Amicus Curiae Brief — Federal Republic of Germany, et al., Petitioners v. Alan Philipp, et al.
Supreme Court briefOct 29, 2020
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Nos. 18-1447 & 19-351
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
————
REPUBLIC OF HUNGARY, et al.,
Petitioners,
v.
ROSALIE SIMON, et al.,
Respondents.
————
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, et al.,
Petitioners,
v.
ALAN PHILIPP, et al.,
Respondents.
————
On Writ of Certiorari to the
United States Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Circuit
————
BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE
HOLOCAUST SURVIVORS FOUNDATION,
USA, INC., RENEE FIRESTONE,
DAVID MERMELSTEIN, DAVID SCHAECTER,
KLAIRE FIRESTONE, THOMAS WEISS, M.D.,
AND NAOMI VILKO, M.D.
IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS
————
SAMUEL J. DUBBIN
Counsel of Record
DUBBIN & KRAVETZ, LLP
1200 Anastasia Ave., #300
Coral Gables, FL 33134
(305) 815-8060
(305) 357-9004
sdubbin@dubbinkravetz.com
Counsel for Amici Curiae
October 29, 2020
WILSON-EPES PRINTING CO., INC. – (202) 789-0096 – WASHINGTON, D. C. 20002
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................
v
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE ........................
1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT .............................
2
ARGUMENT ........................................................
5
I. The Circuit Court Correctly Held that
Petitioners’ Confiscation of the Respondents’ Property Violated International
Law Under FSIA Section 1605(a)(3) and
that FSIA Jurisdiction Precludes the
Discretionary Defense of Comity..............
5
II. Prior Court Decisions Departing from
Established Constitutional Principles in
Favor of Standardless “Foreign Policy”
Considerations Allowed Global Insurers
Who Collaborated with the Third Reich
to Retain Billions of Dollars in Insurance
Proceeds They Owe to Holocaust Victims
and Families..............................................
6
A. States Legislate to Protect Survivors
and Heirs and Insurers Respond by
Creating ICHEIC – 1998. ....................
6
B. German Foundation Agreement –
2000. .....................................................
7
C. Garamendi Decision and Executive
Preemption. .........................................
8
D. Justice Ginsburg’s Prescient Dissent.
10
E. Garamendi Dissent’s Deconstruction
of Majority Reasoning. ........................
12
(i)
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
Page
F. The U.S. Government Changed its
“Foreign Policy” in the Middle of the
Litigation, Proving the Dangers of
Deciding Cases Based on Foreign
Policy and Abandoning Traditional
Constitutional Principles ....................
17
G. Expansion of Garamendi Preemption
Based on Additional Misrepresentations of U.S. Foreign Policy .................
20
III. It Would Be Physically Impossible and
Emotionally Traumatic To Require
Hungarian Holocaust Survivors in the
United States To Litigate Their Rights In
Hungary ....................................................
26
A. Naomi Vilko..........................................
27
B. David Mermelstein ..............................
27
C. Renee Firestone ...................................
29
D. Klara Firestore ....................................
30
IV. Survivors’ Ability to Personally Participate in Holocaust Restitution Proceedings is a Valuable Element of the Justice
System. ......................................................
30
CONCLUSION ....................................................
34
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
APPENDIX
Page
APPENDIX A: Statement of David Mermelstein,
United States Senate Judiciary Committee,
Hearing on Holocaust Era Insurance Claims
(September 17, 2019) .......................................
1a
APPENDIX B: Statement of Jack Rubin,
United States House of Representatives,
Committee on Foreign Affairs Joint Subcommittee Hearing, Subcommittee on Europe,
Eurasia, and Emerging Threats, Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa
The Struggles of Recovering Assets for
Holocaust Survivors (September 18, 2014) .....
7a
APPENDIX C: Statement of Klara Firestone,
United States House of Representatives
Committee on Foreign Affairs, The Struggles
of Recovering Assets for Holocaust Survivors
(September 18, 2014) .......................................
37a
APPENDIX D: Statement of Renee Firestone,
United States Senate Committee on the
Judiciary, Holocaust Era Claims in the 21st
Century (June 20, 2012) ..................................
56a
APPENDIX E: Statement of David Schaecter,
U.S. House of Representatives, Committee
on Foreign Affairs, Righting the Enduring
Wrongs of the Holocaust: Insurance Accountability and Rail Justice (November 16, 2011) .
75a
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
Page
APPENDIX F: Statement of Herbert Karliner,
U.S. House of Representatives, Committee
on Foreign Affairs, Righting the Enduring
Wrongs of the Holocaust: Insurance Accountability and Rail Justice (November 16, 2011) .
82a
APPENDIX G: Testimony of Alex Moskovic,
House of Representatives, Committee on
Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Europe
(October 3, 2007) ..............................................
89a
APPENDIX H: Fairness Hearing Before the
Hon. Patricia A. Seitz, 3., United States
District Judge, in Rosner v. United States,
Case No. 01-1859 in the United States
District Court for the Southern District of
Florida (September 26, 2005) ..........................
94a
APPENDIX I: Statement of Dr. Tom Weiss,
United States House of Representatives,
Committee on Banking and Financial
Services (February 12, 1998) ........................... 110a
v
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
Page(s)
American Insurance Association v. Garamendi,
539 U.S. 396 (2003) ..................................passim
Barclay’s Bank PLC v. Franchise Tax Bd.,
512 U.S. 298 (1994) ...................................
23
Buxbaum v. Assicurazioni Generali,
33 N.Y.S.2d 496 (N.Y. Sup. Ct. 1942) ......
19
Dames & Moore v. Regan,
453 U.S. 654 (1981) ................................... 9, 13
Gerling Global Reinsurance Corp. v. Kelso,
No. 00-16163 (9th Cir. 2000) ....................
17
Hamdan v. Rumsfeld,
126 S. Ct. 2749 (2006) ...............................
16
In re Assicurazioni Generali, S.p.A
Insurance Litig.,
228 F.Supp.2d 348 (S.D.N.Y. 2002)..........
21
Medellin v. Texas,
128 S.Ct.1346 (2008) .................................
16
Philipp v. Federal Republic of Germany,
894 F.3d 406 (D.C. Cir. 2018) ................... 5, 17
Rosner v. United States,
231 F.Supp.2d 1202 (S.D.Fla. 2002) .. 30, 31, 32
Simon v. Republic of Hungary,
812 F.3d 127 (D.C. Cir. 2016) ............... 5, 17, 26
United States v. Belmont,
301 U.S. 324 (1937) ............................... 9, 13, 14
United States v. Pink,
315 U.S. 203 (1942) ............................... 9, 13, 14
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Weiss v. Assicurazioni Generali, S.p.A,
592 F.3d 113 (2d Cir. 2010) ......................
26
Zschernig v. Miller,
389 U.S. 429 (1968) ............................... 9, 10, 13
STATUTES
28 U.S.C. §1605(a)(3)....................................
2, 5
INTERNATIONAL INSTRUMENTS
German Foundation Agreement, 39 Int’l
Legal Materials 1298 (2000) ...................... passim
COURT FILINGS
Brief for Amicus Curiae the United States
of America in Support of Affirmance in
Gerling Global Reinsurance Corp. v.
