Amicus Curiae Brief — Cedar Point Nursery, et al., Petitioners v. Victoria Hassid, et al.
Supreme Court briefFeb 12, 2021
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NO. 20-107
In the Supreme Court of the United States
CEDAR POINT NURSERY AND FOWLER PACKING
COMPANY, INC., Petitioners,
v.
VICTORIA HASSID, IN HER OFFICIAL CAPACITY AS CHAIR
OF THE CALIFORNIA AGRICULTURAL LABOR RELATIONS
BOARD, ET AL., Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of
Appeals for the Ninth Circuit
BRIEF OF LEGAL HISTORIANS AS AMICI
CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS
BETHANY R. BERGER
University of Connecticut
School of Law
65 Elizabeth Street
Hartford, CT 06105
Bethany.Berger@uconn.edu
February 12, 2021
KATHARINE M. MAPES *
GWENDOLYN A. HICKS
*Counsel of Record
Spiegel & McDiarmid LLP
1875 Eye Street., NW,
Suite 700
Washington, DC 20006
(202) 879-4000
Katharine.Mapes@spiegelmcd.com
TABLE OF CONTENTS
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................ iii
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE ......................... 1
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT ...................... 1
ARGUMENT ......................................................... 5
I. ENGLISH COMMON LAW RECOGNIZED
MANY RIGHTS TO ENTER PRIVATE
LANDS; AMERICAN COMMON AND
STATUTORY LAW EMBRACED THESE
RIGHTS. .......................................................... 5
A. English Law Recognized Many “Rights of
Commons” in Villagers and Long-Users. ... 6
B. English Law Often Recognized “Ways” to
Cross Over Private Lands. ......................... 7
C. English and American Law Recognized
Robust Public Rights to Enter Submerged
Private Lands. ............................................ 7
D. English and American Law Forbade
Innkeepers and Other Public Callings from
Excluding Customers without Reasonable
Cause. ....................................................... 11
II. AMERICAN LAW HAS FREQUENTLY
RECOGNIZED RIGHTS TO ENTER THAT
WENT BEYOND SUCH RIGHTS IN
ENGLISH COMMON LAW........................... 13
A. State and Colonial Law Did Not Authorize
a Broad Action for Trespass Against
Unconsented Entries to Land. ................. 13
B. The Public Had Free Rights to Hunt and
Graze on Unfenced Land. ......................... 17
C. Early Statutes Often Authorized Entry for
Those Engaged in Public Purposes. ......... 22
ii
D. The Airspace Servitude is a Modern
Modification of the Right to Exclude to
Serve Societal Needs. ............................... 24
III.LATER LIMITATIONS ON THE RIGHT TO
ENTER WERE OFTEN NOT TRIUMPHS OF
INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS. ................................ 26
CONCLUSION .................................................... 31
LIST OF AMICI CURIAE ................................. A-1
iii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
FEDERAL CASES
Page(s)
Bell v. Maryland,
378 U.S. 226 (1964) ................................ 12
Block v. Hirsh,
256 U.S. 135 (1921) .................................. 4
Bonaparte v. Camden & A.R. Co.,
3 F. Cas. 821 (C.C.N.J. 1830) ................ 23
Brown v. Board of Education,
347 U.S. 483 (1954) ................................ 27
Buford v. Houtz,
133 U.S. 320 (1890) ................................ 20
Folgueras v. Hassle,
331 F. Supp. 615 (W.D. Mich. 1971) ...... 30
Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States,
379 U.S. 241 (1964) .......................... 12, 28
Home Bldg. & Loan Ass’n v. Blaisdell,
290 U.S. 398 (1934) .................................. 5
Klemic v. Dominion Transmission, Inc.,
138 F. Supp. 3d 673
(W.D. Va. 2015) ................................. 23-24
Leffingwell v. Warren,
67 U.S. 599 (1862) .................................. 16
Martin v. Waddell’s Lessee,
41 U.S. 367 (1842) .................................. 10
McKee v. Gratz,
260 U.S. 127 (1922) .....................18, 19, 22
iv
Pa. Coal Co. v. Mahon,
260 U.S. 393 (1922) ................................ 18
Penn. Cent. Transp. Co. v. City of New York,
438 U.S. 104 (1978) .................................. 4
Percy Summer Club v. Astle,
145 F. 53 (C.C.D.N.H. 1906) ............ 10, 11
Pruneyard Shopping Ctr. v. Robbins,
447 U.S. 74 (1980) .................................... 1
Pumpelly v. Green Bay Co.,
80 U.S. 166(1871)..................................... 5
United States v. Causby,
328 U.S. 256 (1946) ................... 3, 4, 13, 25
Yee v. City of Escondido,
503 U.S. 519 (1992) .................................. 4
STATE CASES
Bowlin v. Lyon,
25 N.W. 766 (Iowa 1885) ....................... 27
Cabot v. Thomas,
514 A.2d 1034 (Vt. 1986) ....................... 18
Campbell v. Race,
61 Mass. 408 (1851) ................................. 6
Carson v. Blazer,
2 Binn. 475 (Pa. 1810) ........................... 10
Cushman v. Smith,
34 Me. 247 (1852)................................... 23
In re Catalano,
623 P.2d 228 (Cal. 1981) ........................ 30
v
Kerwhaker v. Cleveland, Columbus & Cincinnati
R.R. Co.,
3 Ohio St. 172 (1854) ............................. 20
Lay v. King,
5 Day 72 (Conn. 1811) ........................... 10
Macon & W. R.R. Co. v. Lester,
30 Ga. 911 (1860) ................................... 21
Markham v. Brown,
8 N.H. 523 (1837) ................................... 12
McConico v. Singleton,
9 S.C.L. (2 Mill) 244 (1818) .................... 18
McCrea v. Marsh,
78 Mass. (12 Gray) 211 (1858) ............... 27
Nashville & Chattanooga R.R. Co. v. Peacock,
25 Ala. 229 (1854) .................................. 21
Proctor v. Adams,
113 Mass. 376 (1873) ............................... 6
State v. DeCoster,
653 A.2d 891 (Me. 1995) ........................ 30
State v. Shack,
277 A.2d 369 (N.J. 1971) ....................... 30
Studwell v. Ritch,
14 Conn. 292 (1841) ......................... 15, 19
Vicksburg & Jackson R.R. Co. v. Patton,
31 Miss. 156 (1856) ................................ 21
Wills v. Walters,
68 Ky. 351 (1869) ................................... 20
Winslow v. Gifford,
60 Mass. (6 Cush) 327 (1850) ................ 23
vi
STATE CONSTITUTIONS
Pa. Const. § 43 (1776) ....................................... 17
Vt. Const. ch. 2,
§ 39 (1777) .......................................... 9, 17
§ 67 ..................................................... 9, 18
FEDERAL STATUTES
42 U.S.C. § 2000a ............................................. 28
49 U.S.C. § 40102(32) ....................................... 25
Air Commerce Act of 1926, ch. 341, § 10, 44
Stat. 568, 574 (1926) .............................. 25
Civil Rights Act of 1875, ch. 114, 18
Stat. 335 (1875) ...................................... 26
STATE STATUTES
15 Del. Laws 322 (1975) ................................... 27
1815 N.H. Laws 428 ......................................... 23
1850 Cal. Stat. 344 ........................................... 16
1956 Miss. Laws 307-08 .................................. 28
2005 Ark. Acts 423 ........................................... 28
Act of Apr. 15, 1782, ch. 481, § 5 (§ 7 P.L.), reprinted
in 10 Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania from
1682 to 1801
(Mitchell & Flanders 1904) ................... 23
Ariz. Code ch. 35, §§ 4-10 (Howell 1865) ......... 16
Ark. Code Ann. § 4-70-101 ............................... 28
Conn. Rev. Stat. § 139 (1849) ........................... 23
Del. Code Ann. tit. 24, § 1501 .......................... 27
Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 8, § 4 (1823) ............... 22-23
Miss. Code Ann. § 97-23-17 .............................. 28
