numerous to

summarize in their entirety; the Court limits its

discussion to the allegations necessary to decide the

pending Motions.

B. Examples of Allegedly Defamatory

Statements

On the day of the presidential election, Powell

appeared on One America News Network and declared

that Democrats were trying to “steal the vote” from

President Trump and that “they ha[d] developed a

computer system to alter votes electronically.” Powell

Compl. ¶ 52. Shortly thereafter, she and Giuliani

visited Trump campaign headquarters, where they

both urged the campaign’s attorneys to cast doubt on

election results by focusing suspicion on Dominion. Id.

¶ 54; Giuliani Compl. ¶ 15. The campaign declined to

pursue those claims after Powell was unable to provide

it with supporting evidence. Powell Compl. ¶ 55.

Between November 3 and December 23, both Powell

and Giuliani appeared on various television shows in

which they stated that Dominion was connected to

Venezuela. Powell Compl. ¶¶ 52, 181(ee). In particular,

on November 12, Giuliani appeared on Fox Business’s

App. 10

Lou Dobbs Tonight and stated that Dominion is owned

by a company called Smartmatic, which Giuliani

claimed was formed “by three Venezuelans” “in order to

fix elections.” Giuliani Compl. ¶ 178(b). Powell was a

guest on the show the next day; she stated that she

could “hardly wait to put forth all the evidence we’ve

collected on Dominion, starting with the fact it was

created to produce altered voting results in Venezuela

for Hugo Chávez and then shipped internationally to

manipulate votes for purchase in other countries[,]

including this one.” Powell Compl. ¶ 181(e).

On November 15, Powell appeared on Fox News’s

Sunday Morning Futures. Id. ¶ 181(g). She stated that

Dominion was involved in “massive election fraud” and

that she had “evidence . . . of substantial sums of

money being given to family members of state officials

who bought [Dominion] software.” Id. Two days later,

she appeared on Newsmax’s Greg Kelly Reports and

said that “[w]e’ve got the evidence from [the] mouth of

the guy who founded the company. I haven’t had a

chance to get that out to the public yet but . . . the

founder of [Dominion] admits he can change a million

votes, no problem at all.” Id. ¶ 181(j). Powell promised

that she would “tweet out the video later and . . . tag

[the host] in it.” Id. She has not disclosed the video. Id.

¶ 60.

On November 19, Giuliani and Powell appeared

together at a press conference at Republican National

Committee headquarters in Washington, D.C. Id. ¶ 62.

At that press conference, Giuliani stated that they

“represent[ed] President Trump and . . . the Trump

App. 11

campaign,” id.,4 and Powell repeated her claims about

Dominion being a tool created “to make sure [Hugo

Chávez] never lost an election” and imported to the

United States to flip votes from Trump to Biden in the

2020 election. Id. ¶ 63. Powell stated that the legal

team had collected

testimony of different workers admitting that

they were trained how to dispose of Trump votes

and add to Biden votes. The software has a

feature pursuant to which you can drag and drop

any number of batches of votes to the candidate

of your choice or simply throw them away. So,

we have mathematical evidence in a number of

states of massive quantities of Trump votes

being trashed—just simply put in the trash like

you would on your computer with any file and

Biden votes being injected.

Id. ¶ 181(k). President Trump later sent a tweet

including video footage of this press conference. Id.

¶ 66.

After a hand recount, Georgia certified its election

results on November 20. Powell Compl. ¶ 68. That

same day, Powell appeared on the Examining Politics

podcast and stated that Dominion “paid kickbacks and

4

On November 14, President Trump sent a tweet stating that

“[Rudy] Giuliani [would be] spearheading the legal effort to defend

OUR RIGHT to FREE and FAIR ELECTIONS!” Powell Compl.

¶ 59. He also stated that Powell had been added that legal team.

Id. On November 22, the Trump campaign (through Defendant

Giuliani), issued a statement that “Powell is practicing law on her

own. She is not a member of the Trump Legal Team. She is also

not a lawyer for the President in his personal capacity.” Id. ¶ 72.

App. 12

benefits to families of public officials who . . . got

[Dominion its] government contracts.” Id. ¶ 181(n). One

day later, she appeared on Newsmax and elaborated

that Georgia state officials were “in on this Dominion

scam with their last-minute purchase of a contract to

Dominion of a hundred million dollars.” Id. ¶ 69.

On November 23, Powell again claimed that

Dominion had stolen Trump votes “by massive election

fraud” and that she was collecting “overwhelming”

“evidence” that Dominion “shift[ed] millions of votes

from President Trump.” Id. ¶ 73. She also served as

counsel to plaintiffs in lawsuits in Georgia, Michigan,

Wisconsin, and Arizona alleging, among other things,

that there had been “massive election fraud” and that

Dominion was “founded by foreign oligarchs and

dictators to ensure computerized ballot-stuffing and

vote manipulation to whatever level was needed to

make certain Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chávez never

lost another election.” Id. ¶¶ 75, 80.

Powell also made public statements that Dominion

had flipped, weighted, and “injected” votes. On

November 28, she stated on Newsmax that Dominion

“weighted votes for President Trump at .77% and they

awarded votes to Biden at something like 1.22% . . . .

[Dominion] was designed to enable those sorts of vote

flipping and switching and the ability to trash votes in

large numbers so that Mr. Biden would win without

campaigning.” Id. ¶ 181(s). On December 2, she spoke

at a “Stop the Steal” rally in Georgia, where she

claimed that Georgia had performed a hand recount in

only one “small precinct” (instead of the entire state)

and that, in that county, “they flipped . . . 52% I think

App. 13

of the votes there . . . . [T]hey weighted Biden votes at

1.52 and they weighted Trump votes at .48 when the

votes went into the machine to change them.” Id.

¶ 181(u). The next day, she appeared on The John

Fredericks Show (broadcast from Georgia) and stated

that

one of the things we know is, from prior use and

testimony, that Dominion machines can flip

2.7%–3% of the vote from Trump to Biden easily.

That’s kind of what they’ve run many times

before. And that stands to reason that that

accounts for the 6% up for Biden where the

Dominion machines were operating . . . . You

don’t just add 350,000 Biden votes all of a

sudden at 3 o’clock in the morning. That’s like

flipping a coin 350,000 times and it always lands

on heads. It doesn’t happen. It’s a mathematical

and statistical impossibility . . . they can

literally just make up a number and inject it into

the system.

Id. ¶ 181(v).

By December 9, all of the election-related lawsuits

in which Powell served as counsel had been dismissed.

Id. ¶ 79. Following the dismissals, Powell appeared on

the Rush Limbaugh Show on December 29, and

claimed that

[t]he flipping of votes by Dominion is even

advertised; their ability to do that fraction, to

make a Biden vote count 1.26 and a Trump vote

count only .74. They’ve done it before. They’ve

done it in Venezuela. They’ve done it in other

App. 14

foreign countries. They’ve done it in this

country. We have evidence even that it was done

in 2016 in California to benefit Hillary over

Bernie, and it’s been done in other local elections

and smaller elections, different places . . . . It’s

absolutely the most appalling criminal operation

in the history of our country.

Id. ¶ 181(ii).

Also in early December, Lindell (like Powell and

Giuliani) made various public statements regarding the

election and Dominion. On December 3, he appeared on

America First with Sebastian Gorka and stated that he

and Powell were “getting the word out on this election

fraud” and that they were trying to get these

“Dominion machines.” Lindell Compl. ¶ 43. He also told

viewers that the “President loves” MyPillow and that

they could use promotional code “Gorka” for a discount

at MyPillow.com. Id. ¶ 44. In a December 11 interview

with the Conservative Business Journal, he explained

that President Trump had received so many votes that

he “broke the algorithm” that had been programmed to

give “1.3 to Biden and 0.7 to the [P]resident.” Id. ¶ 50.

On December 12, Lindell spoke at two MyPillowsponsored rallies in the District of Columbia. At the

“Women for America First” rally, he told the audience

that

[o]n election night, at 11:15 p.m., all the

algorithms that were set across our country in

the machines . . . where Biden got like 1.2 votes

for every vote and our president got .66. . . . 80

million votes that came in for our great

App. 15

President . . . broke the algorithms in the

machines.

Id. ¶ 165(a). At the Jericho March held on December 12

in Washington D.C., he said that

[e]verything that I’ve been telling you for three

weeks now is true. I have seen it. The fraud is

100% and Donald Trump will be our president

for four more years . . . . They tried to steal this

election . . . on election night at . . . 11:15, the

algorithms of these machines that cheated the

whole country could not keep up. Because he

had got so many votes that broke the algorithms

. . . . The technology of these Dominion machines

. . . it’s all going to be exposed in the future . . . .

Georgia, you better have a fair election and not

use those machines.

Id. ¶ 165(b). The Jericho March rally also displayed a

MyPillow ad featuring Lindell and offering viewers a

discount on MyPillow products if they used the

promotional code “ERIC” (presumably as a reference to

Eric Metaxas, another speaker at the march). Id. ¶ 55.

Between December 16 and 23, Dominion sent

retraction demand letters to Powell, Giuliani, Lindell,

and a number of news outlets (including ones on which

one or more of those Defendants had appeared). Powell

Compl. ¶ 145; Giuliani Compl. ¶ 138; Lindell Compl.

¶¶ 59–60. On December 21 (after receiving a retraction

letter), Newsmax aired a segment to “clarify its

coverage” about Smartmatic and Dominion systems.

Lindell Compl. ¶ 60. That same day, Lindell appeared

on a Newsmax show and declared that “the biggest

App. 16

fraud is the Dominion machines” and referenced a

“miracle . . . at 11:15 on election night.” Id. ¶ 165(g).

That evening, Lindell sent a tweet with a link to an

article about Powell and stating, “We have all the

evidence!!! Biggest election fraud in world history!!!!

Crime against the world!!!” Id. ¶ 62. Appearing on

FlashPoint on December 23, Lindell described

Dominion’s involvement in the election as “the biggest

crime ever committed in the history against our

country and the world.” Id. ¶ 165(h). On January 18,

2021 (after receiving his own retraction letter from

Dominion), Lindell stated that Dominion machines

“were built to cheat” and “steal elections,” id. ¶ 70, and

he “welcome[d Dominion] to come after [him] because

[he had] all the evidence and then they’ll finally see it,”

id. ¶¶ 63, 160.

In the weeks following Dominion’s retraction

demands, Defendants continued to speak publicly

about Dominion and the election. On January 5, 2021,

Lindell spoke at the Moms for America “Save the

Republic” rally in the District of Columbia. Id. ¶ 65. He

told the audience that “algorithms” in “Dominion

machines” weighted Biden votes and that, “if the truth

comes out,” we could avoid a civil war. Id. Later that

day, Giuliani sent a tweet with a link to his podcast in

which he claimed that “Dominion machines . . .

switched 6,000 votes.” Giuliani Compl. ¶ 147. On

January 6—in the hours leading up to the attack on the

Capitol—Lindell and Giuliani made similar public

statements to crowds gathered in the District. Lindell

spoke at the Women for America First’s “March for

Trump” bus tour (a tour sponsored by MyPillow) and

stated that Dominion machines used an “algorithm” to

App. 17

steal votes from Trump, but—in an event he called the

“election night miracle”—Trump had received so many

votes that those algorithms had broken. Id. ¶ 35.

Lindell declared that he had “been working with

General Flynn, . . . Sidney Powell, [and] Rudy Giuliani

. . . [t]o look into the fraud. . . . It’s the biggest election

corruption in the history [sic].” Lindell Compl. Ex. 268,

ECF No. 2-67 at 4.