Kelso, Case No. 00-16163..........................
19
Brief for the United States as Amicus
Curiae Supporting Petitioners, American
Insurance Association, et al., v. Harry
Low, Insurance Commissioner, State of
California, Case Nos. 02-722 and 02-733,
2003 WL 721754 .......................................
20
Transcript of Final Approval Hearing,
Rosner v. United States, No. 01-1859-civ
(S.D. Fla. Sept. 26, 2005) .................... 32, 33, 34
vii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
David Mermelstein and Samuel J. Dubbin,
Responses to Senate Judiciary Questions
(October 17, 2019), available at https://
www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/
Dubbin-Mermelstein%20Responses%20
to%20QFRs.pdf .........................................
7
Gerald Feldman, Allianz and the German
Insurance Business, 1933-1945 ................
7
Holocaust Survivors Foundation USA, Inc.,
www.hsf-usa.org (last visited Oct. 28,
2020) ..........................................................
1
Letter from Naomi Vilko, M.D. to Samuel
J. Dubbin, P.A. (January 24, 2018),
available at http://www.hsf-usa.com/wpcontent/uploads/2018/02/LTR-re-HungaryLitigation-Jan-24-2018.pdf; http://www.
hsf-usa.com/class-action-lawsuit-againsthungary-and-hungarian-railway/ ..............
27
Video, U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee
hearing of September 17, 2019, http://
www.hsf-usa.com/judiciary-committee-he
aring-unpaid-holocaust-insurance-claims/...
7
James Moll, The Last Days, Steven
Spielberg, Shoah Foundation (1998) ........
29
Letter from State Department Legal Adviser
to Department of Justice Appellate Staff
Director, August 19, 2009 .........................
25
viii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Sidney Zabludoff, “The International
Commission of Holocaust-Era Insurance
Claims: Excellent Concept but Inept Implementation,” Jewish Political Studies
Review (Spring 2005) ................................
12
Statement of Dr. Tom Weiss, U.S. House of
Representatives Committee on Banking
and Financial Services (February 12,
1998) ..........................................................
26
Statement of Klara Firestone, U.S. House
of Representatives Committee on Foreign
Affairs, The Struggles of Recovering Assets
for Holocaust Survivors (Sept. 18, 2014) ....
30
Statement of Samuel J. Dubbin, Counsel,
Holocaust Survivors Foundation USA,
Before the United States Senate Judiciary Committee, Hearing on Holocaust
Era Insurance Claims (September 17,
2019), available at https://www.judiciary.
senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Dubbin%20Te
stimony.pdf................................................
7
Stuart E. Eizenstat, Imperfect Justice
(2003) .........................................................
14
Testimony of David Schaecter, U.S. House
Committee on Foreign Affairs, Righting
the Enduring Wrongs of the Holocaust:
Insurance Accountability and Rail
Justice (Nov. 16, 2011) .............................
5
ix
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES—Continued
Page(s)
Testimony of Sidney J. Zabludoff before the
U.S. House of Representatives Financial
Services Committee (Feb. 7, 2008) ........... 11-12
Testimony of Sidney J. Zabludoff before the
U.S. House of Representatives Foreign
Affairs Committee Subcommittee on
Europe (Oct. 3, 2007) ...............................
12
U.S. Department of State – The JUST Act
Report, March 2020 ..................................
25
U.S. Dept. of Justice, Civil Division,
Memorandum (Sept. 25, 2008) ................. 22, 23
U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of the Solicitor
General, Memorandum (Sept. 25,
2008) .......................................................... 23, 24
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE
The Holocaust Survivors Foundation USA, Inc. (HSF),
is a national coalition of Holocaust survivor groups
and their elected leaders, which formed in 2000
to call attention to the inadequacy of high-profile
“restitution” activities, and the dire circumstances
faced by Holocaust survivors in the United States and
throughout the world, half of whom live in or near
poverty.1
HSF members, including the Amici, participated in
various Holocaust restitution processes and litigation,
either as direct claimants, or as organization leaders
advocating for others who were not as fortunate. They
have testified before the U.S. Congress about restitution issues, the need for open Holocaust records and
archives, and the widespread suffering that tens
of thousands of survivors have endured after the
Holocaust from the unique physical and emotional
harms survivors suffer today, due to the crimes of the
German Nazi regime.2
HSF and several of the Amici here who are
Hungarian survivors and children of Hungarian
survivors filed an amicus curiae brief in the Circuit
Court in Simon to describe the unique problems
litigation of the case in Hungary would impose on
survivors and their families, as well as the value of an
1
No counsel for either party authored this brief in whole or in
part, and no party or counsel for a party made a monetary
contribution intended to fund the preparation or submission of
this brief. No one other than amici curiae made a monetary
contribution to the preparation or submission of this brief.
Counsel for the parties have consented to the filing of amicus
briefs through letters filed with the Clerk of the Court.
2
See generally www.hsf-usa.org.
2
American forum where they could participate and
follow the proceedings. With the Court’s grant of
certiorari, Amici wish to address that issue here, as
well as the Petitioners’ efforts to have non-statutory
free-form “foreign policy” considerations be imposed to
evade U.S. court jurisdiction established by Congress.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The U.S. Survivors support the Respondents’
position in both Philipp and Simon, and the Court
of Appeal’s decisions below, that Germany’s and
Hungary’s (and their instrumentalities’) theft of the
Respondents’ (and their ancestors’) property as an
integral part of the Holocaust constitute genocide
and a taking of rights in property in violation of
international law under the Foreign Sovereign
Immunities Act (FSIA), 28 U.S.C. §1605(a)(3).
Further, once FSIA jurisdiction is satisfied, the
Petitioners are not entitled to avoid the U.S. courts by
invoking “prudential” doctrines such as comity.
In addition, the Amici include Hungarian survivors
and children of Hungarian survivors. Section III
addresses the unique obstacles they would face if
the District Court’s ruling had stood and required
“prudential exhaustion” in Hungary.
The U.S. Survivor Amici are making this important
effort to support the Respondents in both cases
because, sadly, U.S. courts at all levels have employed
the kinds of standardless, discretionary “doctrines” or
methodologies urged here by Petitioners to deny
Holocaust survivors and heirs of Holocaust victims the
rights, protections, and benefits of existing and wellestablished judicial principles and doctrines. The
results have allowed Holocaust profiteers to escape
accountability and deny survivors the opportunity to
3
seek material and moral restitution available under
the law.
The U.S. Survivor Amici will focus on one area in
which the courts’ deviation from existing concrete
standards in favor of standardless “foreign policy”
considerations allowed corporations that collaborated
with the Nazis and profited from the Holocaust to
retain billions of dollars in unjust enrichment –
insurance. Several of the Amici here, and thousands
of survivors who are (or were) members of HSF
member organizations, attempted to recover unpaid
family insurance policies sold by Allianz, Generali,
AXA, and other global insurers, but were denied the
same rights as every other American to their day in
court to vindicate their claims.