Mont. Rev. Stats. div. 1, ch. 2, §§ 29-36
(Boos 1881) ............................................. 16
vii
N.Y. Rev. Stat. ch. 17, art. 10, § 185(6)
(Duer 1846) ............................................ 23
Tenn. Code §§ 62-7-109, 62-7-110 .................... 27
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Acts and Laws of His Majesty’s Province of New
Hampshire, with Sundry Acts of Parliament
(1771) ..................................................... 19
Acts of Assembly, Now in Force, in the Colony of
Virginia (1752) ....................................... 20
Acts of the Second General Assembly of the
Northwest Territory, ch. 144, § 4 (1802),
reprinted in 1 The Statutes of Ohio and of the
Northwestern Territory, Adopted or Enacted
from 1788 to 1833 Inclusive
(Chase 1833) .......................................... 22
Anderson Hutchinson, Code of Mississippi: Being an
Analytical Compilation of the Public and
General Statutes of the Territory and State,
with Tabular References to the Local and
Private Acts, from 1798-1848
(1848) ..................................................... 16
Bethany R. Berger, It’s Not About the Fox: The
Untold History of Pierson v. Post,
55 Duke L. J. 1089 (2006) ........................ 6
Brian Sawers, Original Misunderstandings: The
Implications of Misreading History in Jones,
31 Ga. St. U. L. Rev. 471 (2015) ...... 14, 15
Brian Sawers, Property Law As Labor Control in the
Postbellum South, 33 Law & His. Rev. 351
(2015) ............................................... 17, 29
Carol M. Rose, Canons of Property Talk, or
Blackstone’s Anxiety, 108 Yale L.J. 601
viii
(1998) ....................................................... 5
Carol M. Rose, The Comedy of the Commons:
Custom, Commerce, and Inherently Public
Property, 53 U. Chi. L. Rev. 711
(1986) ................................................... 7, 8
Civil Aeronautics: Legislative History of the Air
Commerce Act of 1926 Approved May 20, 1926
Together with Miscellaneous Legal Materials
Relating to Civil Air Navigation
(1941) ..................................................... 24
David B. Schorr, How Blackstone Became a
Blackstonian, 10 Theoretical Inquiries in L.
103 (2009)............................................... 14
David Thomas Konig, Law and Society in Puritan
Massachusetts: Essex County, 1629-1692
(1979) ..................................................... 26
Eric T. Freyfogle, On Private Property: Finding
Common Ground on Ownership of Land
(2007) ..........................................17, 19, 29
Harold J. Brouilette & Charles A. Reynard, Index
Digest of Acts of the 1954 Louisiana
Legislature, 15 La. L. Rev. 103
(1954) ..................................................... 28
Henry W. Ballantine, Title by Adverse Possession,
32 Harv. L Rev. 135 (1918) .................... 16
James Davis, Complete Revisal of All the Acts of
Assembly, of the Province of North-Carolina,
Now in Force and Use (1773) ................. 20
James Kent, Commentaries on American Law
(1827) ..................................................... 12
John A. Lovett, Progressive Property in Action: The
Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2003,
89 Neb. L. Rev. 739 (2011)....................... 7
ix
John Haywood, Statutes Laws of the State of
Tennessee of a Public and General Nature;
Revised and Digested (1831) .................. 16
Joseph Chitty, Treatise on the Game Laws and of
Fisheries (1812) ........................................ 8
Joseph William Singer, No Right to Exclude: Public
Accommodations and Private Property,
90 Nw. U. L. Rev. 1283 (1996) ............... 26
Kenneth M. Mack, Law, Society, Identity, and the
Making of the Jim Crow South: Travel and
Segregation of Tennessee Railroads, 1875
1905, 24 L. of Soc. Inquiry 377
(1999) ..................................................... 27
Lane v. Cotton [1701],
88 Eng. Rep. 1458 (PC) .......................... 11
Laws of Connecticut: An Exact Reprint of the
Original Edition of 1673 (1865)............. 19
Marc Galanter, Reading the Landscape of Disputes:
What We Don’t Know (and Think We Know)
About Our Allegedly Litigious Society,
31 UCLA L. Rev. 4 (1983) ...................... 15
Mark R. Signon, Hunting and Posting on Private
Land in America,
54 Duke L.J. 549 (2004) ......................... 18
Matthew Hale, A Treatise de Juris Maris et
Brachorium Ejusdem, reprinted in Stuart
Moore, A History of the Foreshore and the
Law Relating Thereto (1888) Moore, A
History of the Foreshore and the Law
Relating Thereto (1888) ........................... 8
Restatement (Second) of Torts, ch. 8, topic 2
intro. note & §§ 191-211
(Am. L. Inst. 1965) .................................. 4
x
Samuel Neville, Acts of the General Assembly of the
Province of New-Jersey, from the Time of the
Surrender of the Government in the Second
Year o the Reign of Queen Anne, to This
Present Time (1752) ............................... 19
Stuart Banner, Who Owns the Sky: The Struggle to
Control Airspace from the Wright Brothers On
(2008) ..................................................... 24
The Book of the General Lavves and Libertyes
Concerning the Inhabitants of the
Massachusets Collected out of the Records of
the General Court, for the Several Years
Wherin They Were Made and Established, and
Now Revised by the Same Court, and Disposed
into an Alphabetical Order, and Published by
the Same Authority in the General Court
Holden at Boston, in May 1649, reprinted in
The Colonial Laws of Massachusetts,
Reprinted from the Edition of 1660, with the
Supplements to 1672, Containing Also, the
Body of Liberties of 1641 (William H.
Whitmore ed. 1889) (1660) ................. 9, 17
The Code of Tennessee: Being a Compilation of the
Statute Laws of the State of Tennessee, of a
General Nature, in Force June 1, 1884
(1884) ..................................................... 27
The Dispossall of the Vessell (1639), reprinted in First
Book of Records of the Town of Southampton
(John H. Hunt ed. 1874) .......................... 9
Thomas W. Merrill, Property and the Right to
Exclude, 77 Neb. L. Rev. 730 (1998) .... 4, 5
William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of
England in Four Books
xi
(Liberty Fund, Inc. 2011)
(1753) ........................ 5, 6, 7, 12, 16, 18, 24
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE 1
The undersigned are law professors who
research and write in legal history.
We are
concerned that advocates in the past have presented
this Court with a misleading account of early English
and American property law. We write to provide the
Court with a more complete history of the rights to
exclude and enter private land.
SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT
An absolute right to exclude has never existed
in Anglo-American law. Early American law and its
English precedents authorized the public and
governmental officials to enter private property for
multiple purposes. These non-trespassory entries
are not limited to those that might incur public
harms but reflect a general sense of societal
interests. When owners challenged these measures,
courts repeatedly held that they were neither
trespasses
nor
violations
of
constitutional
guarantees.
To hold that California’s narrowly
tailored statute to protect farmworker rights is a
taking would both violate this Court’s precedent and
“freeze the common law” of trespass in violation of
the Anglo-American tradition. Pruneyard Shopping
Ctr. v. Robbins, 447 U.S. 74, 93 (1980) (Marshall, J.,
concurring).