Giuliani, at the “Save America” protest in front of

the White House, told crowds that

we get to see the machines that are crooked, the

ballots that are fraudulent. . . . So, let’s have

trial by combat. . . . [O]ne of the experts who’s

examined these crooked Dominion machines,

has absolutely found what he believes is

conclusive proof that in the last 10%, 15% of the

vote counted, the votes were deliberately

changed by the same algorithm that was used in

cheating President Trump and Vice President

Pence, same algorithm, same system, same

thing was done with the same machines. . . .

This election was stolen.

Giuliani Compl. ¶ 152.

C. Defendants’ Claims of Supporting Evidence

In addition to making the statements summarized

above, Powell, Giuliani, and Lindell all stated that they

had evidence to prove their claims. For example, Powell

has stated that she is in possession of a video that

depicts the founder of Dominion saying that “he can

change a million votes, no problem at all.” Powell

Compl. ¶ 181(j). She has also pointed to documents

App. 18

filed in her election lawsuits, including an undated

certificate from the Georgia Secretary of State, id. ¶ 91;

declarations from an anonymous “military intelligence

expert,” id. ¶ 88, and “Venezuelan military officer,” id.

¶ 90; research into general concerns about election

security, id. ¶ 89; and expert reports (one of which

Giuliani also touted in his podcast, Giuliani Compl.

¶¶ 58–59), Powell Compl. ¶ 82. Those court filings were

also posted on DTR’s website. Id. ¶¶ 17, 21.

On January 15, 2021, Lindell tweeted evidence in

the form of a screenshot of an article from an online

blog called The American Report. Lindell Compl. ¶ 75.

Lindell claimed that the blog contained “pages of the

machine voter fraud evidence that came out last week.”

Id. He also tweeted a screenshot to an American Report

spreadsheet that he said was “one page of hundreds

that prove President Trump got around 79m votes to

68m votes for Biden!” Id. On February 4, Lindell

appeared on FlashPoint and claimed that he had “a

cyber footprint from inside the [Dominion] machines”

proving that the machines were hacked “by foreign

countries, starting with China.” Id. ¶ 165(x).

Lindell later included this same material in a twohour documentary called “ABSOLUTE PROOF.”

(Lindell was an executive producer of the film.) Id.

¶¶ 103, 126, 127. The video also suggested that thenAttorney General Bill Barr (who had stated that the

Department of Justice had not seen evidence of

widespread election fraud) was “corrupt” and had been

“compromised.” Id. ¶ 114. Beginning on February 5,

“ABSOLUTE PROOF” was broadcast on multiple news

outlets and posted online. Id. ¶ 104. Lindell’s website

App. 19

(michaeljlindell.com) also posted the video; beneath it,

a MyPillow ad encouraged viewers to use the

promotional code “PROOF” to receive forty percent off

a MyPillow product. Id.

II. Procedural Background

On January 8, Dominion filed a lawsuit against

Powell, her law firm, and DTR (collectively, “Powell” or

“the Powell Defendants”) for defamation and deceptive

trade practices under Georgia law. See generally Powell

Compl. A month later, Dominion filed a similar suit

against Lindell and MyPillow, alleging defamation and

deceptive trade practices under Minnesota law. See

generally Lindell Compl. It also separately sued

Giuliani on a single count of defamation. See generally

Giuliani Compl. In all three lawsuits, Dominion alleges

that the Defendants’ conduct caused (1) Dominion

employees to be “stalked, . . . harassed, and . . .

receive[] death threats,” requiring Dominion to expend

money “to remedy the defamation and to protect the

lives of its employees,” and (2) harm in the form of lost

profits and damage to its name, reputation, and

goodwill. See Powell Compl. ¶ 145; Giuliani Compl.

¶ 175; Lindell Compl. ¶ 171. Dominion alleges that it

has suffered at least $651,735,000 in damages.5 See

5

Dominion also seeks $651,735,000 in punitive damages, costs and

fees, and—with respect to the Powell and Lindell Complaints—a

“narrowly tailored permanent injunction requiring the removal of

all [their] statements that are determined to be false and

defamatory and enjoining [them] from repeating in such

statements or engaging in any further deceptive trade practices

relating to Dominion.” See Powell Compl. ¶ 196(d); Giuliani

Compl.; Lindell Compl. ¶ 178(d).

App. 20

generally Powell Compl.; Giuliani Compl.; Lindell

Compl. The cases were designated as related pursuant

to Local Rule 40.5(b)(2).

All Defendants move to dismiss, but make different

arguments. The Powell Defendants argue that this

Court cannot exercise personal jurisdiction over them;

that the claims against them should be transferred to

Texas; and that Dominion has failed to state its

defamation claim because Powell’s statements are only

statements of opinion, not fact, and Dominion has

failed to plead actual malice. See generally Powell’s

Mem. Supp. Defs.’ Mot. to Dismiss (“Powell’s Mot.”),

ECF No. 22-2. The Powell Defendants also seek

dismissal of Dominion’s deceptive trade practices claim

on the ground that they were not “engaged in trade and

commerce of goods.”

Lindell and MyPillow filed separate Motions.

Lindell argues that he is not subject to the Court’s

personal jurisdiction; that venue is improper; and that

Dominion has failed to state a defamation claim

because his statements are protected as “debate on

public issues” and because Dominion has failed to plead

actual malice. Lindell’s Mem. Supp. Defs.’ Mot. to

Dismiss (“Lindell’s Mot.”), ECF No. 34-1. MyPillow

joins those arguments but also contends that the claims

against it must be dismissed because it hasn’t made

any statements about Dominion. MyPillow’s Mem.

Supp. Defs.’ Mot. to Dismiss (“MyPillow’s Mot.”), ECF

No. 30-1. Both Defendants also argue that Dominion’s

deceptive trade practices claim must be dismissed

because it merely recasts its defamation claim.

App. 21

Giuliani argues only that the defamation claim

against him should be dismissed because Dominion

may only recover lost profits as special damages, which

he argues Dominion has failed to plead. Giuliani’s

Mem. Supp. Defs.’ Mot. to Dismiss (“Giuliani’s Mot.”),

ECF No. 26-2.

On June 24, 2021, the Court heard oral argument

on Defendants’ Motions.

III. Legal Standard

When evaluating a motion to dismiss under Federal

Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6), the Court must “treat

the complaint’s factual allegations as true . . . and must

grant plaintiff the benefit of all inferences that can be

derived from the facts alleged.” Holy Land Found. for

Relief & Dev. v. Ashcroft, 333 F.3d 156, 165 (D.C. Cir.

2003) (internal quotation omitted). Although the Court

accepts all well-pleaded facts in the complaint as true,

“[f]actual allegations must be enough to raise a right to

relief above the speculative level.” Bell Atl. Corp. v.

Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 555 (2007). “While a complaint

. . . does not need detailed factual allegations, a

plaintiff’s obligation to provide the grounds of [its]

entitlement to relief requires more than labels and

conclusions, and a formulaic recitation of the elements

of a cause of action will not do.” Id. (internal quotations

and citations omitted). The claim to relief must be

“plausible on its face,” and a plaintiff’s pleadings must

“nudge[ the] claims across the line from conceivable to

plausible.” Id. at 570.

Several of the Defendants also move to dismiss for

lack of personal jurisdiction. When deciding a motion to

App. 22

dismiss pursuant to Rule 12(b)(1), the Court may

consider materials outside the pleadings “to assure

itself of its own subject matter jurisdiction,” Settles v.

U.S. Parole Comm’n, 429 F.3d 1098, 1107 (D.C. Cir.

2005) (quoting Haase v. Sessions, 835 F.2d 902, 908

(D.C. Cir. 1987)), and must construe the complaint

liberally to afford all possible inferences favorable to

the pleader on allegations of fact, Settles, 429 F.3d at

1106. But the Court need not accept as true “a legal

conclusion couched as a factual allegation,” Trudeau v.

Fed. Trade Comm’n, 456 F.3d 178, 193 (D.C. Cir. 2006)

(quoting Papasan v. Allain, 478 U.S. 265, 286 (1986)),

or an inference “unsupported by the facts set out in the

complaint,” Trudeau, 456 F.3d at 193 (quoting Kowal

v. MCI Commc’ns Corp., 16 F.3d 1271, 1276 (D.C. Cir.

1994)). In all events, the plaintiff bears the burden of

establishing that the court has subject matter

jurisdiction by a preponderance of the evidence, Conejo

v. Am. Fed’n of Gov’t Emps., AFL-CIO, 377 F. Supp. 3d

16, 24 (D.D.C. 2019) (citing McNutt v. Gen. Motors

Acceptance Corp., 298 U.S. 178, 182–83 (1936)).

IV. Analysis

A. Statements of Fact or Opinion

Powell alone argues that her statements cannot be

defamatory because no reasonable person could

conclude that they were statements of fact. According

to Powell, her statements were either “opinions” that

cannot be proven true or false or “legal theories . . .

made in the context of pending and impending

litigation.” Powell’s Mot. at 43–44.

App. 23

For a statement to be actionable as defamatory, it

must at least express or imply a verifiably false fact

about the plaintiff. Milkovich v. Lorain Journal Co.,

497 U.S. 1, 19–20 (1990). And while statements of

opinion regarding matters of public concern cannot be

defamatory if they do not contain or imply a provably

false fact, they are actionable if they imply a provably

false fact or rely upon stated facts that are provably

false. Id. at 20. “In deciding whether a reasonable

factfinder could conclude that a statement expressed or

implied a verifiably false fact about [the plaintiff], the

court must consider the statement in context.” Weyrich

v. New Republic, Inc., 235 F.3d 617, 624 (D.C. Cir.

2001).6

Powell contends that no reasonable person could

conclude that her statements were statements of fact

because they “concern the 2020 presidential election,

which was both bitter and controversial,” Powell’s Mot.

at 38, and were made “as an attorney-advocate for

[Powell’s] preferred candidate and in support of her

legal and political positions,” id. at 39. As an initial

matter, there is no blanket immunity for statements

that are “political” in nature: as the Court of Appeals

has put it, the fact that statements were made in a

“political ‘context’ does not indiscriminately immunize

every statement contained therein.” Weyrich, 235 F.3d

6

Powell argues that Colorado law applies to Dominion’s

defamation claim. Powell’s Mot. at 22. But because Colorado also

uses the Milkovich standard to determine whether a statement is

actionable, see NBC Subsidiary (KCNC-TV), Inc. v. Living Will

Ctr., 879 P.2d 6, 9–13 (Colo. 1994), the Court need not reach the

choice-of-law question.

App. 24

at 626. It is true that courts recognize the value in

some level of “imaginative expression” or “rhetorical

hyperbole” in our public debate. Milkovich, 497 U.S. at

2.7 But it is simply not the law that provably false

statements cannot be actionable if made in the context

of an election.8

Powell similarly argues that her statements were

protected commentary about other lawsuits. But Powell

cannot shield herself from liability for her widely

disseminated out-of-court statements by casting them

as protected statements about in-court litigation; an

attorney’s out-of-court statements to the public can be

actionable, even if those statements concern

contemplated or ongoing litigation. Messina v.

7

Such “imaginative expression” or “rhetorical hyperbole” is

permitted under the theory that “the ultimate good desired is

better reached by free trade in ideas—that the best test of truth is

the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition

of the market.” Abrams v. United States, 250 U.S. 616, 630 (1919)

(Holmes, J., dissenting); Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443, 460–61

(2011). But that free trade of ideas depends on a common

understanding of the facts, which is undermined by provably

untrue statements.