The Court’s decision in American Insurance Association v. Garamendi eschewed traditional rules of
constitutional adjudication and held that Holocaust
survivors and heirs’ insurance rights under state
law were subordinate to the “foreign policy” of the
executive branch. The Court held state disclosure
laws (and by implication survivors’ and heirs’ common
law contract rights) were preempted without any act
of Federal lawmaking such as a treaty, statute, or
preemptive executive agreement.
The dissent, written by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg,
and joined by Justices Scalia, Thomas, and Stevens,
made it clear that the Court majority had deviated
from accepted canons of constitutional adjudication
and in the process set the stage for massive unjust
enrichment for the insurers, at the expense of Jewish
Holocaust victims and victims’ families. As Amici
show here, the Garamendi Court’s deviation from
accepted constitutional law analysis handed a multibillion dollar windfall to global insurers who collabo-
4
rated with the Nazis and refused to pay Holocaust
victims their policy benefits after the war.
Amici urge this Court to follow Justice Ginsburg’s
lead and demand that Hungary and Germany (in
these cases), and their instrumentalities, not be
allowed to conjure an “exception” such as the one
Garamendi allowed in order to allow insurers to avoid
being accountable for their financial crimes and other
wrongs.
As David Schaecter, President of HSF, testified
before the U.S. House of Representatives Foreign
Affairs Committee in 2011:
No one can ever repay us for the murder
and destruction of the Holocaust. However,
the Nazis and their collaborators also perpetrated a massive theft of the European
Jewish people’s property and assets. They
even used some of the looted assets forcefully
taken from our people to finance the war
effort, and transport us to the hells of
Auschwitz-Birkenau. Yet, companies that
profited from the Holocaust such as Allianz,
Generali, and the others have never been
held accountable. We have been robbed of our
family histories and legacies, and the world
needs to know these companies are inflated
and tainted by Holocaust profits.
It pains me to say that half of the survivors
in the United States live below or near the
poverty line, and cannot afford the home care,
dental care, medicines, eyeglasses, wheelchairs, and even food they need.
It is an outrage that the insurance companies have failed to pay over $20 billion they
5
owe to Holocaust victims, while so many
survivors are living in misery, dying before
their time.
Testimony of David Schaecter, U.S. House Foreign
Affairs Committee, November 16, 2011, App. 78a.
ARGUMENT
I. The Circuit Court Correctly Held that
Petitioners’ Confiscation of the Respondents’ Property Violated International Law
Under FSIA Section 1605(a)(3) and that
FSIA Jurisdiction Precludes the Discretionary Defense of Comity.
The U.S Survivor Amici agree with the Circuit
Court’s holdings below that the Petitioners’ taking
of Respondents’ property in the perpetration of
the Holocaust constitutes a “taking in violation of
international law” for purposes of 28 U.S.C. §1605(a)(3)
of the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (“FSIA”),
and that with the establishment of FSIA jurisdiction,
the Petitioners are not entitled to escape jurisdiction
via the discretionary doctrine of “comity.” The Respondents, and several amici curiae, have provided
the Court with excellent technical analyses supporting
the Circuit Court’s decisions below.3 Amici will focus
on the catastrophic impact that have resulted from
courts’ scrapping traditional legal protections in
favor of shifting and unaccountable “foreign policy”
considerations.
3
Simon v. Republic of Hungary, 812 F.3d 127 (D.C. Cir. 2016);
Philipp v. Federal Republic of Germany, 894 F.3d 406 (D.C. Cir.
2018).
6
II. Prior Court Decisions Departing from
Established Constitutional Principles in
Favor of Standardless “Foreign Policy”
Considerations Allowed Global Insurers
Who Collaborated with the Third Reich to
Retain Billions of Dollars in Insurance
Proceeds They Owe to Holocaust Victims
and Families.
Before World War II, hundreds of thousands of
European Jews purchased life, annuity, dowry, and
education policies from insurers such as Allianz and
Munich Re of Germany, Assicurazioni Generali, S.p.A.
of Italy, AXA of France, and Swiss Re, Swiss Life,
and Basler Leben of Switzerland, to name a some of
the most prominent. After the Holocaust, as survivors
struggled to reconstruct their lives, the insurers
demanded original policy documents and death certificates, and used other shameful tactics to cheat
survivors and heirs.
A. States Legislate to Protect Survivors
and Heirs and Insurers Respond by
Creating ICHEIC – 1998.
In the late 1990s, there was growing public information about corporate complicity and profiteering in
the Holocaust, with insurance policies as a prominent
example. In 1998, New York, Florida, and other states
enacted laws to require the companies operating within their jurisdictions to publish the names of policy
holders and, if settlements were not reached, to allow
beneficiaries and heirs to bring lawsuits (comparable
to typical state insurance consumer laws).
To counter these state laws, in 1998, the insurers
created the International Commission for Holocaust
7
Era Insurance Claims, or “ICHEIC,” promising to address the problem on a “non-binding, non-adversarial”
basis. All parties agreed regulators retained their
right to enforce their state’s laws, and all claimants
retained their rights to go to court if they did
not accept an ICHEIC settlement. Nevertheless, as
Justice Ginsburg detailed in her dissent, ICHEIC was
highly dysfunctional and failed to deliver anything
close to its promises, including desultory production of
policy information after five full years.4
B. German Foundation Agreement – 2000.
Meanwhile, to resolve survivors’ lawsuits for slave
and forced labor exploited by German manufacturers,
the U.S. government and Germany entered into an
executive agreement (“German Foundation Agreement”) in the year 2000. At Germany’s insistence, the
Agreement was expanded to address claims against
German insurers, providing that German insurers
would participate in ICHEIC.5 However, although
Germany asked President Clinton to immunize its
4
There is a substantial body of information about ICHEIC’s
history, and the insurers’ behavior, in the record of the U.S.
Senate Judiciary Committee hearing of September 17, 2019.
http://www.hsf-usa.com/judiciary-committee-hearing-unpaid-holo
caust-insurance-claims/. https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/
media/doc/Dubbin-Mermelstein%20Responses%20to%20QFRs.
pdf; https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Dubbin%20
Testimony.pdf.
5
Allianz, whose Chairman Kurt Schmitt became Hitler’s
second minister of economics, insured the construction of
Auschwitz and other camps and ghettos, at the same time it was
selling life insurance to European Jews. Gerald Feldman, Allianz
and the German Insurance Business, 1933-1945, at 409-415.
By 1933, Allianz barred Jews from its offices. Feldman, at 521
(letter from Gertud Becker).
8
insurers from litigation in return, the U.S. government refused.
Instead the U.S. agreed to file
“statements of interest” in U.S. courts stating that
dismissal of claims against German insurers on other
legal grounds was in U.S. foreign policy interests, but
that the Agreement and ICHEIC themselves did not
call for dismissal of survivors’ claims against any
German insurer.