English common law recognized a wide variety
of situations in which individuals, the public, or local
1 A list of amici curiae is provided in the Appendix. No counsel
for a party authored this brief in whole or in part, and no
person other than amici and their counsel made a monetary
contribution to this brief’s preparation and submission. The
parties have consented in writing to the filing of this brief.
2
communities, could enter private property without
the consent of the landowner. Rights to graze
livestock existed in villagers as a matter of
“universal right” and in others by long use. Ways—
public or community rights to cross private land—
were customary, and England and Scotland have
protected and extended them by statute in the
twentieth century.
English common law also
guaranteed public rights to enter private lands under
navigable waters up to the high tide line to fish and
to boat. The right of the public to enter property of
inns and other common carriers was so strong that
individuals could bring an action of trespass against
owners who unreasonably excluded them. All of
these rights were recognized, enforced, and
sometimes expanded by early American common and
statutory law.
From the beginning, moreover, American
common and statutory law created a strong tradition
of rights to enter that did not exist under English
common law. See also Resp’ts’ Br. at 31-32. Courts
recognized that these rights went beyond English
common law, but affirmed them as protections of
American interests and American freedom.
Eighteenth century American statutes provided a
cause of action for trespass to land only against those
who committed a particular injury to property, and
state statutes of limitations for trespass were also
often far shorter than those in England. Until well
into the nineteenth century, the public could enter
unenclosed lands to hunt and graze their animals.
The right to graze was so strong in many southern
states that landowners were liable for injuries to
livestock who wandered onto their unfenced land.
3
Early statutes also authorized entry to land for
inspections, surveys, and other public purposes. In
the early twentieth century, American law
recognized an entirely new right to enter,
authorizing planes to fly over private owners’ lands
despite the common law maxim that landowners’
rights existed ad coelom et ad infernos. This Court
approved this change in United States v. Causby,
holding that such entries “are not a taking, unless
they are so low and so frequent as to be a direct and
immediate interference with the enjoyment and use
of the land.” 328 U.S. 256, 266 (1946).
More recent limitations on the right to enter
were rarely triumphs for individual freedom. Some
nineteenth century limitations simply reflected a
changing sense of societal and economic interests.
But others deliberately increased rights of the more
powerful over the less powerful. Famously, the
enclosure of the commons in England displaced the
common people in favor of wealthy landowners,
leading to great poverty and political resistance. In
the United States, many states granted businesses
rights to deny service to anyone to allow them to
exclude African Americans. In a strand of this
history particularly relevant to a case involving
workers’ rights, several southern states prevented
hunting and grazing on unfenced land after the Civil
War to prevent free African Americans from
supporting themselves, thereby giving plantation
owners more power to control their labor.
Although some of the history presented in this
brief is not well known outside the academy, modern
law reflects this tradition of temporary entries to
private property in the public interest.
The
4
Restatement (Second) on Torts, for example,
recognizes twenty different “Privileges [to enter land]
Arising Irrespective of Any Transaction between the
Parties,” noting that these were only “the more usual
privileges to enter land in the possession of another,”
and “not intended to be exclusive.” Restatement
(Second) of Torts, ch. 8, topic 2, intro. note & §§ 191211 (Am. L. Inst. 1965). Indeed, Professor Thomas
Merrill, much cited for his thesis that the right to
exclude is the “sine qua non” of property, emphasizes
that he does not argue that the right to exclude must
be “unqualified,” recognizing instead that all
property is characterized by “different types and
degrees of exclusion rights.” Thomas W. Merrill,
Property and the Right to Exclude, 77 Neb. L. Rev.
730, 753 (1998).
This Court’s precedents do the same. They
acknowledge that a taking “may more readily be
found when the interference with property can be
characterized as a physical invasion by government,”
Penn. Cent. Transp. Co. v. City of New York, 438 U.S.
104, 124 (1978), and that invasions are takings if
they cause “substantial” harm, Causby, 328 U.S. at
266, or “serious interruption to the common and
necessary use of property,” Pumpelly v. Green Bay
Co., 80 U.S. 166, 179 (1871).
But temporary
invasions to protect the interests of those whom
owners have invited onto land are not takings so long
as the owners retain a reasonable return on their
investment. Yee v. City of Escondido, 503 U.S. 519,
528-29 (1992) (upholding rent control statute
although renters of mobile home lots could transfer
right to occupy to strangers); Block v. Hirsh, 256 U.S.
135, 157-58 (1921) (upholding a temporary
5
restriction on the landlord’s power to evict); Home
Bldg. & Loan Ass’n v. Blaisdell, 290 U.S. 398 (1934)
(holding a Minnesota statute delaying eviction of
foreclosed borrowers constitutional).
The arguments of Petitioners and their amici,
in other words, are contrary to the American legal
tradition. They ignore the traditions of the common
law both historically and today, which make limited
rights to enter and exclude in the public interest part
of the definition of property itself. Accepting their
claims would enshrine in the Constitution an
understanding of property that would have been
wholly foreign to its drafters. If Petitioners seek an
absolute right to exclude, they must look for it
somewhere other than our common legal heritage.
ARGUMENT
I. ENGLISH COMMON LAW RECOGNIZED
MANY RIGHTS TO ENTER PRIVATE
LANDS; AMERICAN COMMON AND
STATUTORY LAW EMBRACED THESE
RIGHTS.
English common law recognized many rights
to enter private lands without permission. Scholars
agree that those believing that Blackstonian
property is about “sole and despotic dominion” and
“total
exclusion,”
1
William
Blackstone,
Commentaries on the Laws of England in Four Books
304 (Liberty Fund, Inc. 2011) (1753), “have not read
much Blackstone.”
Carol M. Rose, Canons of
Property Talk, or Blackstone’s Anxiety, 108 Yale L.J.
602, 601 (1998); see also Merrill, supra, at 753
(agreeing that “there is no question but that
[Blackstone’s] statement is hyperbolic”). Readers
6
who continue past Blackstone’s introductory
rhetorical flourish will find hundreds of pages of
rights to enter the lands of others. These include
rights to enter land to graze animals, fish, or simply
crossover, and obligations by public callings to serve
all customers.
Early American law adopted many of these
rights, often extending them past their English
origins. While some rights emerged from immediate
necessity, see, e.g., Proctor v. Adams, 113 Mass. 376
(1873); Campbell v. Race, 61 Mass. 408, 412 (1851),
most did not. Rather, the law at the time of the
Founders recognized multiple rights to enter when it
served the public interest.
A. English Law Recognized Many “Rights of
Commons” in Villagers and Long-Users.
Rights of commons were a key feature of early
English property law. 1 Blackstone, supra, at 32223. Farmers could graze livestock on private waste or
fallow lands in a village as “a matter of most
universal right.” Id. at 322. The right did not arise
from grant, but existed “for the encouragement of
agriculture” and the “necessity of the thing.” Id. The
same public interest might lead to commons of
piscary (fishing), turbary (digging peats), and estover
(collecting wood). Id. at 322-23. Such commons
might also arise from “immemorial usage and
prescription.” Id. at 322. New England colonists
continued this tradition, planning their communities
around commons with rights in all proprietors of the
town. See Bethany R. Berger, It’s Not About the Fox:
The Untold History of Pierson v. Post, 55 Duke L.J.
1089, 1110-15 (2006). As discussed in section II,
American law also extended these rights far beyond
7
their English common law origins, recognizing a
wealth of use rights in the entire public.
B. English Law Often Recognized “Ways” to
Cross Over Private Lands.
Blackstone also recognized the long English
tradition of rights to cross over private lands.