8

MyPillow appears to similarly argue that the First Amendment

grants some kind of blanket protection to statements about “public

debate in a public forum.” MyPillow’s Mot. at 10. Again, there is no

such immunity. See Weyrich, 235 F.3d at 626. Instead, the First

Amendment safeguards our “profound national commitment to the

principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited,

robust, and wide-open,” Tah v. Global Witness Publ’g, Inc., 991

F.3d 231, 240 (D.C. Cir. 2021) (quoting N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan,

376 U.S. 254, 270 (1964)) (internal quotation marks omitted), by

limiting viable defamation claims to provably false statements

made with actual malice.

App. 25

Krakower, 439 F.3d 755, 761–62 (D.C. Cir. 2006)

(recognizing no privilege when statement is “published

to persons not having an interest [in] or connection to

the litigation”) (quoting Finkelstein, Thompson &

Loughran v. Hemispherx Biopharma, Inc., 774 A.2d

332, 342 (D.C. 2001)); see also Williams v. Burns, 540

F. Supp. 1243, 1247 (D. Colo. 1982) (contemplating

actionable defamation claim for attorney’s statements

while representing client during business transaction).

The question, then, is whether a reasonable juror

could conclude that Powell’s statements expressed or

implied a verifiably false fact about Dominion.

Milkovich, 497 U.S. at 19–20. This is not a close call. To

take one example, Powell has stated publicly that she

has “evidence from [the] mouth of the guy who founded

[Dominion] admit[ting that] he can change a million

votes, no problem at all.” Powell Compl. ¶ 181(j). She

told audiences that she would “tweet out the video.” Id.

These statements are either true or not; either Powell

has a video depicting the founder of Dominion saying

he can “change a million votes,” or she does not.

To take another example, Powell has stated that she

could “hardly wait to put forth all the evidence . . . on

Dominion, starting with the fact it was created to

produce altered voting results in Venezuela for Hugo

Chávez.” Id. ¶ 181(e). Again, this statement is either

true or it is not; either Dominion was created to

produce altered voting results in Venezuela for Hugo

Chávez or (as Dominion alleges) it was not.9

9

The Venezuela theory presumably finds its roots in the

Venezuelan origins of Smartmatic, a different company that

App. 26

Take a few more examples. Powell has stated

publicly that Dominion “flipped,” “weighted,” and

“injected” votes during the 2020 election, see supra at

p. 7; Powell Compl. ¶¶ 181(v), 181(ii), 181(u); either

Dominion did so or (as Dominion alleges) it did not.

Powell has claimed that state officials received

kickbacks in exchange for using Dominion machines,

id. ¶ 181(g); either state officials received such

kickbacks or (as Dominion alleges) they did not. All of

these statements, and many others alleged in

Dominion’s Complaint, “expressed or implied a

verifiably false fact” about Dominion. See Weyrich, 235

F.3d at 624.

Powell argues that these statements are merely her

own interpretation of “underlying facts [that] have

been disclosed.” Powell’s Mot. at 32. Statements may

not be actionable if the “defendant provides the facts

underlying the challenged statements, [and] it is ‘clear

that the challenged statements represent [her] own

interpretation of those facts, . . . leav[ing] the reader

free to draw his own conclusions.’” Bauman v.

Butowsky, 377 F. Supp. 3d 1, 11 n.7 (D.D.C. 2019)

(quoting Adelson v. Harris, 973 F. Supp. 2d 467, 490

(S.D.N.Y. 2013), aff’d, 876 F.3d 413 (2d Cir. 2017)). But

with respect to many of Powell’s allegedly defamatory

statements, Dominion alleges (and for the purposes of

the Motion to Dismiss, the Court must accept as true)

that she lied about having (or at the very least has not

disclosed) her purported “underlying facts.” For

Giuliani alleges owns Dominion, id. ¶ 101, but that Dominion

alleges is its competitor with no connection—either through

ownership or software—with Dominion, id. ¶ 183.

App. 27

example, Powell has stated that she has “evidence from

[the] mouth of the guy who founded [Dominion]

admit[ting that] he can change a million votes, no

problem at all.” Powell Compl. ¶ 181(j). She has not,

however, disclosed that video. She has also claimed

that Dominion paid “kickbacks and benefits” to the

families of Georgia public officials. Id. ¶ 181(n). But the

only evidence to which Powell points in support of this

claim is an undated (and allegedly doctored) Georgia

state certificate stating that Dominion’s systems had

“been thoroughly examined and tested and found to be

in compliance with” Georgia law. Id. ¶ 39. That

certificate provides no evidence of illicit payments to

public officials’ families; it is certainly not, as Powell

has argued,

evidence . . . from various whistleblowers that

are aware of substantial sums of money being

given to family members of state officials who

bought this software. . . . $100 million packages

for new voting machines suddenly, in multiple

states, and benefits ranging from financial

benefits for family members to sort of what I

would call election insurance, because they know

that they can win the election if they are using

that software.

Id. ¶ 181(g). More generally, Dominion alleges that for

many of Powell’s statements, the evidence to which she

points is either false or provides no factual basis for

what she said—and at this stage in the litigation, the

Court must assume the truth of these allegations. See

Ashcroft v. Iqbal, 556 U.S. 662, 664 (2009).

App. 28

In sum, Dominion has adequately alleged that

Powell made a number of statements that are

actionable because a reasonable juror could conclude

that they were either statements of fact or statements

of opinion that implied or relied upon facts that are

provably false. See Milkovich, 497 U.S. at 20.10

B. Actual Malice

Powell and Lindell both argue that Dominion has

failed to allege that they made their defamatory

statements “with ‘actual malice,’ that is, with

‘knowledge that [they were] false or with reckless

disregard of whether [they were] false or not.’” Liberty

Lobby, Inc. v. Dow Jones & Co., 838 F.2d 1287, 1292

(D.C. Cir. 1988) (quoting N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan,

370 U.S. 254, 280 (1964)).11 A defendant acts in

10

DTR argues that it did not make any statements about

Dominion. Powell’s Mot. at 51. But Dominion alleges that Powell

made her statements (at least in part) as an agent of her law firm

and an agent of DTR, and so (at this point in the proceedings)

Powell’s statements can be imputed to DTR. Dominion’s Mem. in

Opp’n to Powell’s Mot. to Dismiss (“Powell Opp’n”), ECF No. 39 at

50–51. In particular, Dominion alleges that Powell acted as an

agent of DTR when she solicited donations for it during her

defamatory television appearances, Powell Compl. ¶¶ 26, 126, and

for her law firm when publishing online the declarations it filed in

its election lawsuits, id. ¶ 151. Aside from the agency theory,

Dominion also alleges that DTR independently published Powell’s

statements on its website. See, e.g., id. ¶¶ 52, 58.

11

For the purposes of the Motions, Dominion does not dispute that

it must plead actual malice but argues that it has alleged ample

facts to demonstrate that the Defendants acted with the requisite

intent. Powell Opp’n at 23–37; Dominion’s Mem. in Opp’n to

Lindell’s Mot. to Dismiss (“Lindell Opp’n”), ECF No. 47 at 13–34.

App. 29

reckless disregard of the truth if she “in fact

entertained serious doubts as to the truth of [its]

publication” or acted “‘with a high degree of awareness

of . . .probable falsity.’” St. Amant v. Thompson, 390

U.S. 727, 731 (1968) (quoting Garrison v. Louisiana,

379 U.S. 64, 74 (1964)). The “‘serious doubt’ standard

requires a showing of subjective doubts by the

defendant.” Tavoulareas v. Piro, 817 F.2d 762, 789

(D.C. Cir. 1987) (en banc); see also St. Amant, 390 U.S.

at 731 (explaining that “reckless conduct is not

measured by whether a reasonably prudent man would

have published, or would have investigated before

publishing” the statement); Jankovic v. Int’l Crisis

Grp., 822 F.3d 576, 589 (D.C. Cir. 2016) (“[I]t is not

enough to show that defendant should have known

better; instead, the plaintiff must offer evidence that

the defendant in fact harbored subjective doubt.”).

Subjective doubt can be proven through “the

cumulation of circumstantial evidence [and] direct

evidence,” id. at 589 (internal quotation marks and

citation omitted), demonstrating that the defendant

was “subjectively aware that it was highly probable

that [its] story was ‘(1) fabricated; (2) so inherently

improbable that only a reckless person would have put

[it] in circulation; or (3) based wholly on an unverified

anonymous telephone call or some other source that [it]

had obvious reasons to doubt.’” Lohrenz v. Donnelly,

350 F.3d 1272, 1283 (D.C. Cir. 2003) (quoting

Tavoulareas, 817 F.2d at 790)).

a. Powell

Dominion argues that it has cleared this high bar.

As to Powell, Dominion contends it has alleged not only

App. 30

that Powell’s claims are so inherently improbable that

only a reckless person could have believed them, but

also that she deliberately ignored the truth in favor of

relying on facially unreliable sources, intentionally lied

about and fabricated evidence to support a

preconceived narrative about election fraud, and did so

to raise her own public profile and make a profit.

Powell’s primary argument is that she could not

have “entertained serious doubts as to the truth” or

acted with a “high degree of awareness” of the

“probable falsity” of her claims because she relied on

sworn declarations and other evidence that supported

her statements. Powell’s Mot. at 46–48; see St. Amant,

390 U.S. at 731. But there is no rule that a defendant

cannot act in reckless disregard of the truth when

relying on sworn affidavits—especially sworn affidavits

that the defendant had a role in creating. And

Dominion alleges that Powell’s “evidence” was either

falsified by Powell herself, misrepresented and cherrypicked, or so obviously unreliable that Powell had to

have known it was false or had acted with reckless

disregard for the truth. See, e.g., Powell Compl.

¶¶ 91–92, 7.

Powell again faces an obvious hurdle in the fact that

she has never produced (nor mentioned in any sworn

affidavit) the video of Dominion’s founder that she

claims to possess, see supra at p.6; a reasonable juror

could conclude that Powell has not produced the video

because she doesn’t have it. Dominion also alleges that

Powell doctored a certificate from the Georgia

Secretary of State to make it appear as though Georgia

officials purchased Dominion machines and software on

App. 31

a rushed timeline. Powell Compl. ¶ 91. (The certificate,

which is publicly available on the Georgia Secretary of

State’s website, includes the Georgia Secretary of

State’s date, seal, and signature—but Powell claimed

that the Dominion certification was “undated” and filed

a copy of the certificate that was missing the date, seal,

and signature during the course of her election

litigation in Georgia. Id.)

Dominion also alleges that Powell had a hand in

drafting the declarations she touts as evidence of her

claims. For example, Dominion alleges that the

“military intelligence expert” who was the source for

one declaration has admitted that he never actually

worked in military intelligence, that the declaration

Powell’s law firm drafted for him was “misleading,” and

that he was “trying to backtrack” on it. Id. ¶ 5.

Dominion further alleges that after that source’s

recantation, Powell claimed that the declaration was

actually from a different anonymous source (instead of

investigating whether there was a reason to doubt the

truth of the original source’s claims). Id. As for the

other anonymous declarations proffered by Powell,

Dominion alleges that they bear distinct signs of

having been drafted by Powell herself. Indeed, certain

sections in two of the declarations are almost

completely identical. Id. ¶ 90.