The limited nature of the U.S. government undertakings in the Agreement was explicitly stated in
Annex B: “The United States will recommend
dismissal on any valid legal ground (which, under the
U.S. system of jurisprudence, will be for the U.S.
courts to determine).” It adds: “The United States does
not suggest that its policy interests concerning the
Foundation in themselves provide an independent
legal basis for dismissal.” [Text of Agreement and
Annex] (Emphasis supplied).
C. Garamendi Decision and Executive
Preemption.
During this time period, the California Insurance
commissioner subpoenaed several insurers’ records
pursuant to California’s disclosure law. The insurers
sued to block the subpoenas, claiming their constitutional rights were being violated. After failing in the
district court and the Ninth Circuit, the insurers
succeeded in this Court. In Garamendi, in a 5-4
decision, the Court held that although the U.S.Germany Agreement did not directly or indirectly
preempt any state law, and even though there is no
Federal treaty or statute preempting state disclosure
laws, the state law was preempted by a “federal
executive policy” favoring “non-adversarial resolution”
of Holocaust victims’ claims in ICHEIC. The source of
9
the Executive “policy” was letters and Congressional
testimony of State Department officials, as well as
the statement of interest provided for in the U.S.Germany executive agreement.
The Court painted with a very broad brush to
burnish the Executive’s authority over foreign policy,
and extolled the “unquestioned superiority” of foreign
policy over state’s power. (“There is, of course, no
question that at some point an exercise of state power
that touches on foreign relations must yield to the
National Government’s policy,” and “[n]or is there any
question that there is executive authority to decide
what that policy should be [a]lthough the source of the
President’s power to act in foreign affairs does not
enjoy an textual detail. . . .) 539 U.S. at 413.
The Court also found that the President’s authority
extended to making executive agreements requiring
no Congressional approval to settle claims of U.S.
nationals against foreign governments, citing United
States v. Pink, 315 U.S. 203, 223 (1942); United States
v. Belmont, 301 U.S. 324, 330-331 (1937), and Dames
& Moore v. Regan, 453 U.S. 654, 679 (1981). The Court
found: “Making executive agreements to settle claims
of American nationals against foreign governments is
a particularly longstanding practice, the first example
being as early as 1799,” and concluded “that the
President’s control of foreign relations includes the
settlement of claims is indisputable.’” 539 U.S. at 415.
The Court then dismissed the major differences
between the cases it believed supported broad executive power, e.g. that prior agreements settled claims
against foreign governments, not companies, and that
the other agreements were expressly preemptive,
while the German Agreement was not. The gap was
filled by Zschernig v. Miller, 389 U.S. 429 (1968),
10
because the “foreign policy those agreements embody”
could preempt state law:
But petitioners and the United States as
amicus curiae both have to acknowledge that
the agreements include no preemption clause,
and so leave their claim of preemption to rest
on asserted interference with the foreign policy
those agreements embody. Reliance is placed
on our decision in Zschernig v. Miller, 389
U.S. 429 (1968).
Id., at 416-417 (Emphasis supplied).
D. Justice Ginsburg’s Prescient Dissent.
Justice Ginsburg’s dissent thoroughly exposed the
majority’s departure from established norms and principles of constitutional adjudication, which require an
act of Federal lawmaking with preemptive effect as a
requirement to preempt state law, beginning with this
concise summary:
Although the federal approach differs from
California’s, no executive agreement or other
formal expression of foreign policy disapproves state disclosure laws like the HVIRA.
Absent a clear statement aimed at disclosure
requirements by the “one voice” to which
courts property defer in matters of foreign
affairs, I would leave intact California’s
enactment.
539 U.S. at 430 (Ginsburg, J., dissenting)(Emphasis
supplied).
Justice Ginsburg’s dissent began by emphasizing
the unprecedented harm inflicted by the insurers
against Jewish policy holders:
11
[T]he Nazi regimentation of inhumanity we
characterize as the Holocaust, marked most
horrifically by genocide and enslavement,
also entailed widespread destruction and
confiscation, and theft of property belonging
to Jews. For insurance policies issued in
Germany and other countries under Nazi
control, historical evidence bears out, the
combined forces of the German Government
and the insurance industry engaged in
larcenous takings of gigantic proportions.
Id.
In that regard, Justice Ginsburg explained that the
ICHEIC was a private commission the insurers
created which had failed survivors in every respect. It
was repeatedly “on the verge of collapse;” represented
barely one-third of the Holocaust era insurance
market; did not expand for many years to include all
German insurers as Germany agreed; it paid “only a
tiny proportion” of the claims received; paid less in
claims ($38.2 million) after five (5) years than it had
spent on expenses ($40 million); and its “non-binding
directive” to publish lists of unpaid Holocaust era
policies “had not yielded significant compliance at the
time this case reached the Court.” 539 U.S. at 432433.
In the end, as in the beginning as Justice Ginsburg
explained, ICHEIC, unhindered by oversight by any
state or federal authority, proved to be a spectacular
success for the insurance companies and a disaster for
survivors and their families. When it closed in 2007,
the total amount paid for the actual settlement of
claims ($250 million) and “humanitarian” payments
($200 million), represented less than three percent
(3%) of the $17 billion in insurance proceeds owed to
12
Jewish families in 2007 values. The number of unpaid
policies for which claimants accepted a settlement, the
result was also less than 3% – ICHEIC – 14,186, out
of the 875,000 policies owned by Jewish families in
Europe in 1938. See Testimony of Sidney J. Zabludoff
before the U.S. House of Representatives Financial
Services Committee, February 7, 2008, and the U.S.
House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee
Subcommittee on Europe, October 3, 2007. See also
Sidney Zabludoff, “The International Commission of
Holocaust-Era Insurance Claims: Excellent Concept
but Inept Implementation,” Jewish Political Studies
Review 17:1-2 (Spring 2005).
According to Mr.
Zabludoff, the value of unpaid policies today is $25
billion.
E. Garamendi Dissent’s Deconstruction of
Majority Reasoning.
Justice Ginsburg’s dissent thoroughly addressed the
unprecedented, and harmful, elements in the Court’s
decision. First, all of the agreements analyzed by
the Court had specifically preempted state law or
“suspended” litigation in U.S. courts, id., at 437-438,
whereas the German agreement not only did not
preempt state law, they did not even address the sole
subject of the California law – disclosure of policy
information:
The Court states that if the executive
‘agreements here had expressly preempted
laws like HVIRA, the issue would be
straightforward.’ One can safely demur to
that statement, for, as the Court acknowledges, no executive agreement before us
expressly preempts the HVIRA. Indeed, no
13
agreement so much as mentions the HVIRA’s
sole concern: public disclosure.
Id., at 438 (citations omitted)(Emphasis supplied).