1 Blackstone, supra, at 323. These “ways” included
not only familiar rights on government highways and
private easements by grant, but also “common ways,
leading from a village into the fields,” and broad
ways by prescription based “immemorial []us[e].”
Id. at 323-24. American law was more grudging
toward public rights of way, but still provided several
means by which use of roads over private land might
ripen into public ownership. Carol M. Rose, The
Comedy of the Commons: Custom, Commerce, and
Inherently Public Property, 53 U. Chi. L. Rev. 711,
724-26 (1986). The United Kingdom has retained a
robust tradition of public ways over private land,
expanding them by statute in recent decades. See
John A. Lovett, Progressive Property in Action: The
Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2003, 89 Neb. L. Rev.
739, 769-77 (2011) (discussing the National Parks
and Access to the Countryside Act of 1949 and
Countryside and Rights of Way Act of 2000 in
England, and the Land Reform (Scotland) Act of
2000).
C. English and American Law Recognized
Robust Public Rights to Enter
Submerged Private Lands.
English common law recognized even broader
public rights to enter private submerged and tidal
lands. In the 1660s, Sir Matthew Hale declared in
his celebrated De Jure Maris that “the common
8
people of England have regularly a liberty of fishing
in the seas or creeks or arms thereof, as a publick
common of piscary, and may not without injury to
their right be restrained of it.” Matthew Hale, A
Treatise de Juris Maris et Brachorium Ejusdem,
reprinted in Stuart Moore, A History of the Foreshore
and the Law Relating Thereto 377 (1888). Although
submerged and tidal lands “may be a private man’s
freehold,
yet it is charged with a publick interest of the
people which may not be prejudiced or damnified.”
Id. at 404-05. A leading English treatise declared
that these rights were “of such great national
importance,” they inspired “numerous statutes for
the regulation and preservation of them” beginning
with the Magna Carta. 1 Joseph Chitty, Treatise on
the Game Laws and of Fisheries 245-46 (1812). Fish
weirs on private lands could be torn down as public
nuisances, and the public had a right to fish and dry
nets on the seashore. Id. at 244, 247. Although
English law occasionally permitted grants of an
exclusive fishery, landowners had the burden of
proving the grant, and even then could not deny
boats the right to dock on one’s banks without
evidence of abuse of the right. Id. at 269-75.
American law enthusiastically embraced and
even extended these rights. See Rose, The Comedy of
the Commons, supra, at 727. Massachusetts’
Liberties Common (1641-1647) provided that “no
town shall appropriate to any particular person or
persons, any great pond containing more than ten
acres of land, and . . . in all creeks, coves, and other
places, about and upon salt-water, where the sea
ebbs and flowes, the proprietor of the land adjoyning
9
shall have propriety to the low-water-mark . . .
Provided that such proprietor shall not by this
liberty, have power to stop or hinder the passage of
boates or other vessels, in or through any sea, creeks
or coves to other men’s houses or lands.” The Book of
the General Lavves and Libertyes Concerning the
Inhabitants of the Massachusets Collected out of the
Records of the General Court, for the Several Years
Wherin They Were Made and Established, and Now
Revised by the Same Court, and Disposed into an
Alphabetical Order, and Published by the Same
Authority in the General Court Holden at Boston, in
May 1649, at 50 (1660) (“Massachusetts’ Liberties
Common”), reprinted in The Colonial Laws of
Massachusetts, Reprinted from the Edition of 1660,
with the Supplements to 1672, Containing Also, the
Body of Liberties of 1641, at 170 (William H.
Whitmore ed. 1889). The founding documents of
Southampton, New York, similarly guaranteed that
“noe person . . . whatsoeuer shall challenge or claime
any proper Interest in seas, rivers, creekes, or brooks
howsoeuer bounding or passing through his grouude
but ffreedom of fishing, fowling and nauigation shall
be common to all within the bankes of the said
waters whatsoeuer.” The Dispossall of the Vessell 4
(1639), reprinted in First Book of Records of the Town
of Southampton (John H. Hunt ed. 1874). Vermont
even enshrined in its original constitution the right
“to fish in all boatable and other waters (not private
property) under proper regulations.” Vt. Const. ch.
2, § 39 (1777) (now codified at Vt. Const. ch. 2, § 67).
With or without positive law on the issue,
early American courts also recognized these rights.
The Connecticut Supreme Court, for example,
10
declared these “public and common rights” were a
“title paramount to the title of the” landowner. Lay v.
King, 5 Day 72, 77 (Conn. 1811).
This Court
thoroughly examined the issue in Martin v.
Waddell’s
Lessee,
41 U.S. 367 (1842), holding that a grant of lands
under navigable waters from the Duke of York could
not prevent New Jersey from authorizing another’s
oyster bed there. “It would require very plain
language in these letters-patent,” the Court declared,
“to persuade us that the public and common right of
fishery in navigable waters, which has been so long
and so carefully guarded in England, and which was
preserved in every other colony founded on the
Atlantic borders, was intended, in this one instance,
to be taken away.” Id. at 414.
Some states went further than the English
common law, rejecting the principle that the
sovereign could grant an exclusive fishery, or even
the navigability limitation. In 1810, for example, the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court rejected the English
common law principle that riparian owners had an
exclusive fishery from the banks of freshwater rivers
unaffected by the tide. Carson v. Blazer, 2 Binn. 475,
477-78 (Pa. 1810). Declaring that “the uniform idea
has ever been, that only such parts of the common
law as were applicable to our local situation have
been received in this government,” the court denied a
landowner’s trespass claim against defendants
fishing from an island in the middle of the
Susquehanna River. Id. at 477-78, 483-84. New
Hampshire adopted a particularly expansive version
of fishing rights, as described in Percy Summer Club
v. Astle, 145 F. 53 (C.C.D.N.H. 1906). The court
11
declared that English laws permitting exclusive
fisheries in landowners “were regarded here as
oppressive,” and “contrary to the fundamental rules
of law, because, as the proprietor of the soil has only
the
usufruct
of
water . . . there would seem to be no reason for
excluding the rest of the community therefrom so
long as it can share without trespassing, whether by
passage through the forests or by canoes or boats up
the rivers and streams.” Id. at 63. This distinctly
American history protected “the interest of the public
at large,” creating a “natural presumption . . . in
favor of free fishing and free fowling in the
nonnavigable rivers, ponds, and lakes in New
Hampshire, and in the forests so long as they remain
forests.” Id. at 64.
D. English and American Law Forbade
Innkeepers and Other Public Callings
from Excluding Customers without
Reasonable Cause.
If a business held itself out to serve the public,
individuals not only had a right to enter the
property, but could seek damages if the owner
excluded them. In 1701, Sir John Holt, Lord Chief
Justice of the King’s Bench opined that “where-ever
any subject takes upon himself a public trust for the
benefit of the rest of his fellow-subjects, he is eo ipso
bound to serve the subject . . . . If an inn-keeper
refuse to entertain a guest where his house is not
full, an action will lie against him . . . .” Lane v.
Cotton [1701], 88 Eng. Rep. 1458, 1464-65 (PC).
Blackstone adopted this view, writing that “if an innkeeper, or other victualler, hangs out a sign and
opens his house for travelers, it is an implied
12
engagement to entertain all persons who travel that
way; and . . . an action on the case will lie against
him for damages if he, without good reason refuses to
admit
a
traveler.”
2
Blackstone,
supra,
at 100.