More generally, Dominion alleges that the

declarations provide no facts to support Powell’s claims

that Dominion flipped, stole, weighted, or injected any

votes into a U.S. election. For example, one declaration

says that “vote counting was abruptly stopped in five

states using Dominion software”; that at that time

App. 32

“Donald Trump was significantly ahead in the votes”;

and that “[w]hen the vote reporting resumed the very

next morning there was a very pronounced change in

voting in favor of the opposing candidate, Joe Biden.”

Pearson v. Kemp, No. 1:20-cv-04809 (N.D. Ga. Nov. 25,

2020) [ECF No. 1-2 at ¶ 26]. The declaration provides

no factual support for the proposition that Dominion

had flipped votes from Trump to Biden, and it certainly

says nothing about Dominion having been created in

Venezuela. Powell Compl. ¶ 181(e). A second

declaration provides even less support; while it

mentions Smartmatic, it says nothing about Dominion

or a U.S. election. See generally Pearson v. Kemp, No.

1:20-cv-04809 (N.D. Ga. Nov. 25, 2020) [ECF No. 1-3 at

¶ 11].

Dominion further alleges that Powell’s “expert”

reports are inherently unreliable and, as a former

federal prosecutor, Powell had good reason to doubt

their veracity. Powell Compl. ¶ 104. In particular, it

alleges that one expert was involved in a recent fraud

case where the judge “ordered [the ‘expert’] to pay more

than $25,000 after finding that she violated consumer

protection laws by misspending money she raised and

soliciting donations while misrepresenting her

experience and education,” id. ¶ 105, and that another

was found to have provided “materially false

information” in support of his claims of vote

manipulation after referencing locations in Minnesota

when alleging voter fraud in Michigan, id. ¶ 106. (That

expert has also publicly claimed that George Soros,

President George H.W. Bush’s father, the Muslim

Brotherhood, and “leftists” helped form the “Deep

State” in Nazi Germany in the 1930s—which would

App. 33

have been a remarkable feat for Soros, who was born in

1930. Id.) Dominion also alleges that a third expert has

been rejected by another federal court for his “sheer

unreliability,” id. ¶ 107, and a fourth has declared,

under penalty of perjury, that there was a pattern of

improbable vote reporting in a Michigan county that

does not exist, id. ¶ 108. According to Dominion, an

experienced litigator like Powell either knew (or should

have known) about these grave problems with her

experts’ reliability, and thus she must have

“entertained serious doubts as to the truth” of her

statements or at a minimum acted “with a high degree

of awareness of [their] probable falsity.” Id. ¶¶ 104–09;

see St. Amant, 390 U.S. at 731.

Dominion also alleges that Powell cherry-picked and

took out of context statements regarding general

concerns about election security made by Professor

Andrew W. Appel. Powell Compl. ¶ 89. According to

Dominion, Professor Appel’s research regarding

election security is reputable, but concerns “a decadesold machine not designed by Dominion [and] not used

in the 2020 election in any of the swing states . . .

challenged by Powell.” Id. (emphasis added). Indeed,

Dominion alleges that Professor Appel stated that he

“ha[s] never claimed that technical vulnerabilities have

actually been exploited to alter the outcome of any US

[sic] election” and that “no credible evidence has been

put forth that supports a conclusion that the 2020

outcome in any state has been altered through

technical compromise.” Id. (emphasis omitted). A

reasonable juror could conclude that Powell’s reliance

on Professor Appel’s research when he has stated that

there is “no credible evidence” of fraud is evidence of at

App. 34

least reckless disregard. See Zimmerman v. Al Jazeera

Am., LLC, 246 F. Supp. 3d 257, 283–84 (D.D.C. 2017).

Dominion argues that its allegations regarding

falsified documents, inherently unreliable sources,

misrepresentations about other evidence, and Powell’s

shifting positions reflect actual malice. It also argues

that Powell had reasons for this conduct: to raise funds,

to raise her public profile, and to curry favor with

President Trump. Powell Compl. ¶¶ 75, 80, 185. Powell

argues that Dominion has no facts to support these

claims. But Dominion alleges that Powell repeatedly

solicited donations to her law firm and DTR while

making her claims, id. ¶ 58;12 that President

Trump pardoned her client, Michael Flynn, on the

same day she filed her first lawsuit challenging the

results of the 2020 election, id. ¶ 80; and that in

November 2020, “someone purchased the web domain

sidneypowellforpresident.com,” id. ¶ 71.

12

Dominion alleges that Powell leveraged DTR to collect donations

under false pretense. In particular, Dominion alleges that Powell

has described DTR as a “non-profit working to help [her] defend all

[of her election lawsuits] and to defend [her as an individual],”

Powell Compl.¶ 156 (emphasis omitted), and represented that it is

a 501(c)(3) and 501(c)(4) organization, id. ¶¶ 17–19, but that it

appears as neither on the IRS website, id. ¶ 20. And it argues that

Powell used DTR donations for personal gain, as indicated by the

lack of separation between DTR, Powell, and her law firm: DTR’s

and the law firm’s websites are connected through at least ten

hyperlinks and encouraged users to donate money by checks

payable to the law firm’s “Defending the Republic Election

Integrity Fund,” id. ¶¶ 175–76, or directly to DTR (but mailed to

the law firm’s address), id. ¶ 177. According to Dominion, the DTR

website began collecting donations before DTR even existed as a

corporate entity. Id. ¶ 17.

App. 35

While it is true that “evidence of ill will ‘is

insufficient by itself to support a finding of actual

malice,’” Tah, 991 F.3d at 243 (quoting Tavoulareas,

817 F.2d at 795 (en banc) (emphasis added)); see also

Harte-Hanks Commc’ns, Inc. v. Connaughton, 491 U.S.

657, 665 (1989) (“[A defendant’s] motive . . . cannot

provide a sufficient basis for finding actual malice.”),

Dominion has proffered much more. For the reasons

discussed, Dominion has adequately alleged that

Powell made her claims knowing that they were false,

or at least with serious doubts as to their truthfulness.

b. Lindell

As for Lindell, Dominion contends that his claims

were so inherently improbable that only a reckless man

would have made them, that he intentionally

disregarded evidence of their falsity, that he relied on

obviously unreliable sources, and that he made his

claims in accordance with a preconceived narrative

that he constructed for financial gain. Like Powell,

Lindell argues that Dominion has failed to allege

actual malice because he has “evidence” to support his

claims (and because he has never expressed doubt as to

their truthfulness). Lindell’s Mot. at 29–41. But the

majority of the evidence to which Lindell points is

outside of the Complaint, and the Court cannot rely on

this information at this time. See Menoken v. Dhillon,

975 F.3d 1, 8 (D.C. Cir. 2020) (“In considering claims

dismissed pursuant to Rule 12 (b)(6), we accept a

plaintiff’s factual allegations as true and draw all

reasonable inferences in a plaintiff’s favor. . . . [T]he

district court erred by relying on two documents

outside the complaint.”); Zimmerman, 246 F. Supp. 3d

App. 36

at 285 (rejecting defendants’ attempt to rebut the

complaint’s allegations of fact and denying defendants’

motion to dismiss defamation claim).

Dominion alleges that Lindell has stated, among

other things, that Dominion committed the “biggest

crime ever committed in election history against our

country and the world” and stole the 2020 election by

using an algorithm to flip and weight votes in its

machines; that Trump received so many votes that that

algorithm broke on election night; that Dominion’s

voting machines were “built to cheat” and “steal

elections”; that a fake spreadsheet with fake IP and

MAC addresses was “a cyber footprint from inside the

machines” proving that they were hacked; and that

Dominion’s plot was kept under wraps because the

government had not really investigated claims of

election fraud (due to then-Attorney General Bill Barr

becoming “corrupt” and having been “compromised”).

Lindell Compl. ¶¶ 103, 114, 165(e), 165(p), 165(x), 170.

As a preliminary matter, a reasonable juror could

conclude that the existence of a vast international

conspiracy that is ignored by the government but

proven by a spreadsheet on an internet blog is so

inherently improbable that only a reckless man would

believe it. See St. Amant, 390 U.S. at 732. But

Dominion also alleges other facts that make those

claims even more obviously improbable (or at least

indicate that a reasonable juror could conclude that

those claims are inherently improbable), including

(1) public statements by election security specialists,

Attorney General Barr, numerous government

agencies, and elected officials; (2) independent audits;

and (3) paper ballot recounts that disproved those

App. 37

claims. Lindell Compl. ¶¶ 2, 3, 33–34, 40, 71, 72, 92,

167. Dominion also alleges that Lindell was made

aware of that countervailing evidence in Dominion’s

retraction letters, id. ¶¶ 63, 69, but—instead of

reconsidering his claims in light of the mountain of

evidence against them—doubled down and “dare[d]

Dominion to sue [him],” id. ¶ 160. To be sure, a demand

letter that is ignored, without more, does not

demonstrate actual malice. Chandler v. Berlin, No. 18CV-02136 (APM), 2020 WL 5593905, at *4 (D.D.C.

Sept. 18, 2020); Parisi v. Sinclair, 774 F. Supp. 2d 310,

320 (D.D.C. 2011). But here, the Complaint rests on

much more than Lindell’s refusal to retract; it also

alleges that Lindell recklessly disregarded the truth by

relying on obviously problematic sources to support a

preconceived narrative he had crafted for his own

profit.

Moreover, Dominion alleges that the evidence on

which Lindell did rely contains glaring discrepancies

rendering it wholly unreliable. Lindell, like Powell,

relied on the “forensic expert” who had provided

“materially false information” in support of his claims

of vote manipulation and who had claimed that George

Soros, President George H.W. Bush’s father, the

Muslim Brotherhood, and “leftists” all had a role in

forming the Nazi “Deep State” in the 1930s. Lindell

Compl. ¶ 71. As for the spreadsheet Lindell tweeted as

“evidence” that “President Trump got around 79m

votes to 68m for Biden,” id. ¶¶ 75–76, Dominion alleges

that the spreadsheet is obviously fake. In particular,

the Complaint alleges that, although the spreadsheet

purports to list IP addresses for election hackers and

their targets, id., the listed “[t]arget” IP addresses are

App. 38

actually the addresses for the website of a county in a

swing state (not for a voting machine or device), id.

¶ 81. And according to Dominion, the MAC addresses

in the spreadsheet (which should identify the specific

devices involved in the purported hacks) are not even

MAC addresses that exist. Id. ¶¶ 83–89.

As for Lindell’s purported profit motive, Dominion

alleges that Lindell knew that appealing to Trump

supporters would be “good for business,” id. ¶ 22, and

that his true motive is apparent in the repeated tying

together of his election fraud claims and promotion of

MyPillow products. Like Powell, Lindell correctly notes

that allegations of a defendant’s ill will or profit

motive, without more, do not satisfy the actual malice

standard. See Harte-Hanks, 491 U.S. at 666–67. But

again, Dominion has alleged more: in addition to

alleging that Lindell’s claims are inherently

improbable, that his sources are unreliable, and that he

has failed to acknowledge the validity of countervailing

evidence, Dominion has alleged numerous instances in

which Lindell told audiences to purchase MyPillow

products after making his claims of election fraud and

providing MyPillow promotional codes related to those

theories. In totality, it has adequately alleged that

Lindell made his claims knowing that they were false

or with reckless disregard for the truth.13

13

MyPillow argues that Lindell’s statements cannot be imputed

to it. MyPillow’s Mot. at 29. But a corporation may be liable for an

executive’s conduct when the executive was acting within the scope

of his employment and in furtherance of the company’s business,

see Palin v. N.Y. Times Co., 940 F.3d 804, 815 (2d Cir. 2019)

(determining that a complaint stated a claim for defamation

against The New York Times where it alleged facts giving rise to

App. 39

C. Deceptive Trade Practices Claims

With respect to Dominion’s deceptive trade practices

claims, Powell and Lindell argue that Dominion fails to

state a claim under the relevant statutes, though for

different reasons.