Justice Ginsburg then zeroed in on the heart of
the majority decision – the unprecedented elevation
of “foreign policy objectives” to preempt state law:
“Despite the absence of express preemption, the Court
holds that the HVIRA interferes with foreign policy
objectives implicit in the executive agreements,”
relying on Zschernig:
We have not relied on Zschernig since it
was decided, and I would not resurrect that
decision here. The notion of “dormant foreign
affairs preemption” with which Zschernig is
associated resonates most audibly when a
state action “reflect[s] a state policy critical of
foreign governments and involve[s] ‘sitting in
judgment’ on them.” . . . . The HVIRA entails
no such state action or policy. It takes no
position on any contemporary foreign government and requires no assessment of any existing foreign regime. It is directed solely at
private insurers doing business in California,
and it requires them solely to disclose information in their or their affiliates’ possession
or control. I would not extend Zschernig into
this dissimilar domain.
Id. at 439-440 (citations omitted).
Justice Ginsburg also observed that in implying
that not only disclosure laws but actual claims by
Holocaust survivors and heirs would be eliminated by
the “foreign policy” embodied in the agreements, the
Court was giving the insurance industry more than
they and Germany had bargained for:
14
“Neither would I stretch Belmont, Pink, or
Dames & Moore to support implied preemption by executive agreement. In each of those
cases, the Court gave effect to the express
terms of an executive agreement. . . . Here,
however, none of the executive agreements
extinguish any underlying claim for relief. . . .
Id. at 440-441. She added:
The United States has agreed to file precatory
statements advising courts that dismissing
Holocaust-era claims accords with American
foreign policy, but the German Foundation
Agreement confirms that such statements
have no legally binding effect. It remains
uncertain, therefore, whether even litigation
on Holocaust insurance claims must be
abated in deference to the German Foundation Agreement or the parallel agreements
with Austria and France. Indeed, ambiguity
on the point seems to have been the studied
aim of the American negotiating team. See
Eizenstat, Imperfect Justice, at 272-273
(describing the “double negative” that satisfied German negotiators and preserved the
flexibility sought by Justice Department
litigators).
Id. at 441.
Justice Ginsburg added:
“If it is uncertain whether insurance
litigation may continue given the executive
agreements on which the Court relies, it
should be abundantly clear that those agreements leave the disclosure laws like the
HVIRA untouched. The contrast with the
15
Litvinov Assignment at issue in Belmont
and Pink is marked. That agreement spoke
directly to claim assignment in no uncertain
terms. Belmont and Pink confirmed that
state law could not invalidate the very assignments accomplished by the agreement.”
Id. at 441 (Emphasis in original). She concluded:
Here, the Court invalidates a state disclosure law on grounds of conflict with foreign
policy “embod[ied]” in certain executive
agreements, ante, at 2388, although those
agreements do not refer to state disclosure
laws specifically, or even to information
disclosure generally. It therefore is surely an
exaggeration to assert that the “HVIRA
threatens to frustrate the operation of the
particular mechanism the President has
chosen” to resolve Holocaust-era claims. Ante,
at 2392. If that were so, one might expect to
find some reference to laws like the HVIRA
in the later-in-time executive agreements.
There is none.
Id. at 441.
The dissent also criticized the majority’s reliance on
“policy statements” of lower level Executive officials
such as a letter from a Treasury Department official,
or congressional testimony stating that a company’s
participation in ICHEIC should give them “safe haven
from sanctions, subpoenas, and hearings relative to
the Holocaust period:”
We have never premised foreign affairs preemption on statements of that order . . . We
should not do so here lest we place the
considerable power of the foreign affairs
16
preemption in the hands of individual subCabinet members of the Executive Branch. . .
‘[N]o authoritative text accords such officials
the power to invalidate state law simply by
conveying the Executive’s views on matters of
federal policy. The displacement of state law
by preemption properly requires a considerably more formal and binding federal
instrument.
Id. at 442.6
The dissent also rejected the Court’s judicial activism in granting broad, sweeping power to lower level
executive branch officials to strike down a state law
when neither the President nor Congress had acted
with the clarity or force of Federal law to overrule the
States’ authority:
Sustaining the [California law] would not
compromise the President’s ability to speak
with one voice for the Nation. . . . To the
contrary, by declining to invalidate the
[California law] in this case, we would reserve
foreign affairs preemption for circumstances
where the President, acting under statutory or
constitutional authority, has spoken clearly to
the issue at hand. . . . “[T]he Framers did
not make the judiciary the overseer of our
government.” . . . . And judges should not be
the expositors of the Nation’s foreign policy,
which is the role they play by acting when the
President himself has not taken a clear stand.
6
Subsequent preemption decisions of this Court rejected the
executive branch’s ability to preempt state law without express
constitutional or statutory authorization. Medellin v. Texas, 128
S.Ct. 1346 (2008); Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, 126 S.Ct. 2749 (2006).
17
As I see it, courts step out of their proper role
when they rely on no legislative or even
executive text, but only an inference and
implication, to preempt state laws on foreign
affairs grounds.
Id. at 442-43 (Emphasis supplied).
The concerns raised by Justice Ginsburg’s dissent in
Garamendi sound a clear warning for the Simon and
Philipp cases. Petitioners ask the Court to abandon
the long-established principles of statutory construction applied by the Court of Appeals below, and allow
standardless Executive branch “foreign policy” to
dictate the rights of Holocaust survivors and heirs of
Holocaust victims. In Garamendi, this approach
inflicted significant pain, insult, and financial injury
to Holocaust survivors and their families, and handed
a multi-billion windfall to global insurers who
collaborated with the Nazis and profited from the
Holocaust.
F. The U.S. Government Changed its
“Foreign Policy” in the Middle of
the Litigation, Proving the Dangers
of Deciding Cases Based on Foreign
Policy and Abandoning Traditional
Constitutional Principles.
The dangers of the Court’s approach in Garamendi
were lurking within the case file already, because the
position the Department of Justice presented to the
Court in 2002-2003 was the opposite of the position it
advanced in 2000, leading to the Court’s split decision
in favor of the insurers.
In the year 2000, its brief in the Ninth Circuit in
Gerling v. Kelso, the case that came to this Court as
18
Garamendi, the Clinton Administration, which had
negotiated the German Foundation Agreement, made
it clear that neither the U.S.-German agreement,
nor the policy underlying any agreement, nor any
company’s participation in ICHEIC, independently
justified dismissal of survivors’ claims for payment of
unpaid insurance policies in lawsuits in U.S. courts, or
preempted the California statute. The United States
Government position in 2000 was clear:
– the United States “has not undertaken
a duty to achieve legal peace for German
companies against state litigation and regulatory action.”(p. 8).
– the Foundation Agreement itself does
not preclude individuals from filing suit on
their insurance policies in court . . . .” (p.8).
– the Agreement does not “mandate that
individual policyholders or beneficiaries
bring their claims in ICHEIC.” (p. 8-9).
– the American Insurance Association
(AIA) "is mistaken in asserting that the
Foundation Agreement is in 'direct conflict'
with California law, if by this AIA means to
suggest that the Agreement by its terms
preempts the California statute.” (p.9).