Early American Law fully adopted this
principle. Chancellor James Kent explained that
common carriers “are bound to do what is required of
them in the course of their employment . . . and if
they refuse without some just ground, they are liable
to an action.” 2 James Kent, Commentaries on
American Law 464-65 (1827); see also id. at 445, 499
(including common carriers, innkeepers, farriers,
porters, and ferrymen in this rule). In an 1837 case,
moreover, the New Hampshire Supreme Court held
that an innkeeper could not exclude a stagecoach
driver for soliciting passengers in the public rooms.
Markham v. Brown, 8 N.H. 523 (1837). The court
declared “[t]here seems to be no good reason why the
landlord should have the power to discriminate in
such cases . . . any more than he has the right to
admit one traveller [sic] and exclude another, merely
because it is his pleasure.” Id. at 529-30. This Court
has also recognized this principle, noting that public
accommodations statutes “but codify the commonlaw innkeeper rule which long predated the
Thirteenth Amendment.” Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc.
v. United States, 379 U.S. 241, 261 (1964); Bell v.
Maryland,
378 U.S. 226, 255 (1964) (Douglas, J., concurring)
(opining that “the good old common law” enshrined
in the Fourteenth Amendment, included “[t]he duty
of common carriers to carry all, regardless of race,
creed, or color.”).
13
II. AMERICAN LAW HAS FREQUENTLY
RECOGNIZED RIGHTS TO ENTER THAT
WENT BEYOND SUCH RIGHTS IN
ENGLISH COMMON LAW.
Although Americans adopted much of English
common law, they insisted on their right to depart
from it to serve the needs of their new country.
Early trespass statutes provided no general right to
exclude, creating actions for trespass only for those
who committed specific harms on other’s land.
Statutes of limitations for trespass were often far
shorter than they were in England, allowing entries
of dubious legality to quickly ripen into full title. The
colonies and states, moreover, almost uniformly
recognized the rights of the public to enter unfenced
land to hunt and graze livestock. Statutes also
frequently authorized officials and others to enter
private property to carry out public purposes. The
advent of airflight led the United States to again
shape the common law to suit evolving societal
needs, creating a new concept of “navigable
airspace.” When the question came before the
Supreme Court in United States v. Causby, 328 U.S.
256 (1946), this Court followed the traditional path
of allowing temporary entry so long as it did not
cause substantial damage to use and enjoyment of
land. Id. at 266.
A. State and Colonial Law Did Not
Authorize a Broad Action for Trespass
Against Unconsented Entries to Land.
Although
most
states
today
broadly
criminalize unprivileged intentional entry to land by
statute, early American law reflects no such general
prohibition. Instead eighteenth-century American
14
law appears to have authorized trespass actions
only for activities believed particularly harmful to
the interests of the landowner or the public. See
Brian Sawers, Original Misunderstandings: The
Implications of Misreading History in Jones, 31 Ga.
St. U. L. Rev. 471 (2015). Although early cases and
treatises frequently invoke Blackstone to support
multiple rights to enter and use land owned by
others, American cases did not even quote
Blackstone’s “absolute dominion” language before
1837 and did so only three more times before 1900;
the classic treatises by Chancellor Kent and Justice
Story did not do so at all. David B. Schorr, How
Blackstone Became a Blackstonian, 10 Theoretical
Inquiries in L. 103, 120-22 (2009).
A study of the 409 reported cases using the
word “trespass” between 1701 and 1800 revealed
none arising from simple entry to land. Sawers,
Original Misunderstandings, supra, at 491-92. Most
reflect the old sense of trespass on the case as a
broad writ for torts, while others were disputes over
ownership of land. Id. The three cases that arose
from temporary entries all involved not only entering
land but also taking something of value, whether
mussels, timber, or honey. Id. Although one might
assume that these cases reflect only the tip of the
legal claims iceberg, individuals were far more
litigious in colonial America, with between eleven
and twenty-four percent of the population involved in
a lawsuit in any given year. Marc Galanter, Reading
the Landscape of Disputes: What We Don’t Know (and
Think We Know) About Our Allegedly Litigious
Society,
31
UCLA
L. Rev. 4, 41 (1983).
15
Eighteenth century trespass statutes also
reveal no general prohibitions on entering another’s
land. Early statutes only sanctioned those who stole
the owner’s property or otherwise caused a
particular harm after entry.
Sawers, Original
Misunderstandings, supra, at 499. Between 1723
and 1806, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Vermont,
Pennsylvania, and New York all enacted laws
declaring it a trespass to log on another’s land
without permission. Id. at 499-501. Other statutes
reflect more distinctive harms. New Hampshire, for
example, sought to restrain ‘“sundry evil minded
persons”’ by declaring it a trespass to settle on
unclaimed state lands in 1778, and made it a
trespass to enter a saltmarsh and remove flattsweed
without the landowner’s permission in 1794. Id. at
499-500 (quoting Act of Feb. 15, 1791, 1792 N.H.
Laws 261, 261). As discussed below, moreover, all
early American states enacted statutes providing
that it was a trespass for cattle to enter land with a
“good and sufficient fence.” See infra Section II.b.
These statutes declaring specific activities were
trespasses suggest that other entries were not. The
Connecticut Supreme Court, for example, adopted
this interpretation in Studwell v. Ritch, 14 Conn. 292
(1841), holding that its statutes providing that entry
by livestock into fenced lands was a trespass meant
that entry into unfenced land was not. Id. at 295.
A number of American states also enacted
statutes of limitations for trespass far shorter than
those provided in English law.
Statutes of
limitations for trespass are significant because
occupying land openly, exclusively, and without
permission for the limitations period gives rise to
16
ownership by adverse possession. See Leffingwell v.
Warren, 67 U.S. 599, 605 (1862) (“The lapse of the
time limited by such statutes not only bars the
remedy, but it extinguishes the right, and vests a
perfect title in the adverse holder”; creating remedies
beyond a state statute of limitations would “usurp
the function of another and a distinct governmental
department.”). Blackstone stated that fifty years
was the time limit for actions to recover possession of
land, 2 Blackstone, supra, at 113-14, although a
twenty-year limitation soon became the norm in
England. Henry W. Ballantine, Title by Adverse
Possession, 32 Harv. L Rev. 135, 138-39 (1918).
While some states adopted twenty-year limits, many
states, particularly on the frontier, adopted shorter
ones to facilitate resolution of claims. Tennessee and
Mississippi, for example, both prohibited suits for
recovery of land more than seven years after a cause
accrued. John Haywood, Statutes Laws of the State of
Tennessee of a Public and General Nature; Revised
and Digested 215-16 (1831); Anderson Hutchinson,
Code of Mississippi: Being an Analytical Compilation
of the Public and General Statutes of the Territory
and State, with Tabular References to the Local and
Private Acts, from 1798-1848, at 829 (1848).
California, Arizona, and Montana allowed only five
years to sue for trespass. 1850 Cal. Stat. 344, Ariz.
Code ch. 35, §§ 4-10 (Howell 1865), Mont. Rev. Stats.
div. 1, ch. 2, §§ 29-36 (Boos 1881). All of these
statutes radically alter the moment at which
trespass turns into title.
17
B. The Public Had Free Rights to Hunt and
Graze on Unfenced Land.
A striking example of a distinctly American
property right is the public right to hunt and graze
on private unfenced land in most parts of the country
until the mid-nineteenth century. Eric T. Freyfogle,
On Private Property: Finding Common Ground on
Ownership of Land 30-31 (2007) (“A full right to
exclude was thus the exception for private lands, not
the norm.”). In 1788, when the Founders drafted
and adopted the U.S. Constitution, “the entire
country was open range.” Brian Sawers, Property
Law As Labor Control in the Postbellum South, 33
Law & His. Rev. 351, 352 (2015). Far from a
violation of rights, these entries were considered part
of the fundamental rights of Americans.