Powell argues that she cannot be liable for deceptive

trade practices under Georgia law because Dominion

has not alleged that she was “engaged in trade and

commerce of goods.” Powell’s Mot. at 52. She points to

a single case in which the court granted summary

judgment to the defendant on a deceptive trade

practices claim when the defendant was engaged

“neither in the business of selling or distributing the

substances at issue, nor in the business of selling or

distributing products similar to those sold and

distributed by Plaintiffs.” Int’l Brominated Solvents

Ass’n v. Am. Conf. of Governmental Indus. Hygienists,

Inc., 625 F. Supp. 2d 1310, 1318 (M.D. Ga. 2008). But

the court reached that conclusion only after

distinguishing other cases in which the defendant had

a “financial interest” in the promulgation of its

statements, id.; when such an interest exists, there is

a plausible inference that the paper’s agents recklessly disregarded

the truth); Mangan v. Corp. Synergies Grp., Inc., 834 F. Supp. 2d

199, 202–04 (D.N.J. 2011) (deciding that a complaint stated a

claim for defamation against a corporation where CEO made

allegedly defamatory statements). Here, Dominion alleges that

Lindell repeatedly made his statements while being identified as

the CEO of MyPillow, Lindell Compl. ¶¶ 51, 70, 96, and at

MyPillow-sponsored rallies at which he furthered those claims, id.

¶¶ 35, 165, and that MyPillow accepted promotional codes

distributed during Lindell’s appearances that alluded to those

claims (e.g., “FightforTrump”), id. ¶ 67.

App. 40

no requirement that the defendant be engaged in the

trade and commerce of goods at issue, see Davita Inc. v.

Nephrology Assocs., P.C., 253 F. Supp. 2d 1370, 1380

(S.D. Ga. 2003) (permitting a deceptive trade practices

claim to proceed when plaintiffs pleaded that defendant

made false and misleading comments, statements

disparaged plaintiffs’ services and business, and

maliciousness was ascertainable from complaint).

Dominion, in contrast, has pleaded that Powell had a

financial interest in the promulgation of her

statements. See supra at 23.

Lindell, in turn, argues that Dominion’s deceptive

trade practices claim is merely an attempt to avoid the

requirements of the First Amendment. But Dominion

has satisfied those requirements, see supra at pp. 15

n.7, 24–26, and the Minnesota deceptive trade practices

statute expressly contemplates that conduct might be

actionable as both a common law tort and under the

statute by providing relief “in addition to remedies

otherwise available against the same conduct under

the common law,” Minn. Stat. § 325D.45(3). And

Lindell’s argument that only injunctive relief is

available under the Minnesota statute, Lindell’s Mot.

at 38, ignores that Dominion does seek injunctive relief,

Lindell Compl., Prayer for Relief.

D. Personal Jurisdiction

The Powell and Lindell Defendants also move to

dismiss the Complaints against them for lack of

personal jurisdiction.

A federal court has jurisdiction over a defendant

“who is subject to the jurisdiction of a court of general

App. 41

jurisdiction in the state where the district court is

located.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 4(k)(1)(A). If a District of

Columbia court could exercise jurisdiction over the

Defendants, then so can this Court. Trump v. Comm.

on Ways & Means, 415 F. Supp. 3d 98, 105 (D.D.C.

2019) (citing West v. Holder, 60 F. Supp. 3d 190, 193

(D.D.C. 2014)).

There are two types of personal jurisdiction:

“[1] general or all-purpose jurisdiction[] and [2] specific

or case-linked jurisdiction.” Goodyear Dunlop Tires

Operations, S.A. v. Brown, 564 U.S. 915, 919 (2011).

“For an individual, the paradigm forum for the exercise

of general jurisdiction is the individual’s domicile.”

Daimler AG v. Bauman, 571 U.S. 117, 137 (2014).

Specific jurisdiction, on the other hand, “aris[es] out of

or relate[s] to the defendant’s contacts with the forum.”

Id. at 127 (quoting Helicopteros Nacionales de

Colombia, S.A. v. Hall, 466 U.S. 408, 414 n.8 (1984)).

With respect to specific jurisdiction, the Court “must

engage in a two-part inquiry: . . . first examine whether

jurisdiction is applicable under the [D.C.] long-arm

statute and then determine whether a finding of

jurisdiction satisfies the constitutional requirements of

due process.” GTE New Media Servs. Inc. v. BellSouth

Corp., 199 F.3d 1343, 1347 (D.C. Cir. 2000) (citation

omitted). The D.C. long-arm statute authorizes specific

jurisdiction “over a person, who acts directly or by an

agent, as to a claim for relief arising from” certain

contacts that person may have with the forum. D.C.

Code § 13-423(a).

App. 42

As relevant here, a defendant’s contacts with the

District of Columbia can establish specific jurisdiction

if the claim arises from the defendant’s

(1) transacting any business in the District of

Columbia;

...

(3) causing tortious injury in the District of

Columbia by an act or omission in the District of

Columbia; [or]

(4) causing tortious injury in the District of

Columbia by an act or omission outside the

District of Columbia if he [i] regularly does or

solicits business, [ii] engages in any other

persistent course of conduct, or [iii] derives

substantial revenue from goods used or

consumed, or services rendered, in the District

of Columbia.

Id. “When jurisdiction over a person is based solely

upon this section, only a claim for relief arising from

acts enumerated in [subsection 13-423(a)] may be

asserted against him.” Id. § 13-423(b). A plaintiff bears

the burden of establishing personal jurisdictional over

each defendant. First Chi. Int’l v. United Exch. Co., 836

F.2d 1375, 1378 (D.C. Cir. 1988); Pinkett v. Dr.

Leonard’s Healthcare Corp., No. 18-1656, 2019 WL

1992904, at *2 (D.D.C. May 6, 2019) (“[T]he

requirements for personal jurisdiction ‘must be met as

to each defendant.’” (quoting Rush v. Savchuk, 444 U.S.

320, 332 (1980)).

App. 43

1. The Powell Defendants

Powell argues that her in-District conduct did not

include “business transactions” as contemplated by the

D.C. long-arm statute. Powell’s Mot. at 19.14 And, she

contends, even if her actions constituted business

transactions, they were not with Dominion, id. at 20,

directed at D.C. residents, id. at 20–21, or related to

Dominion’s claims for relief, id. at 21.

The D.C. long-arm statute certainly covers

“business transactions” in the everyday sense of

commercial deal-making activities like negotiating or

performing contracts. See, e.g., Helmer v. Doletskaya,

393 F.3d 201, 206–07 (D.C. Cir. 2004); Xie v. Sklover &

Co., 260 F.Supp.3d 30, 41 (D.D.C. 2017). But a

defendant also transacts business when advertising in

the District, see Shoppers Food Warehouse v. Moreno,

746 A.2d 320, 330–32 (D.C. 2000) (en banc), operating

an office in the District, see Wilson v. Wilson, 785 A.2d

647, 650 (D.C. 2001), representing an out-of-state client

before an in-District government entity, see Lex Tex

Ltd., Inc. v. Skillman, 579 A.2d 244, 249 (D.C. 1990)

(U.S. Patent and Trademark Office), or traveling to the

District for a business purpose when accompanied by

“some kind of ‘transaction’ in the traditional sense,” see

IMAPizza, LLC v. At Pizza Ltd., 334 F. Supp. 3d 95,

112 (D.D.C. 2018). As alleged by Dominion, Powell has

conducted in-District “business transactions”: her

14

“Section (a)(1)’s ‘transacting any business’ clause generally has

been interpreted to be coextensive with the Constitution’s due

process requirements and thus to merge into a single inquiry.”

GTE New Media Servs. Inc., 199 F.3d at 1347 (citing United States

v. Ferrara, 54 F.3d 825, 828 (D.C. Cir. 1995)).

App. 44

representation of Michael Flynn occurred here, and she

traveled to and rented hotel rooms here while filming

interviews in which she repeated her allegedly

defamatory statements. The long-arm statute does not

require that those business transactions were between

Powell and Dominion; it is enough that she has

“purposefully engaged in some type of commercial or

business-related activity directed at District residents,”

Trump v. Comm. on Ways & Means, 415 F. Supp. at

107 (citing Holder v. Haarmann & Reimer Corp., 779

A.2d 264, 270–71 (D.C. 2001)), and that there is a

“discernible relationship” between her contacts and

Dominion’s claims, IMAPizza, 334 F. Supp. 3d at 112

(quoting Jackson v. George, 146 A.3d 405, 412 (D.C.

2016)).15

As for the “tortious conduct” prongs of the long-arm

statute, Powell argues that none of her allegedly

tortious conduct resulted in Dominion suffering an

injury here. Powell’s Mot. at 21–22. But Dominion

alleges that it suffered reputational injury in the

District when Powell spoke here, including at the

Republican National Committee press conference,

15

Because Powell’s in-District conduct was also in her capacity as

an agent for her law firm and DTR, her District contacts can be

imputed to those Defendants and the personal jurisdictional

analysis is the same. D.C. Code § 13-423(a)(4) (authorizing

jurisdiction over a person, who acts directly or by an agent)

(emphasis added). In any event, DTR and Powell’s law firm had

their own contacts that constitute “transacting business” in this

District: both employed at least two employees here, both held out

office locations here, Powell’s law firm engaged in the

representation of Michael Flynn, and law firm attorneys listed a

D.C. address on their court filings.

App. 45

Powell Compl. ¶ 62, and in television appearances

filmed at the Trump International Hotel, id. ¶ 24. It is

certainly reasonable to infer that there is a reason

Powell regularly traveled here to make those

statements: This District is where elected officials—

some of whom have influence over decisions about

elections and government contracts—conduct their

business, and it is where Powell could avail herself of

audiences with President Trump and the Trump

campaign. Dominion—a voting machine provider—

certainly has an interest in maintaining its reputation

with the federal government and the state

governments that might be influenced by federal

employees, and it has alleged that Powell caused injury

to that reputation when she spoke to audiences here.16

2. The Lindell Defendants

Lindell, like Powell, argues that he neither

“transacted business” nor tortiously caused injury

within this District. Lindell’s Mot. at 47–49. But

Dominion alleges that that he traveled to the District

to appear at three MyPillow-sponsored rallies, Lindell

Compl. ¶¶ 51, 52, 55, 57, 165(a)–(b), 165(k), and touted

his relationship with President Trump to market his

products here (for example, during the 2017 White

House event in which Trump endorsed MyPillow and at

an August 2020 speech in the Rose Garden, id. ¶¶ 22,

23).

16

Personal jurisdiction under §13-423(a)(3) is proper under the

Due Process Clause when, as here, the defendant is physically

within the District when she took the alleged action. Wormley v.

United States, 601 F. Supp. 2d 27, 33 (D.D.C. 2009).