– the District Court “overestimated the
Agreement's ultimate legal effect when it
predicted that the Agreement would make
the Foundation an ‘exclusive remedy’ as a
matter of U.S. law.” (p. 9, note 4).7
7
The term “exclusive remedy” never meant what the US
government argued. According to ICHEIC minutes, ICHEIC was
always intended to be “exclusive” only for claimants who accepted
19
See Brief for Amicus Curiae the United States of
America in Support of Affirmance in Gerling Global
Reinsurance Corp. v. Kelso, Case No. 00-16163, etc. in
the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth
Circuit, at 7-9. (“DOJ Ninth Circuit Brief”).
However, in 2002-2003, when the case went to the
Supreme Court, the Department of Justice reversed
the Government’s position from two years earlier on
several crucial points:
The State Department has repeatedly stated
that ICHEIC “should be recognized as the
exclusive remedy for all insurance claims that
date to the Nazi era and has “encourage[ed]
all insurance companies that wrote policies
during the Nazi era to join the ICHEIC.
....
The German government agreed to supervise
the activities of the foundation and to assure
that the foundation publicizes its existence. . .
It also agreed that all claims by or on behalf
of Holocaust victims against German insurance companies would be processed by
those companies and the German Insurance
Association based on ICHEIC procedures and
payment for their policy; ICHEIC mere existence never precluded
other remedies for claims. ICHEIC Minutes, March 2-3, 1999.
The government also argued, incorrectly, that these policies
were entirely overseas transactions, ignoring that many policies
expressly called for payment anywhere in the world the insured
made their demand. In Dr. Weiss’s father’s policy, Generali
promised to pay “either at the Generali office in Prague, or the
place the insured requested the proceeds to be sent.” See
Buxbaum v. Assicurazioni Generali, 33 N.Y.S.2d 496, 498 (N.Y.
Sup. Ct. 1942).
20
additional procedures that may be agreed to
among ICHEIC, the foundation, and the
German Insurance Association.
The United States, in turn, agreed to inform
its courts that “it would be in [its] foreign
policy interests *** for the Foundation to be
the exclusive remedy and forum for resolving
[Holocaust era]claims asserted against
German companies.
Brief for the United States as Amicus Curiae Supporting Petitioners, American Insurance Association, et al.,
v. John Garamendi, Case Nos. 02-722 and 02-733 in
the United States Supreme Court, at 3-4; 2003 WL
721754, at *2-3 (Emphasis added).
The 2002-2003 DOJ directly contradicted the 2000
DOJ positions that the Agreement did not “make the
Foundation an “exclusive remedy” as a matter of U.S.
law, and that the insurers were “mistaken” to assert
that the Foundation Agreement was in conflict with
the California law, “if by this AIA means to suggest
that the Agreement by its terms preempts the
California statute.”
Therefore, in addition to the Court’s embrace of an
unprecedented preemption rule based solely in executive “foreign policy,” the “foreign policy” presented to
the Court had inexplicably and without disclosure
changed with the change of administrations. This is
the reason Justice Ginsburg was so right to condemn
the standardless “foreign policy” preemption holding
of the Court in Garamendi. And that is another reason
(of many) this Court should reject the Petitioners’
positions.
21
G. Expansion of Garamendi Preemption
Based on Additional Misrepresentations of U.S. Foreign Policy.
After the German Foundation Agreement was
reached in 2000, the cases against German companies
were dismissed “without prejudice,” meaning the
plaintiffs could go back to court if they were dissatisfied with the way ICHEIC handled the claims. The
class action and individual lawsuits against Generali
and other insurers continued before Judge Michael
Mukasey.
As Justice Ginsburg observed, Judge Mukasey had
previously denied Generali’s motion to dismiss the
lawsuits on the ground that ICHEIC was an unsatisfactory alternative remedy, citing ICHEIC’s multitude
of problems, even calling ICHEIC “the company store”
because it was paid for and controlled by the insurance
companies. In re Assicurazioni Generali, S.p.A Insurance
Litig., 228 F.Supp.2d 348, 357 (S.D.N.Y. 2002). He also
cited the lack of any U.S. “foreign policy” interest involving the Generali due to the absence of any executive
agreement with Italy, Generali’s home country. Id., at
358.
However, after the Garamendi decision in 2003,
Judge Mukasey reversed himself and dismissed the
Generali cases in 2004 solely because Generali participated in ICHEIC, under the same “federal policy”
favoring non-adversarial resolution of survivors’ insurance claims and ICHEIC as the “exclusive forum” as
stated in Garamendi.
In the Generali appeal in the Second Circuit, the
record was clear, and Generali even admitted that
between 1999-2001, the State and Justice Departments had rejected Generali’s request for a statement
22
of interest on the basis that the United States had no
foreign policy interest relating to Generali – due to the
lack of any executive agreement with Italy. After oral
argument, the Court of Appeals, sua sponte, wrote a
letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice asking
for the government’s position – in 2008.
Documents obtained via the Freedom of Information
Act (FOIA) show that the State Department was
determined in 2008 and 2009 to support Generali
despite the lack of any agreement, and despite the
Clinton Administration’s previous position that there
was no foreign policy conflict, and despite misgivings
about the validity of Garamendi in the first place, and
further misgivings about extending Garamendi to the
Generali case where there was not even a relevant
executive agreement, and where the insurers were
asking for preemption of common law contract claims.
The Solicitor General Office’s memorandum of
September 25, 2008, recommended that DOJ tell the
Second Circuit that there is a foreign policy conflict,
but not to address whether that policy actually has the
effect of preempting plaintiffs’ claims. The memo
shows that DOJ at the time understood Justice
Ginsburg’s dissent to be correct, and expressed
concerns about the legal basis to further expand
“executive preemption” based on “foreign policy.”
On the merits, I have some reservations
about the legal theory on which the
district court dismissed the plaintiffs’
common law claims. To begin with, the
district court holds that the Executive
Branch’s foreign policy can preempt
state law claims even when that policy
is not embodied in some formal action
that carries the force of federal law.
23
As a general matter, “Executive Branch
actions” that “express federal policy but
lack the force of law” do not preempt
state law.
Barclay’s Bank PLC v.
Franchise Tax Bd., 512 U.S. 298, 329330 (1994)(dormant Commerce Clause).
While Garamendi may reflect an exception to that general rule, that principle is
still subject to some doubt. Moreover,
Garamendi involved preemption of State
laws that imposed peculiar burdens with
respect to Holocaust claims, and in the
Executive Agreements, the United States
had expressly undertaken to work to
eliminate such state burdens. In contrast, the district court here held
preempted [sic] the claims of individuals
to enforce their common law contract
rights. Yet, the Executive Agreements
expressly stated that the United States’
statements of interest would “not suggest
that its foreign policy interests concerning the Foundation in themselves provide
an independent basis for dismissal” of
individual claims. 39 I.L.M. at 1304.
September 25, 2008 Memorandum of the Solicitor
General’s Office, at 10-11. (Emphasis supplied). https://
www.scribd.com/document/482019799/Justice-Dept-Me
morandum-for-the-Solicitor-General.