See
Freyfogle, supra, at 46-47.
The right to enter property to hunt was
enshrined in the earliest American laws.
Massachusetts’ Liberties Common (1641-1647)
insisted that any man might “pass and repass on foot
through any mans propriety” to fish at the great
ponds within the colony so long as they “trespass not
on any mans corn or meddow.” Massachusetts’
Liberties Common at 50. The right to hunt on
unenclosed lands was so important that Vermont
and Pennsylvania included it in their original
constitutions. See Vt. Const. ch. 2, § 39 (1777)
(guaranteeing inhabitants the right to hunt in
season “on the lands they hold, and on other lands
(not enclosed)”); Pa. Const. § 43 (1776) (guaranteeing
inhabitants the right to hunt in season “on the lands
they hold, and on all other lands therein not
18
inclosed”). Vermont’s constitution still guarantees
this right. Vt. Const. ch. 2, § 67.
Even states without such constitutional
provisions recognized the right. In 1818, for example,
the Constitutional Court of Appeals of South
Carolina dismissed a trespass claim against a
hunter, opining that it “never yet entered the mind of
any man” that the right could “be defeated at the
mere will and caprice of an individual.” McConico v.
Singleton, 9 S.C.L. (2 Mill) 244, 352-53 (1818). This
tradition remains with us in limited form today. A
2004 survey found that twenty-nine states permitted
hunting on private unenclosed lands unless the
owner had posted a written prohibition, twentyseven by statute. Mark R. Signon, Hunting and
Posting on Private Land in America, 54 Duke L.J.
549, 560-61 (2004).
American courts knew that their hunting
rights departed from the common law and celebrated
this fact. Blackstone believed that English law
initially restricted the right of hunting to the king,
extending it only grudgingly to those who hunted on
their own lands. 1 Blackstone, supra, at 263-65. The
Vermont Supreme Court, however, has repeatedly
rejected landowners’ trespass claims against hunters
even as it acknowledged that the provision altered
the common law baseline. See Cabot v. Thomas, 514
A.2d 1034, 1037-38 (Vt. 1986).
Justice Oliver
Wendell Holmes wrote an opinion for this Court
reaching the same conclusion in McKee v. Gratz, 260
U.S. 127, 136 (1922). McKee, written the same term
the Court decided Pennsylvania Coal Co. v. Mahon,
260 U.S. 393 (1922), refused to hold it was trespass
“as [a] matter of law” to enter private land, harvest
19
mussels from a marked bed, and take the shells to
make buttons, because American practice had
mitigated the “strict rule of the English common law”
prohibiting hunting on private property. McKee, 260
U.S. at 136.
Well into the nineteenth century, American
law also recognized broad public rights to enter
unfenced land to graze livestock. Freyfogle, supra, at
33. Most of the original colonies and states had laws
providing that entry by livestock only gave rise to an
action for trespass if the landowner had a “good and
sufficient” fence to keep them out, excepting only
those considered particularly destructive, like swine
and “unruly” cattle and horses. See, e.g., Laws of
Connecticut: An Exact Reprint of the Original Edition
of 1673, at 24 (1865); Acts and Laws of His Majesty’s
Province of New Hampshire, with Sundry Acts of
Parliament 122 (1771); Samuel Neville, Acts of the
General Assembly of the Province of New-Jersey, from
the Time of the Surrender of the Government in the
Second Year of the Reign of Queen Anne, to This
Present Time 209 (1752).
Courts recognized that these laws departed
from the English common law. The Connecticut
Supreme Court dismissed a trespass case involving a
cow that entered and damaged unfenced land,
declaring, “[i]t is very clear, that according to the
English common law [it is] the duty of every man to
take care of his cattle; and if he suffers them to
trespass upon the lands of others, he is generally
liable for the damages, whether those lands were, or
were not, enclosed by a sufficient fence,” but “such is
not the law of Connecticut,” and the plaintiff could
not recover. Studwell v. Ritch, 14 Conn. 292, 295
20
(1841); see also Kerwhaker v. Cleveland, Columbus &
Cincinnati R.R. Co., 3 Ohio St. 172 (1854) (holding
stock owner not liable for allowing his livestock to
run upon railroad tracks).
When a Kentucky
landowner challenged the constitutionality of
statutes preventing suits to recover for damages by
livestock on unfenced land, the Kentucky Supreme
Court summarily held “we entertain no doubt of the
constitutionality of the statutes referred to,” which
were intended “to provide a just and reasonable
protection for the rights of owners of inclosed land
and of stock” Wills v. Walters, 68 Ky. 351, 352 (1869).
This Court affirmed this departure from the
common law in 1890, rejecting an action for damages
from sheep herds grazing on private unfenced lands
interspersed with lands in the public domain.
Buford v. Houtz, 133 U.S. 320 (1890). This Court
declared that applying “principle of law derived from
England” would violate the “custom of nearly a
hundred years, that the public lands of the United
States . . . shall be free to the people who seek to use
them, where they are left open and uninclosed.” Id.
at 326.
The statutes of southern states, went even
further, making landowners liable for damages to
livestock that wandered onto their unfenced land.
See, e.g., James Davis, Complete Revisal of All the
Acts of Assembly, of the Province of North-Carolina,
Now in Force and Use 500 (1773); Acts of Assembly,
Now in Force, in the Colony of Virginia 308-09
(1752). In 1854, when a railroad argued the common
law of trespass as a defense to an action for killing a
cow on its tracks, the Alabama Supreme Court
declared that Alabama laws adopted “contain
21
provisions in direct repugnance to the common law
on this subject, and to the extent of this repugnance
repealed it.” Nashville & Chattanooga R.R. Co. v.
Peacock, 25 Ala. 229, 232 (1854). These laws, the
court continued, “show conclusively that the
unenclosed lands of this State are to be treated as
common pasture for the cattle and stock of every
citizen.” Id. In Vicksburg & Jackson Railroad Co.
v. Patton, 31 Miss. 156 (1856), the Mississippi
Supreme Court similarly rejected the English
common law rule as “inapplicable to the condition
and circumstances of the people of those States, and
repugnant to the custom and understanding of the
people, from their first settlement down to the
present time.” Id. at 184-85. In a policy “sanctioned
by strong reason of public convenience,” it declared,
unfenced lands “have been understood, from the
early settlement of the State, to be a common of
pasture.” Id. at 185. The Georgia Supreme Court
rejected a trespass defense to liability with equal
vehemence: “Such Law as this would require a
revolution in our people’s habits of thought and
action. A man could not walk across his neighbor’s
unenclosed land, nor allow his horse, or his hog, or
his cow, to range in the woods nor to graze on the old
fields, or the ‘wire grass,’ without subjecting himself
to damages for a trespass. Our whole people, with
their present habits, would be converted into a set of
trespassers. We do not think that such is the Law.”
Macon & W. R.R. Co. v. Lester, 30 Ga. 911, 914
(1860).
These comprehensive rights to enter were not
designed to abate public harm; instead, they
conferred a benefit on the public. Contra Br. of the
22
Cato Inst. et al. at i, Dec. 31, 2020 (suggesting that
temporary rights to enter are takings unless they
prevent a public harm). Nor, as McKee v. Gratz’s,
260 U.S. 127, treatment of the defendants’ buttonmaking reveals, did this right turn on necessity.
While hunting and grazing were once more
important for subsistence than they are today,
neither colonial nor modern law ever limited entry
rights to those who needed to hunt or graze on
private lands to eat. Instead, the centuries-old
American right to hunt and graze on unenclosed
lands, like the California statute at issue here,
reflects an American tradition of limited access to
private property to protect the public interest.