App. 46

Lindell argues that these contacts are insufficient

because any conduct underlying a tort claim cannot

count as “transact[ing] business” for purposes of the

D.C. long-arm statute. Lindell’s Mot. at 47. But Lindell

misconstrues the law: while tortious conduct by a

nonresident outside the District does not constitute

“transacting . . . business in the District,” IMAPizza,

334 F. Supp. 3d at 112, a person’s in-District conduct

can qualify as both tortious and “transacting business.”

Lindell’s argument that Dominion could not have

suffered injury in this District, Lindell’s Mot. at 47–48,

fares no better than Powell’s. Dominion alleges that it

suffered reputational injury here as a result of Lindell’s

in-District conduct, and again, there is a reason Lindell

regularly traveled here to appear at rallies and make

his claims: This District is where Lindell could target

influential D.C. audiences, including public officials

and institutions with significant roles in public

discourse about elections, and where Dominion alleges

it suffered injury to its reputation.17

V. Venue

Powell and Lindell’s final argument is that their

cases should be dismissed for improper venue or, in the

alternative, transferred to their home districts (for

17

Just as Powell’s contacts can be imputed to DTR and her law

firm, Lindell’s contacts can be imputed to MyPillow. D.C. Code

§ 13-423(a)(4) (authorizing jurisdiction over a person, who acts

directly or by an agent) (emphasis added). And MyPillow clearly

transacted business within this District by sponsoring several

rallies at which Lindell made at least three allegedly defamatory

appearances.

App. 47

Powell, the Northern District of Texas; for Lindell, the

District of Minnesota).

A. Legal Standard

“Courts in this circuit must examine challenges to

personal jurisdiction and venue carefully to guard

against the danger that a plaintiff might manufacture

venue in the District of Columbia.” Cameron v.

Thornburgh, 983 F.2d 253, 256 (D.C. Cir. 1993). Venue

is proper in the district where (1) any defendant

resides, if all defendants reside in the same state; (2) “a

substantial part” of the events giving rise to the suit

occurred; or (3) if venue would not be proper in any

district for those reasons, wherever the defendants are

subject to personal jurisdiction. 28 U.S.C. § 1391(b).

In considering a motion to dismiss for improper

venue, the Court must “accept[] the plaintiff’s well-pled

factual allegations regarding venue as true, draw[] all

reasonable inferences from those allegations in the

plaintiff’s favor, and resolve[] any factual conflicts in

the plaintiff’s favor.” Pendleton v. Mukasey, 552 F.

Supp. 2d 14, 17 (D.D.C. 2008) (quoting Darby v. U.S.

Dep’t of Energy, 231 F. Supp. 2d 274, 276–77 (D.D.C.

2002)). The plaintiff bears the burden of establishing

that venue is proper. Freeman v. Fallin, 254 F. Supp.

2d 52, 56 (D.D.C. 2003). But even when venue is

proper, a defendant may move to transfer the case “to

any other district . . . where it might have been

brought” “[f]or the convenience of the parties and

witnesses” and “in the interest of justice.” 28 U.S.C.

§ 1404(a). That decision is within the Court’s discretion

and requires “an ‘individualized, case-by-case

consideration of convenience and fairness.’” Stewart

App. 48

Org., Inc. v. Ricoh Corp., 487 U.S. 22, 29 (1988)

(quoting Van Dusen v. Barrack, 376 U.S. 612, 622

(1964)). “The moving party bears the initial burden of

establishing that transfer is proper.” Mandan, Hidatsa,

& Arikara Nation v. U.S. Dep’t of Interior, 358 F. Supp.

3d. 1, 6 (D.D.C. 2019).

B. Analysis

Powell and Lindell both argue that venue is

improper because “a substantial part” of the events

giving rise to the suits did not occur in this district,

presumably under a theory that more of the alleged

statements occurred while they were outside of the

District. But on a motion to dismiss for improper

venue, the question is not “which district is the ‘best’

venue” or which “has the most significant connection”;

it is “whether the district the plaintiff chose had a

substantial connection to the claim.” Exelon Generation

Co. v. Grumbles, 380 F. Supp. 3d 1, 11 (D.D.C. 2019)

(quoting Johns v. Newsmax Media, Inc., 887 F. Supp.

2d 90, 96 (D.D.C. 2012)). And Dominion has easily

alleged in-District conduct comprising “a substantial

part” of the events giving rise to its claims: this is

where Powell made numerous in-person and televised

appearances in which she voiced her claims to D.C.

audiences, where she rented hotel rooms and

represented Michael Flynn, and where Lindell touted

his relationship with President Trump and spoke at

several in-person rallies. Venue in this district is

proper.

App. 49

1. Transfer to the Northern District of Texas

To demonstrate that the case against her should be

transferred to the Northern District of Texas, Powell

must establish by a preponderance of the evidence that

(1) Dominion could properly have filed the case in that

court and (2) “considerations of convenience and the

interest of justice weigh in favor of transfer.” Brannen

v. Nat’l R.R. Passenger Corp., 403 F. Supp. 2d 89, 92

(D.D.C. 2005). Dominion does not dispute that it could

have filed the suit in Texas. After all, Powell is

domiciled there.18 Dominion instead focuses its

arguments on whether considerations of convenience

and justice support transfer. The Court first considers

six private interest factors: “(1) the plaintiff’s choice of

forum; (2) the [defendants’] choice of forum; (3) whether

the claim arose elsewhere; (4) the convenience of the

parties; (5) the convenience of the witnesses; and

(6) the ease of access to sources of proof.” Id. at 92–93.

It then turns to three public interest factors: “(1) the

transferee [court’s] familiarity with the governing laws;

(2) the relative congestion of the calendars of the

potential transferee and transferor courts; and (3) the

local interest in deciding local controversies at home.”

Id. at 95.

Powell correctly notes that, although the plaintiff’s

choice of forum is usually granted substantial weight,

it is given less deference when the plaintiff chooses a

foreign forum. Piper Aircraft Co. v. Reyno, 454 U.S.

235, 255–56 (1981). But even a plaintiff’s choice of a

18

Powell’s law firm is registered in Texas and DTR is a Texas

corporation. Powell Compl. ¶¶ 16, 21.

App. 50

foreign forum is entitled to some weight when there is

a nexus between that forum and the events giving rise

to the plaintiff’s claims. See Wilderness Soc. v. Babbitt,

104 F. Supp. 2d 10, 13 (D.D.C. 2000). Again, there is

such a nexus here: this is where Powell traveled to

meet with President Trump and the Trump campaign,

represented Michael Flynn, and spoke to in-person and

television audiences.

As for Powell’s choice of forum, her preference for

transfer to Texas is understandable. That is where she

lives, where her law firm is registered, and where DTR

is incorporated. Her preference is entitled to some

weight.

The next factor—where the claims arose—presents

a different challenge. It is difficult to pinpoint a single

location where the claims against Powell arose.

Powell’s in-District conduct certainly gave rise to a

portion of Dominion’s claims, but Powell’s out-ofDistrict conduct is also relevant; she made statements

that Dominion challenges here on several occasions

(and not always within the District) and filed her

election suits in other states. Ultimately, however,

Powell does not provide the Court with any conduct in

Texas that gave rise to Dominion’s claims, and so she

fails to demonstrate that transfer to that district is

warranted on that basis.

The Court next turns to which district is more

convenient to the Parties and witnesses, and which has

easier access to sources of proof. It is presumably more

convenient for Powell to litigate the case in her home

district, but this concern is somewhat mitigated by the

fact that Powell has demonstrated the ease with which

App. 51

she can travel—and engage in litigation—here. She has

routinely traveled here and engaged in legal

representation for clients in this district. Indeed, her

law firm has an office here. As for Dominion, it is

located in Colorado and Canada, Powell Compl. ¶¶ 12,

13, and it is not clear that the Northern District of

Texas is any more convenient than this district.

Regarding witnesses and evidence, Powell is a witness

located in Texas, as is Russell Ramsland (one of

Powell’s experts). Powell’s Mot. at 28. But again, it is

clear that Powell can easily travel to this courthouse,

and other witnesses and evidence are located here: this

is where Powell spoke at the Republican National

Committee press conference, where government and

campaign officials live and work, where some of

Powell’s television interviews were taped, and where

Powell’s attorneys represented Michael Flynn. This

factor weighs against transfer.

As for the relevant public interest considerations,

the Northern District of Texas is no more familiar with

the governing laws in this case and Powell has not

pointed to any related actions in her preferred forum.

There are, of course, related actions in this forum

(Dominion’s suits against Giuliani and Lindell). The

congestion of the relevant court calendars does not

weigh in either direction; while the median time

between filing and trial is faster in the Northern

District of Texas, the median time from filing to

App. 52

disposition is faster here.19 As for the district’s local

interest in deciding local controversies at home, Powell

has not proffered any “local interest” in the Northern

District of Texas. But there is certainly such an

interest in this district, where several of the events

underlying Dominion’s claims occurred. See Stewart v.

Azar, 308 F. Supp. 3d 239, 249 (D.D.C. 2018).

Powell has failed to demonstrate that private or

public interests counsel in favor of transfer to the

Northern District of Texas; she has certainly not done

so by a preponderance of the evidence. The Court

therefore declines to transfer the case against her.

2. Transfer to the District of Minnesota

Like Powell, Lindell argues that the case against

him should be transferred to his home district. The

Court therefore conducts a similar inquiry with respect

to that case and the interests of Minnesota.

Dominion does not dispute that it could have sued

Lindell in Minnesota; but it argues that considerations

of convenience and justice do not support transfer.20

Dominion’s choice of forum is entitled to some

weight because there is a nexus between the District

19

United States District Courts – National Judicial Caseload

Profile, U.S. Courts, https://www.uscourts.gov/sites/default/files/

data_tables/fcms_na_distprofile0930.2020.pdf (last visited Aug. 2,

2021).

20

As the Plaintiffs in the cases are identical, some of the analysis

is the same as that already conducted for Powell’s Motion. The

Court therefore limits its discussion to the ways in which the

inquiries differ.

App. 53

and the events giving rise to Dominion’s claims: this is

where Lindell appeared at White House events and

rallies. But Lindell’s choice of forum (in the place where

he and MyPillow are domiciled) is likewise entitled to

some weight.

The next factor—where the claims arose—provides

little guidance. As a preliminary matter, Lindell

equates the state whose law applies to the claim with

the place where that claim arose. But Dominion’s claim

arose where the claim accrued, not necessarily in the

state whose law applies. See, e.g., Ctr. for Envtl.

Science, Accuracy & Reliability v. Nat’l Park Serv., 75

F. Supp. 3d 353, 357–58 (D.D.C. 2014) (determining

that the claim arose where challenged activity

occurred). And Dominion has alleged that Lindell and

MyPillow acted in this district by sponsoring rallies

and making defamatory statements here. It is true that

some of the relevant decisions might have taken place

in Minnesota; that is presumably where MyPillow

executives made decisions about sponsoring rallies and

from where they issued MyPillow ads. But neither

Lindell nor MyPillow points to specific statements or

decisions made in Minnesota.

The remaining private factors (convenience to the

Parties and witnesses and ease of access to sources of

proof) do not point strongly in any direction, although

they might slightly support transfer. None of the

Parties is based in this district, and some MyPillow

witnesses are presumably located in Minnesota. But

evidence is located in both districts: evidence regarding

MyPillow decision-making will be based in Minnesota,

App. 54

while evidence relating to statements and conduct in

the District of Columbia will be located here.