Similarly, the Civil Division’s September 25, 2008
Memo, at pages 12-13, states:
Arguing for federal preemption in this
case would require an extension of the
holding in Garamendi to a setting in
which there is no executive agreement
24
to support the assertedly preemptive
foreign policy, but merely public statements of State Department officials.
Furthermore, we would be required to
argue that federal foreign policy preempts not only state laws specifically
targeted at the problem of post-war
reparations for insurance claims – a
context in which the Supreme Court
viewed the state’s interests as minimal,
see 539 U.S. at 425-426 – but also common
law claims seeking to enforce traditional
tort duties. . . .[I]t would nevertheless
mark a further step beyond Garamendi
itself.
....
Even in cases in which the United
States has filed a Statement of Interest
pursuant to a Foundation Agreement,
there is considerable tension between the
position that foreign policy requires
dismissal of an action and the express
recognition in the Foundation Agreement that the agreement does not
itself provide an independent basis for
dismissal. . . .
September 25, 2008 Memorandum of the Civil
Division, at 12-13 (Emphases supplied). https://www
scribd.com/document/482019799/Justice-Dept-Memora
ndum-for-the-Solicitor-General.
Nevertheless, when DOJ responded in October
2008, its brief misrepresented prior U.S. agreements
and policy, stating: “it would be in the foreign policy
interests of the United States that ICHEIC be
25
regarded as the exclusive forum for resolution of
insurance claims against companies like Generali that
participated in the ICHEIC process;” that “it is
contrary to settled United States foreign policy for
plaintiffs’ claims to be adjudicated in the courts of the
United States;” and “[a]ccordingly, it would be in the
foreign policy interests of the United States that such
claims not be pursued through the courts.”8
After the November 2008 election, the Second
Circuit asked the new administration for its position
on whether survivors’ litigation against Generali
conflicted with U.S. foreign policy. Records show the
State Department Legal Adviser understood that the
Court’s decision in the appeal would hinge on what
DOJ said about whether the cases conflicted with U.S.
foreign policy, and warned in a letter to DOJ, that the
2008 DOJ letter brief was too weak in its justification
of the U.S. foreign policy interests to persuade the
Court. He urged DOJ to “more persuasively explain
why the absence of an executive agreement with Italy
does not affect the relative strength of U.S. foreign
policy interests in this case.” casting about for new
reasons DOJ might assert to justify support for
Generali, and even suggesting others that were
fictional. August 19, 2009 letter from State
Department Legal Adviser Harold Hongju Koh to
Robert Kopp, Director Appellate Staff, U.S.
Department of Justice. https://wwwscribd.com/docum
8
Another bogus “foreign policy” argument by DOJ in 2008
was that “Poland is on the verge of approving new compensation legislation.” DOJ 2008 Brief, at 8-9. Twelve years later,
“Poland. . . has not yet enacted comprehensive legislation on
national property restitution or compensation covering Holocaust
confiscations.” U.S. Department of State – The JUST Act Report,
March 2020, at 6.
26
ent/482019799/Justice-Dept-Memorandum-for-the-Sol
icitor-General.
Unfortunately, the Obama Administration repeated
the Bush Administration’s argument, and wrote: “[i]t
has been and continues to be the foreign policy of the
United States that the International Commission on
Holocaust Era Insurance Claims (ICHEIC) should be
regarded as the exclusive forum and remedy for claims
within its purview.” The italics were added in 2009 to
the DOJ language from 2008.
Based on these two DOJ submissions, on January
15, 2010, the Second Circuit Court of Appeals held
that Holocaust survivors and heirs could not take
Generali to court despite documented policies and
clear defaults, solely on the ground that the Department of Justice represented that such lawsuits
conflicted with United States foreign policy. Weiss v.
Assicurazioni Generali, S.p.A, 592 F.3d 113 (2d Cir.
2010).9
III. It Would Be Physically Impossible and
Emotionally Traumatic To Require
Hungarian Holocaust Survivors in the
United States To Litigate Their Rights In
Hungary.
A substantial number of HSF leaders and members
are Hungarian Holocaust survivors and would be
members of the class in the Simon case. They contend
the Circuit Court correctly reversed the district court’s
ruling that would have forced Hungarian Holocaust
9
Amicus Dr. Thomas Weiss was the plaintiff in that case.
His testimony to the House Financial Services Committee in
February 1998 is Appendix 110a. DOJ produced the FOIA
memos two months after the Second Circuit denied rehearing.
27
survivors, now in their late 80s and 90s, to litigate in
Hungary.
A. Naomi Vilko.
Naomi Vilko is a psychiatrist who has worked with
survivors in New York and New Jersey for over 40
years, and she is also the daughter of two Holocaust
survivors. In 2018, she described the experiences of
her father, William Vilko, and her mother, Olga Vilko,
Hungarian Jews, who were subjected to the criminal
behavior of Hungarian government officials and the
Hungarian railroad on their way to AuschwitzBirkenau and several other camps. In 2018, before her
mother passed away at the age of 99, Dr. Vilko opined
that her mother and other survivors from Hungary,
who are also mostly in their 90s, would not be able to
travel to Hungary for a trial, both because of the
physical impossibility, and the emotional toll such a
return to the scene of their torture would entail.10
B. David Mermelstein.
David Mermelstein was born in Kivjazd,
Czechoslovakia in 1928, in the Carpathian Mountain
region that was annexed by Hungary in 1939. After
his town fell under Hungarian control, they took over
half his family’s house and his father’s business.
Hungarian gendarmes came frequently and confiscated valuable personal possessions, such as fine
china, fancy linen table cloths, and chandeliers. In
1944, Mr. Mermelstein’s entire family was forced to
10
Dr. Vilko’s statement is posted on the website of the
Holocaust Survivors Foundation USA:
http://www.hsf-usa.
com/class-action-lawsuit-against-hungary-and-hungarian-railway/;
http://www.hsf-usa.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/LTR-re-Hu
ngary-Litigation-Jan-24-2018.pdf.
28
leave their home and were taken to the Beregszász
Ghetto and then to Auschwitz-Birkenau. He survived
grueling work details and starvation there, and was
then taken in an open coal train car in the freezing
winter to Ebnsee and Mathausen. Mr. Mermelstein
miraculously survived, but his mother, father, brothers,
sister, and grandparents were all murdered.
After the war, Mr. Mermelstein returned home to
discover everything gone and no one alive. The local
townspeople and the Soviet government did not
welcome Jewish people. He managed to escape and
spent nearly two “miserable” years in a displaced
persons camp in Germany before being able to
immigrate to the U.S. in 1947.
He married another survivor, Irene Markovic, in
1951, and they moved to Miami that year. Mr.
Mermelstein helped organize a number of local
survivor groups in South Florida, especially because in
the early years, survivors only had each other. Only
fellow survivors understood what they had gone
through. The groups grew in size in the 1980s and
1990s, but are much smaller now because so many
survivors have passed away. Mr. Mermelstein was a
founding member of HSF and serves as its Vice
President. His testimony before the U.S. Senate
Judiciary Committee on September 17, 2019, is found
at App. 1a.