C. Early Statutes Often Authorized Entry
for Those Engaged in Public Purposes.
Early American statutes frequently authorized
public officials and others carrying out public
purposes to enter private property. In 1801, for
example, the Northwest Territory authorized officers
to “demand admittance, in the day time, into any
house or chamber” upon oath or affirmation by any
credible person that goods subject to civil attachment
were in there. Acts of the Second General Assembly of
the Northwest Territory, ch. 144, § 4 (1802), reprinted
in 1 The Statutes of Ohio and of the Northwestern
Territory, Adopted or Enacted from 1788 to 1833
Inclusive 311 (Chase 1833).
States regularly authorized officials tasked
with inspecting goods to enter property to search for
such goods. Such officials could, for example, “enter
on board any ship or vessel whatsoever, lying and
being in the harbor where such inspector is
authorized to inspect.” See, e.g., Mass. Gen. Laws ch.
23
8, § 4 (1823) (concerning the quality of “pot and pearl
ashes”); 1815 N.H. Laws 428 (same); see also N.Y.
Rev. Stat. ch. 17, art. 10, § 185(6) (Duer 1846)
(allowing inspectors to enter the vessels to search for
hops). More idiosyncratically, Connecticut law gave
towns “authority, at all times, to enter and inspect”
all schools and medical institutions using cadavers.
Conn. Rev. Stat. § 139 (1849).
Government officials and private persons
acting under official authority could also enter land
to survey it in preparation for exercise of eminent
domain. E.g., Act of Apr. 15, 1782, ch. 481, § 5
(§ 7 P.L.), reprinted in 10 Statutes at Large of
Pennsylvania from 1682 to 1801, at 480 (Mitchell &
Flanders 1904). Courts repeatedly found that such
entries were not takings unless the surveyors
damaged the land. As Justice Baldwin wrote in
riding circuit in New Jersey, “[a]n entry on private
property for the sole purpose of making the
necessary explorations for location, is not taking it . .
. nothing is taken from him, nothing is given to the
company.” Bonaparte v. Camden & A.R. Co., 3 F.
Cas. 821, 831 (C.C.N.J. 1830), see also Cushman v.
Smith, 34 Me. 247, 260-62 (1852).
The
Massachusetts Supreme Court similarly clarified
that in takings, the property was “permanently
subjected
to
a
servitude,” but
temporary
“interference with the absolute right of the owner of
real estate . . . is one of every day’s occurrence;
indeed, so common, as to be acquiesced in without
remonstrance, or even a question as to the right so to
do.” Winslow v. Gifford, 60 Mass. (6 Cush) 327, 32930 (1850). This principle is applied to this day.
Klemic v. Dominion Transmission, Inc., 138 F. Supp.
24
3d 673 (W.D. Va. 2015) (Virginia statute authorizing
natural gas companies to enter land and survey it for
pipelines did not result in a taking).
D. The Airspace Servitude is a Modern
Modification of the Right to Exclude to
Serve Societal Needs.
The most striking modern alteration of the
right to exclude is the airspace servitude.
As
Blackstone wrote, until the twentieth century, land
had “an indefinite extent, upwards as well as
downwards. Cujus est solum, ejus est usque ad
coelum, is the maxim of the law.” 1 Blackstone,
supra, at 314. The invention of the airplane threw
that maxim into disarray. Lawyers asked whether
the common law could change with the times, what it
meant in the first place, and whether it really
mattered at all. See Stuart Banner, Who Owns the
Sky: The Struggle to Control Airspace from the
Wright Brothers On 69-93 (2008). States, property
owners, and the federal government wondered who
could regulate what passed above the land and how.
Meanwhile, European countries began to regulate
and encourage commercial aviation, building far
safer and more pleasant airflight than was available
in the United States. Civil Aeronautics: Legislative
History of the Air Commerce Act of 1926 Approved
May 20, 1926 Together with Miscellaneous Legal
Materials Relating to Civil Air Navigation 22 (1941).
Finally, Congress resolved the controversy in one fell
swoop, enacting the Air Commerce Act defining
‘“navigable airspace’” as “airspace above the
minimum safe altitudes of flight prescribed by the
Secretary of Commerce . . . and such navigable
airspace shall be subject to a public right of freedom
25
of interstate and foreign air navigation in conformity
with the requirements of this Act.” Air Commerce
Act of 1926, ch. 341, § 10, 44 Stat. 568, 574 (1926)
(codified as amended at 49 U.S.C. § 40102(32)).
This Court blessed this resolution in United
States v. Causby, 328 U.S. 256 (1946). In Causby,
the United States had leased an airport for military
use, and was flying planes so low and so frequently
that about 150 of the Causbys’ chickens had died
from “flying into the walls from fright,” resulting in
“the destruction of the use of the property as a
commercial chicken farm.” Id. at 259. The Causby
family could not sleep and was nervous and
frightened. Id. In reviewing the claim, this Court
declared that the “ancient doctrine that at common
law ownership of the land extended to the periphery
of the universe . . . has no place in the modern
world.” Id. at 260-61. The Court therefore held that
“[f]lights over private land are not a taking, unless
they are so low and so frequent as to be a direct and
immediate interference with the enjoyment and use
of the land.” Id. at 266. But because the damages to
Causby’s property “were the product of a direct
invasion of respondents’ domain . . . ‘so long as the
damage is substantial, that determines the question
whether it is a taking.’” Id. at 265-66 (quoting United
States v. Cress, 243 U.S. 316, 328 (1917)). The Court
thus treated the law of trespass as it always has
been in American law: modifiable to accommodate
changing public needs, but not to the point of causing
substantial damage to landowners’ rights.
26
III. LATER LIMITATIONS ON THE RIGHT TO
ENTER WERE OFTEN NOT TRIUMPHS OF
INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS.
Although advocates sometimes treat an
absolute right to exclude as a matter of individual
liberty, expansions of the right to exclude have often
undermined human freedom. In the England of
Blackstone’s time, enclosure by wealthy landowners
curtailed rights of commons and impoverished the
commoners. See David Thomas Konig, Law and
Society in Puritan Massachusetts: Essex County,
1629-1692, at 4 (1979) (noting that “the enclosure of
the common fields had dispossessed thousands and
produced a population of menacing ‘sturdy Beggars’
who streamed into London or wandered about the
countryside”). In the United States, states expanded
rights of businesses to refuse service so that they
could exclude African Americans. Most relevant in a
case about farmworker rights, several states
curtailed rights to hunt and graze on unfenced land
to give plantation owners more authority to control
the labor of newly freed African Americans.
The “We Refuse the Right to Serve Service to
Anyone” signs still posted by some businesses reflect
the erosion of the common law obligation to serve.
Many
jurisdictions
reduced
this
obligation
specifically so that businesses could exclude African
Americans. See Joseph William Singer, No Right to
Exclude: Public Accommodations and Private
Property, 90 Nw. U. L. Rev. 1283 (1996). The month
after Congress enacted the Civil Rights Act of 1875
requiring equal access without regard to race to inns,
public conveyances, theaters, and other places of
public amusement, ch. 114, 18 Stat. 335 (1875), the
27
Tennessee Legislature “abrogated” “[t]he rule of the
common law giving a right of action to any person
excluded from any hotel, or public means of
transportation, or place of amusement” and gave
owners a right to bring actions against customers
guilty of “turbulent” conduct. The Code of Tennessee:
Being a Compilation of the Statute Laws of the State
of Tennessee, of a General Nature, in Force June 1,
1884, at 399 (1884) (now codified at Tenn. Code §§
62-7-109, 62-7-110); see Kenneth M. Mack, Law,
Society, Identity, and the Making of the Jim Crow
South: Travel and Segregation of Tennessee
Railroads, 1875-1905, 24 L. & Soc. Inquiry 377, 384
(1999) (discussing timing).