As for the relevant public interest considerations,

while the District of Minnesota is more familiar with

the state law underlying Dominion’s deceptive trade

practices claim, see Brannen, 403 F. Supp. 2d at 95,

Lindell has failed to show that it will be any more

familiar with the law regarding the defamation claim

because (according to Lindell) that claim will largely

turn on constitutional questions and either federal

court is competent to decide the relevant federal issues,

see Preservation Soc. of Charleston v. U.S. Army Corps

of Eng’rs, 893 F. Supp. 2d 49, 57 (D.D.C. 2012). Lindell

urges the Court to conclude that MyPillow’s own

lawsuit (filed after the case against him here) counsels

in favor of transfer, but that ignores the first-filed rule,

see Holland v. ACL Transp. Servs., LLC, 815 F. Supp.

2d 46, 55 (D.D.C. 2011) (denying motion to transfer, in

part because “the longstanding first-filed rule militates

against transfer, as the first of these two cases was

filed here”), and the other two related lawsuits already

before this Court. The congestion of the relevant court

calendars does not weigh in either direction; while the

median time between filing and trial is faster in the

District of Minnesota, the median time from filing to

disposition is faster here.21 And as for the local interest

in deciding local controversies at home, Minnesota’s

interest in deciding controversies regarding the Lindell

21

United States District Courts – National Judicial Caseload

Profile, U.S. Courts, https://www.uscourts.gov/sites/default/files/

data_tables/fcms_na_distprofile0930.2020.pdf (last visited Aug. 2,

2021).

App. 55

Defendants is outweighed by this district’s interest in

controversies arising from events that occurred here.

See Stewart, 308 F. Supp. at 249.

Lindell has thus failed to demonstrate by a

preponderance of the evidence that transfer is

warranted, and the Court declines to transfer the case

against him.22

VI. Giuliani’s Rule 9 Motion

For his part, Giuliani moves to dismiss the

Complaint against him on very different grounds. See

generally Giuliani’s Mem. Supp. Defs.’ Mot. to Dismiss

(“Giuliani’s Mot.”), ECF No. 26-2. His Motion has three

parts: first, that Dominion is a corporation and

therefore may only recover lost profits; second, that lost

profits are special damages subject to Rule 9(g)’s

heightened pleading requirements (which Dominion

has failed to satisfy); and third, that each individual

corporate entity must plead its own damages amount

(instead of pleading damages as a group).

A. Individualized Pleading

It is easiest to start with Giuliani’s third argument,

which goes to the Court’s subject matter jurisdiction.

Giuliani argues that Dominion’s Complaint should be

dismissed under Rule 12(b)(1) because the three

22

Lindell and MyPillow also argue that they are entitled to

attorneys’ fees under the D.C. Anti-SLAPP Act. MyPillow’s Mot. at

26–27; Lindell’s Mot. at 58. But the special motion to dismiss

provision of that statute does not apply in federal court. Abbas v.

Foreign Policy Grp., 783 F.3d 1328, 1334, 1337 (D.C. Cir. 2015);

Tah, 991 F.3d at 239 (confirming that Abbas remains circuit law).

App. 56

corporate Plaintiffs have failed to plead distinct legal

injuries that are unique to each Plaintiff and therefore

fail to establish Article III standing.23

For a plaintiff to establish standing under Article

III, it must show (among other things) that it has

suffered an “injury in fact” that is concrete and

particularized. TransUnion LLC v. Ramirez, 141 S. Ct.

2190, 2203 (2021). A “particularized” injury is one that

affects the plaintiff in a personal and individual way.

Lujan v. Defs. of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560 n.1 (1992).

In cases premised on the court’s diversity jurisdiction,

the plaintiff must also satisfy the statute’s (1) complete

diversity and (2) amount in controversy (more than

$75,000) requirements. 28 U.S.C. § 1332. Giuliani does

not seriously dispute that the Plaintiffs have alleged an

injury in fact; nor does he argue that they have failed

to allege complete diversity; nor does he contend that

they have failed to plead over $75,000 in damages.

Instead, Giuliani argues that each Plaintiff must plead

that it suffered more than $75,000 in damages and that

all Plaintiffs have failed to do so because the Complaint

alleges damages amounts only with respect to

“Dominion” (which, for purposes of the Complaint,

collectively refers to all three corporate Plaintiffs).

23

Giuliani also asserts that the Court does not have prudential

standing under a “single business enterprise” theory of recovery.

Giuliani’s Mot. at 8–10. But Dominion does not assert such a

theory; instead, it pleads that each Plaintiff corporation has

suffered damages as a result of Giuliani’s alleged defamation to the

tune of “not less than $651,735,000.” Giuliani Compl., Prayer for

Relief.

App. 57

With respect to suits brought under §1332, “the sum

claimed by the plaintiff controls if the claim is

apparently made in good faith.” St. Paul Mercury

Indem. Co. v. Red Cab Co., 303 U.S. 283, 288 (1938)

(footnote omitted). For the Court to reject Dominion’s

alleged damages, “[i]t must appear to a legal certainty

that the claim is really for less than the jurisdictional

amount.” Id. at 289.

Affording to Dominion reasonable inferences from

its factual allegations, see Settles, 429 F.3d at 1106, the

Complaint alleges that each corporate entity was

independently exposed to “hatred and contempt,”

Giuliani Compl. ¶ 184, and suffered injuries in the

form of stalked and harassed employees, death threats,

expenses “to remedy the defamation and to protect the

lives of its employees,” lost profits, and damage to

reputation, id. ¶ 185. And again drawing reasonable

inferences in Plaintiffs’ favor, see Settles, 429 F.3d at

1106, each corporate entity has pleaded injuries

exceeding $75,000.

At the very least, Plaintiffs allege a total of

$651,735,000 in damages, which obviously means that

at least one Plaintiff allegedly suffered more than

$75,000 in damages. Giuliani Compl., Prayer for Relief.

Thus, even if two of the Dominion Plaintiffs had not

individually pleaded that they meet the amount-incontroversy requirement, the Court could exercise

supplemental jurisdiction over their claims. See Exxon

Mobil Corp. v. Allapattah Services, Inc., 545 U.S. 546,

549 (2005) (“[W]here the other elements of jurisdiction

are present and at least one named plaintiff in the

action satisfies the amount-in-controversy requirement,

App. 58

§ 1367 does authorize supplemental jurisdiction over

the claims of other plaintiffs in the same Article III

case or controversy, even if those claims are for less

than the jurisdictional amount specified in the statute

setting forth the requirements for diversity

jurisdiction.”).

B. Lost Profits

Giuliani also argues that Dominion is required to

(and has not) pleaded lost profits with the specificity

required by Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 9(g).

This argument rests on the premise that Dominion

is required to plead damages for its defamation claim.

Under D.C. law, defamation may be actionable as a

matter of law irrespective of actual harm (“defamation

per se”) or, if not, when the plaintiff pleads special

harm. Franklin v. Pepco Holdings, Inc. (PHI), 875 F.

Supp. 2d 66, 75 (D.D.C. 2012).24 There is no question

that Giuliani’s statements accusing Dominion of

election fraud constitute defamation per se; if Dominion

24

Giuliani argues that Dominion has pleaded that D.C. law applies

to its defamation claim. A better reading of the Complaint is that

Dominion alleges punitive damages may be available under D.C.

law. In any event, the choice-of-law issue is irrelevant at this stage

in the proceedings because New York and Colorado law—the two

other sources of law potentially applicable—also permit recovery

when a statement is per se defamatory or when the plaintiff has

pleaded special harm. Sharratt v. Hickey, 20 A.D.3d 734, 735(Ny.

App. Div. 2005) (“Plaintiffs in a defamation action must prove

special damages, meaning economic or financial loss, unless they

fit within an exception in which damages are presumed, i.e.,

defamation per se.”); Gordon v. Boyles, 99 P.3d 75, 79 (Colo. App.

2004) (“If a libelous communication is defamatory per se, damage

is presumed, and a plaintiff need not plead special damages.”).

App. 59

were an individual, damages would be presumed. See

Grossman v. Goemans, 631 F. Supp. 972, 974 (D.D.C.

1986) (noting that false allegations of criminal conduct

is actionable without proof of special damages).

But Giuliani contends that damages are not

presumed for corporate plaintiffs in the defamation per

se context. For this proposition, he relies on three

cases. The first is Martin-Marietta Corp. v. Evening

Star Newspaper, 417 F. Supp. 947 (D.D.C. 1976), in

which a corporate plaintiff had sued for libel (but not

libel per se) and the court contemplated the standard of

fault that should apply. In particular, Giuliani points

to Martin-Marietta’s explanation that

[t]he law of libel has long reflected the

distinction between corporate and human

plaintiffs by limiting corporate recovery to actual

damages in the form of lost profits. As stated by

a court in this district, “Although a corporation

may maintain an action for libel, it has no

personal reputation and may be libeled only by

imputation about its financial soundness or

business ethics.”

Id. at 955 (quoting Golden Palace, Inc. v. Nat’l

Broadcasting Co., 386 F. Supp. 107, 109 (D.D.C. 1974)).

While Martin-Marietta certainly stated in dicta that a

corporate plaintiff is limited to actual damages in the

defamation context, it did not address whether (let

alone hold that) such a plaintiff must plead damages if

it has alleged defamation per se. The other two cases on

which Giuliani relies are Court of Appeals opinions

citing Martin-Marietta, which similarly do not address

whether (let alone hold that) a corporate plaintiff must

App. 60

plead actual damages if it has alleged defamation per

se. Instead, those cases stand, at most, for the

proposition that a corporate plaintiff’s recovery is

measured in the form of economic loss (which is usually

lost profits). As the Court of Appeals put it:

Corporations are very different [from flesh-andblood humans]. To be sure, corporations may

derive substantial financial value from their

brands’ reputations. But that is precisely the

point: reputation is an asset that companies

cultivate, manage, and monetize. It is not a

quality integral to a company’s emotional wellbeing, and its diminution exacts no psychological

cost. This is why, for example, “[t]he law of libel

has long reflected the distinction between

corporate and human plaintiffs by limiting

corporate recovery to actual damages in the form

of lost profits.”

Kaspersky Lab, Inc. v. United States Dep’t of Homeland

Sec., 909 F.3d 446, 461–62 (D.C. Cir. 2018) (quoting

Martin-Marietta, 417 F. Supp. at 955).

The Court is not aware of any case requiring a

corporate plaintiff alleging defamation per se to plead

damages specially, and by its terms Rule 9(g) does not

include such a requirement. In any event, Dominion

has pleaded lost profits with the particularity required

by Rule 9(g). Under that rule, a defamation plaintiff

must set “forth the precise nature of [its] losses as well

as the way in which the special damages resulted from

the allegedly false publication.” Schoen v. Wash. Post,

246 F.2d 670, 672 (D.C. Cir. 1957). Here, Dominion

alleges that Giuliani made defamatory statements

App. 61

about its involvement in the 2020 election, that the

people who believed those statements made threats to

Dominion employees and board members, and that

those threats required Dominion to spend more than

$565,000 on private security to protect its employees.

Giuliani Compl. ¶ 126. Although Giuliani contends that

Dominion may satisfy Rule 9(g) only by “identifying

either particular customers whose business has been

lost or facts showing an established business and the

amount of sales before and after the disparaging

publication, along with evidence of causation,”

Browning v. Clinton, 292 F.3d 235, 245 (D.C. Cir.

2002), the cases he cites merely provide examples of

how a plaintiff may specifically state pecuniary harm

and demonstrate that those harms resulted from

defendant’s conduct. In its Complaint against Giuliani,

Dominion alleges that it suffered economic harm in the

form of additional expenses that it would not have

incurred if not for Giuliani’s alleged defamation, as

well as the loss of future contracts. See also Giuliani

Compl. ¶¶ 128 (noting that Dominion has incurred

$1,170,000 in expenses to mitigate harm to reputation

and business); id. ¶ 135 (projecting lost profits of $200

million over the next five years when reduced to

present value).25 Dominion has also alleged how those

25

At this stage in the proceedings, it is reasonable to infer that

Dominion’s lost future contracts include those in states that

currently contract with Dominion. See Giuliani Compl. ¶ 135

(“[T]he elected officials who are Dominion’s actual and potential

customers have received emails, letters, and calls from their

constituents demanding that they avoid contracting with Dominion

or using Dominion machines. As a result, elected officials, insurers,

and potential investors have been deterred from dealing with

Dominion, putting Dominion’s contracts in more than two dozen

App. 62

losses resulted from Giuliani’s defamatory statements.

Id. ¶¶ 106–32. The Complaint therefore alleges lost

profits with adequate specificity and survives Giuliani’s

Motion to Dismiss.

VII. Conclusion

For the foregoing reasons, the Court denies

Defendants’ Motions to Dismiss in full. An Order will

be entered contemporaneously with this Memorandum

Opinion.

DATE: August 11, 2021

/s/ Carl J. Nichols

CARL J. NICHOLS

United States District Judge

states and hundreds of counties and municipalities in jeopardy and

significantly hampering Dominion’s ability to win new contracts.”).

App. 63

APPENDIX C

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Civil Action No. 1:21-cv-00445 (CJN)

[Filed: August 11, 2021]

____________________________________

US DOMINION, INC., et al.,

)

)

Plaintiffs,

)

)

v.

)

)

MY PILLOW, INC., et al.,

)

)

Defendants.

)

____________________________________)

ORDER

For the reasons stated in the accompanying

Memorandum Opinion, it is hereby

ORDERED that Defendant My Pillow, Inc.’s

Motion to Dismiss, ECF No. 30, is DENIED; it is

further

ORDERED that Defendant Lindell’s Motion to

Dismiss, ECF No. 34, is DENIED.

DATE: August 11, 2021

App. 64

/s/ Carl J. Nichols

CARL J. NICHOLS

United States District Judge

App. 65

APPENDIX D

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

Civil Action No. 1:21-cv-0445 (CJN)

[Filed: March 1, 2022]

____________________________________

US DOMINION, INC., et al.,

)

)

Plaintiffs,

)

)

v.

)

)

MYPILLOW, INC., et al.,

)

)

Defendants.

)

____________________________________)

ORDER

US Dominion, Inc. and other related corporate

entities sued My Pillow, Inc. and Michael J. Lindell,

among others, on the grounds that those Defendants

defamed the Plaintiffs based on statements made in

connection with the 2020 presidential election. See

Memorandum Opinion, ECF No. 54. Defendants moved

to dismiss all of Dominion’s claims, see My Pillow, Inc.’s

Motion to Dismiss, ECF No. 30; see also Michael J.

Lindell’s Motion to Dismiss, ECF No. 34, and for the

reasons explained in the Court’s August 11, 2021

Memorandum Opinion, the Court denied those

App. 66

motions. See Order, ECF No. 53; see also Memorandum

Opinion, ECF No. 54. Days later, My Pillow moved to

modify the Court’s Order and its Memorandum

Opinion as well as to certify two questions for

interlocutory appeal. See Defs.’s Mot. to Modify and for

Interlocutory Appeal (“Defs.’s Mot.”), ECF No. 58.

Lindell joins My Pillow’s Motion. See Lindell’s Notice of

Joinder, ECF No. 77. The Court denies the Motion for

the reasons that follow.1

28 U.S.C. § 1292(b) authorizes a district court to

certify a nonfinal order for interlocutory appeal in

certain circumstances. The statute states in relevant

part that:

(b) When a district judge, in making in a civil

action an order not otherwise appealable under

this section, shall be of the opinion that such

order involves a controlling question of law as to

which there is substantial ground for difference

of opinion and that an immediate appeal from

the order may materially advance the ultimate

termination of the litigation, he shall so state in

writing in such order.

The party seeking certification must demonstrate that

the order “[1] involves a controlling question of law

1

Less than a month after the Court denied Defendants’ motion to

dismiss, and less than two weeks after Defendants filed the motion

to certify both questions for appeal, Defendants also filed a notice

of appeal from the same order. See Notice of Appeal, ECF No. 64.

The Court of Appeals has since dismissed the appeal and the

mandate has been returned to this Court. See Mandate Issued to

District Court in US Dominion, Inc., et al. v. My Pillow, Inc., et al.,

21- 7103 (March 1, 2022).

App. 67

[2] as to which there is substantial ground for

difference of opinion and that [3] an immediate appeal

from the order may materially advance the ultimate

termination of the litigation.” Citizens for Resp. &

Ethics in Washington v. Am. Action Network, 415 F.

Supp. 3d 143, 144–45 (D.D.C. 2019) (quotation

omitted); Swint v. Chambers Cty. Comm’n, 514 U.S. 35,

47 (1995) (unpacking the history of 28 U.S.C.

§ 1292(b)). All three criteria must be satisfied, see

Azima v. RAK Inv. Auth., 325 F. Supp. 3d 30, 34

(D.D.C. 2018), but even then, a court maintains the

discretion to decline certification because a piecemeal

appeal “undermines efficient judicial administration

and encroaches upon the prerogatives of district court

judges, who play a special role in managing ongoing

litigation,” Mohawk Indus., Inc. v. Carpenter, 558 U.S.

100, 106 (2009) (quotation omitted).

Defendants request that the Court modify its

August 11, 2021 Order and Memorandum Opinion to

include two questions for certification:

(1) “Whether a defamation complaint by a public

official against critics of its official conduct must

be dismissed at the pleading stage under New

York Times v. Sullivan if the complaint (a) fails

to allege any direct evidence of a statement or

act that the defendant knew was false, and

(b) relies only on circumstantial inferences to

prove reckless disregard; and

(2) whether, under New York Times v. Sullivan,

a court may deny a motion to dismiss a

defamation complaint by a public official against

critics of its official conduct without taking

App. 68

judicial notice of material establishing a robust

public debate on the issues set forth in the

complaint.” Defs.’s Mot. at 5.

The Court declines to certify both questions.

As to the first, My Pillow has not demonstrated that

there is a substantial ground for difference of opinion

regarding whether a public official must proffer “direct”

evidence, and not rely just on circumstantial evidence,

in seeking to prove that a speaker acted with actual

malice. The request to impose a higher burden of proof

on public-official plaintiffs—such that direct evidence

is necessary and circumstantial evidence alone is

insufficient to plausibly allege actual malice—runs

headfirst into binding precedent. It is well established

that circumstantial evidence can prove a defendant’s

state of mind in the defamation context, see Herbert v.

Lando, 441 U.S. 153, 165 (1979); Jankovic v. Int’l Crisis

Grp., 822 F.3d 576, 589 (D.C. Cir. 2016) (quotation

omitted) (“The plaintiff can prove the defendant’s

subjective state of mind through the cumulation of

circumstantial evidence, as well as through direct

evidence.”), and Defendants have not pointed to (and

the Court is not otherwise aware of) a decision

suggesting that a different rule applies where the

plaintiff is a public official. Indeed, the cases are legion

in which public-official plaintiffs have been permitted

to pursue claims of malice based on circumstantial

evidence. See, e.g., Tah v. Glob. Witness Publ’g, Inc.,

413 F. Supp. 3d 1, 12 (D.D.C. 2019), aff’d, 991 F.3d 231

(D.C. Cir. 2021); Fairfax v. CBS Corp., 2 F.4th 286, 293

(4th Cir. 2021).

App. 69

The Court declines to certify the first question for

an additional reason: it does not involve a “controlling”

question of law. See Judicial Watch, Inc. v. Nat’l

Energy Policy Dev. Group, 233 F. Supp. 2d 16, 19

(D.D.C. 2002) (quotation omitted) (“[A] controlling

question of law is one that would require reversal if

decided incorrectly or that could materially affect the

course of litigation with resulting savings of the court’s

or the parties’ resources.”). The Court assumed without

deciding that Dominion is a public official, and even if

the rule proposed by My Pillow were adopted for

certain public officials, it is not clear that it would

apply here. Moreover, Dominion relies on exhibits that

may in fact establish direct evidence of knowledge of

falsity or reckless disregard of the truth. See Pls.’s

Mem. in Opp’n, ECF No. 72 at 12. All of this means

litigation would continue apace even in the unlikely

event the Court of Appeals resolved the first question

in the Defendants’ favor.

As to the second question, My Pillow has not made

a serious argument that a court is required, at the

motion to dismiss stage in a defamation case, to

consider and weigh factual materials outside the

pleadings and relied on by the defendant. That is

obviously not the way it typically works, see Menoken

v. Dhillon, 975 F.3d 1, 8 (D.C. Cir. 2020) (concluding

that at the motion to dismiss stage, “the district court

erred by relying on two documents outside the

complaint”), and My Pillow has not pointed to (and

again the Court is not aware of) any decision

suggesting that a different rule should apply in the

defamation context.

App. 70

Nor does this second question necessarily involve a

controlling question of law. Defendants presume that

had the Court taken judicial notice of certain exhibits,

the Court would have arrived at a different outcome

because the allegedly defamatory statements would

have been deemed plausible, see Defs.’s Mot. at 7, and

thus, as a matter of law, Dominion could not prove

knowledge of falsity or reckless disregard for the truth.

But that is certainly not an obvious conclusion, and the

Court will reserve “weighing and considering the facts

relied upon by each party” until the summary judgment

stage. In re Domestic Airline Travel Antitrust Litig.,

221 F. Supp. 3d 46, 71–72 (D.D.C. 2016).

One last note. Even if the Court concluded that

Defendants satisfied all three prongs on both questions

(which they have not), the Court would exercise its

discretion and decline to certify under 28 U.S.C.

§ 1292(b) either question for interlocutory appeal. See

Ryan, Beck & Co., LLC v. Fakih, 275 F. Supp. 2d 393,

396 (E.D.N.Y. 2003) (quotation omitted) (noting that

“district court judges retain unfettered discretion to

deny certification of an order for interlocutory appeal

even where the three legislative criteria of § 1292(b)

appear to be met”); Villarreal v. Caremark LLC, 85 F.

Supp. 3d 1063, 1068 (D. Ariz. 2015). It is for good

reason that “interlocutory appeals are rarely allowed.”

Nat’l Cmty. Reinvestment Coal. v. Accredited Home

Lenders Holding Co., 597 F. Supp. 2d 120, 122 (D.D.C.

2009) (quotation omitted). Only “exceptional

circumstances justify a departure from the basic policy

of postponing appellate review until after the entry of

final judgment.” Id. (quotation omitted). The questions

raised for certification here are far from exceptional.

App. 71

Plus, additional fact development would aid in the

resolution of the fact-based nature of the proposed

certification questions.

In conclusion, and upon review of Defendants’

Motion for an Interlocutory Appeal under 28 U.S.C.

§ 1292(b), ECF No. 58, it is ORDERED that

Defendants’ Motion is DENIED.

It is so ORDERED.

DATE: March 1, 2022

/s/ Carl J. Nichols

CARL J. NICHOLS

United States District Judge

This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

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