The same year, a
Delaware statute stipulated that “[n]o keeper of an
inn, tavern, hotel, or restaurant, or other place of
public entertainment or refreshment of travelers . . .
shall be obliged,” to serve “persons whose reception
or entertainment . . . would be offensive to the major
part of his customers and would injure his business.”
15 Del. Laws 322 (1875) (now codified at Del. Code
Ann. tit. 24, § 1501). Other jurisdictions narrowed
the right to enter by judicial decisions. Courts in
Massachusetts and Iowa, for example, held for the
first time that the right of accommodation did not
apply to places of amusement in cases involving
Black
patrons.
Bowlin
v.
Lyon,
25 N.W. 766 (Iowa 1885); McCrea v. Marsh, 78 Mass.
(12 Gray) 211 (1858).
This Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of
Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), and sit-ins by civil
rights activists triggered a new wave of exclusion
statutes. In 1954, Louisiana repealed its 1869 act
that prohibited refusals to admit anyone in a public
28
inn, hotel, or public resort, and conditioned business
licenses on providing service regardless of race.
Harold J. Brouilette & Charles A. Reynard, IndexDigest of Acts of the 1954 Louisiana Legislature, 15
La. L. Rev. 103, 129 (1954). A 1956 Mississippi
statute authorized “any public business . . . of any
kind whatsoever . . . to refuse to sell to, wait upon or
serve any person that the owner, manager or
employee of such public place of business does not
desire to sell to, wait upon or serve,” authorizing a
fine or imprisonment for those that refused to leave.
1956 Miss. Laws 307-08 (now codified at Miss. Code
Ann.
§ 97-23-17). Arkansas enacted virtually the same
provision in 1959, repealing it only in 2005. See 2005
Ark. Acts 423 (repealing Ark. Code Ann. § 4-70-101).
Refusing service in public accommodations
because of race was, of course, prohibited by the Civil
Rights Act of 1964. 42 U.S.C. § 2000a. When a
motel owner challenged the measure as a taking of
his property (among other constitutional claims) this
Court dismissed the argument in just two sentences.
“Neither do we find any merit in the claim that the
Act is a taking of property without just
compensation. The cases are to the contrary.” Heart
of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States, 379 U.S. 241,
261 (1964).
The contraction of public rights to hunt and
graze animals on unfenced private land has a
similarly sorry history. To some extent the closing of
the range reflects economic and technological
changes: over the course of the nineteenth century,
hunting, foraging, and grazing became less
important and fencing livestock in became cheaper
29
and more efficient than fencing them out. Freyfogle,
supra, at 44-45.
But other reasons are less
innocuous. A recent history shows that many states
closed the range as a measure of labor control.
Sawers, Property Law As Labor Control, supra. After
the Civil War, plantation owners were eager to
regain Black labor on terms favorable to them. Id. at
356. They complained that Black workers, able to
support themselves by hunting, grazing a few
livestock, and foraging in the open range, were
unwilling to work year-round for low wages. Id. at
357-58. What followed were multiple measures
reducing the right to enter and expanding the right
to exclude.
Between 1865 and 1866, Louisiana, Georgia,
South Carolina, North Carolina, and Alabama
enacted their first general statutes criminalizing
trespass on enclosed or unenclosed lands. Id. at 361.
In the years following the end of Reconstruction,
Texas, Mississippi, and Tennessee similarly forbade
hunting on unenclosed lands on which landowners
had posted signs denying permission. Id. at 362.
Four southern states criminalized hunting in
majority-Black counties, leaving hunting in majorityWhite counties untouched. Id. at 365.
The closing of the unfenced range to grazing
was slower, in part because lower-income Whites
dependent on the range fiercely resisted it. Id. at
368. But Alabama, South Carolina, Mississippi, and
Arkansas began closing the open range immediately
after the Civil War, starting with majority-Black
counties. Id. at 370-71. In Georgia, White and Black
voters successfully resisted initial attempts to close
the range; by 1889, however, Georgia had closed the
30
range throughout its Black Belt, leaving it open in
all but three majority-White counties. Id. at 373.
Several courts, moreover, have recognized that
with respect to farmworkers, an expansive right to
exclude is contrary to human freedom. The New
Jersey Supreme Court held in State v. Shack that
the common law of property includes “an
accommodation between the right of the owner and
the right of individuals who are parties with him in
consensual transactions relating to the use of the
property. . . . [W]e find it unthinkable that the
farmer-employer can assert a right to isolate the
migrant worker in any respect significant for the
worker’s
well-being.”
277 A.2d 369, 373-74 (N.J. 1971).
Property
ownership, therefore, gave employers no right to
deny reasonable entrance by visitors or organizations
seeking to support farmworkers. See Folgueras v.
Hassle, 331 F. Supp. 615, 623 (W.D. Mich. 1971) (“As
a matter of property law, the ownership of a labor
camp does not entail the right to cut off the
fundamental rights of those who live in the camp.”);
State v. DeCoster, 653 A.2d 891, 893-94 (Me. 1995)
(migrant workers entitled to receive visitors in their
residences); see also In re Catalano, 623 P.2d 228
(Cal. 1981) (union representative did not violate
trespass law by refusing to leave construction site).
The right to exclude is certainly not always—
or even primarily—invidious. But an expansive
right to exclude is not always liberatory. Indeed,
sometimes it is anything but.
31
CONCLUSION
Limited rights to enter are part of the
American tradition of property. The opinion below
should be affirmed.
Respectfully submitted,
KATHARINE M. MAPES *
GWENDOLYN A. HICKS
*Counsel of Record
Spiegel & McDiarmid LLP
1875 Eye Street, NW
Washington, DC 20006
(202) 879-4000
Katharine.Mapes@spiegelmcd.
com
BETHANY R. BERGER
University of Connecticut
School of Law
65 Elizabeth Street
Hartford, CT 06105
Bethany.Berger@uconn.edu
APPENDIX
A-1
LIST OF AMICI CURIAE *
Gregory Ablavksy is an Associate Professor of
Law and Helen L. Crocker Faculty Scholar at
Stanford Law School.
Bethany R. Berger is the Wallace Steven
Professor of Law at the University of Connecticut
School of Law.
Eric T. Freyfogle is a Research Professor and
the Swanlund Chair Emeritus at the University of
Illinois College of Law.
Herbert Hovenkamp is the James G. Dinan
University Professor at the University of
Pennsylvania Carey Law School.
Kenneth W. Mack is the Lawrence D. Biele
Professor of Law at Harvard Law School.
K-Sue Park is an Associate Professor of Law
at Georgetown Law School.
Anna di Robilant is the Associate Dean for
Equity, Justice and Engagement and a Professor of
Law at Boston University School of Law.
Carol M. Rose is the Gordon Bradford Tweedy
Professor Emeritus of Law and Organization at Yale
Law School, and the Lohse Chair in Water and
Natural Resources and Professor Emerita of Law at
the University of Arizona James E. Rogers College of
Law.
Amici appear in their individual capacities; institutional
affiliations are listed here for identification purposes only.
*
A-2
Joseph William Singer is the Bussey Professor
of Law at Harvard Law School.
Steven Wilf is the Anthony J. Smits Professor
of Global Commerce at the University of Connecticut
School of Law.
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.