At the age of 91, it would be extremely physically
difficult for Mr. Mermelstein or any survivor to travel
to Hungary. It would also be terrible for himself and
fellow Holocaust survivors to be forced to depend the
country whose citizens willingly collaborated in the
murder of their families, the destruction of their way
of life, and the theft of their valuable personal and
religious property, to be the place where the survivors’
29
lawsuit against Hungary and the Hungarian Railroad
are heard.
C. Renee Firestone.
Renee
Firestone
was
born
in
Uzhorod,
Czechoslovakia, the capital of the region. It was
annexed by Hungary in 1938. In April of 1944, Renee’s
family was forced out of their house by Hungarian
gendarmes working with the Nazi SS. She was
imprisoned in Auschwitz/Birkenau for 13 months.
Her entire family was murdered, except for her father
Morris, who died of tuberculosis shortly after
liberation, and her brother Frank, who had escaped
the Hungarian forced labor camp and became a
partisan (a freedom fighter). After liberation, Renee
returned to her family’s home in Uzhorod and found
that everything was gone – other people were now
living in her family villa, her home – and her father’s
business no longer existed.
After the war, Renee was fortunate to continue her
education in Prague, where she met her husband
Bernard (also a survivor). They moved to Los Angeles
where she became a successful fashion designer. In
the last several decades, Renee has documented her
experiences in Hungary and in the camps in several
books, interviews, and multiple documentary films,
including the movie The Last Days, produced by
Steven Spielberg. Among many organizational affiliations, Renee is a member of the HSF Executive
Committee. Ms. Firestone has also testified in Congress about the unfairness of many of the so-called
post-war “restitution” activities, most of which have
left survivors without material restitution, and without even the dignity of a fair opportunity to make
claims for looted assets such as unpaid insurance
policies. App. 56a.
30
Ms. Firestone has also traveled to Hungary since the
war, where Jewish community leaders felt unsafe
because of its historical and current antisemitism.
She believes litigation in Hungary today would be
“unthinkable.”
D. Klara Firestone.
Klara
Firestone
was
born
in
Prague,
Czechoslovakia, immediately following the end of
World War II, the daughter of Renee Firestone
and Bernard Firestone, who was in Hungarian forced
labor and then Mauthausen. She is the founder and
president of Second Generation of Los Angeles. In
September 2014, Klara Firestone testified before the
U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Foreign
Affairs on the issues of survivors’ needs, the needs of
the second generation, and the unfairness of what has
been known as the restitution process. App. 37a.
According to Ms. Firestone, especially at their
advanced age, it would be re-traumatizing and completely unfair to require Hungarian survivors to press
their claims against Hungary and the railroad in the
courts of Hungary, and would be similarly traumatizing for the second generation to litigate in Hungary on
behalf of their parents or for themselves.
IV. Survivors’ Ability to Personally Participate in Holocaust Restitution Proceedings is a Valuable Element of the Justice
System.
The U.S. Survivor Amici also believe that litigation
of this case in Washington, D.C. would provide the
additional benefit of allowing the survivor community,
whose rights are at stake and whose horrific experiences in the Holocaust are at the heart of the case, to
31
participate, witness the proceedings, and see likely
media reports about the case, at a close distance.
In Rosner v. United States, 231 F.Supp.2d 1202
(S.D.Fla. 2002), Hungarian survivors brought an
action under the Little Tucker Act against the United
States Government for misappropriating the property
that was looted by the Hungarians and the SS from
Hungarian Jews, and placed on the “Hungarian Gold
Train.” When WWII ended, the train was located in
Austria and handed by the Hungarians to the U.S.
Army. Recently declassified records showed the U.S.
Government misappropriated and mishandled much
of the property in violation of U.S. law.
The case settled for $25.5 million in 2005 after
nearly five years of litigation. Over $22 million was
earmarked for emergency medical care and basic
social services for indigent Hungarian survivors in the
U.S., Canada, Hungary, Israel, Australia, South America,
and Europe. In addition, $500,000 was allocated to
collect and archive records about the Holocaust in
Hungary and the Gold Train events, and to ensure the
records would be made publicly available.
Throughout the Rosner case, HSF served as a
national clearinghouse to provide information to
Hungarian survivors throughout the United States
and provide feedback to class counsel. The survivors’
direct participation and attendance at hearings
enabled them to understand the difficultly and
complexity of federal human rights litigation against
a strong adversary like the U.S. government, and
reach closure based on their first-hand observations of
how all of the elements of the system worked together,
or conflicted, but eventually got resolved in a hardfought settlement.
32
Alex Moskovic, a Hungarian survivor, who was an
amicus in the Circuit Court, and a member of the HSF
executive committee, attended numerous hearings
and participated in conferences with the attorneys and
the Justice Department.
At the final approval
hearing, he stated:
I am proud of the effort the survivors have
put into this case, and it has been an honor to
observe this Court preside over what I know
has been a difficult case.
It has been difficult for us too. All this
restitution business has caused survivors a
lot of pain because it required us to relive our
past; something that no one should ever have
to experience.
But we did press several cases because
justice requires accountability to the people
who were harmed and to history. That is why
we support the settlement. We support it
mostly because we believe the results, as it
has been agreed to so far, will be honest to
history and fair to the survivors.
Transcript of Final Approval Hearing, September 26,
2005, at 62; App. 100a. Sadly, Mr. Moskovic passed
away in September 2019.
David Mermelstein, who was a named plaintiff in
Rosner, spoke in favor of the settlement at the final
approval hearing:
Good afternoon, Your Honor. We fought this
case hard on behalf of all the Hungarian survivors
and their families. We fought for honor and
justice. We fought for accountability. We were
33
always informed about what was happening in the
case, and had a lot of input with our lawyers.
Our lawyers were advocates for the living and
for the memory of the dead. We saw the Justice
Department fight hard, but in the end when it
came time to do the right thing they were very
honorable.
Id., at 65-66, App. 103a.
Finally, Hungarian survivor Jack Rubin, who was
also a member of the Holocaust Survivors Foundation
USA executive committee, participated actively from
the outset of the case. At the final approval hearing,
he spoke in favor of the settlement:
I was here in March, Your Honor. As you
remember, I gave a very short bitter speech
as a 15-year-old as I was collecting all the
valuables when I was in the ghetto.
I have attended several of the hearings.
Thank you for letting me speak again this
morning.
This case has been remarkable in several
ways. First, Mr. Rosner and our families had
the opportunity to seek justice against the
United States government in this court of law
under the government’s very own laws, and to
receive a fair hearing in that process.
I have watched Your Honor preside over
these hearings and although we didn’t always
agree with you, we know you have been just
and fair and tried to apply the law the best
way you can.
Second, the survivors have had the opportunity to participate directly in this litigation.
34
We spoke frequently with the lawyers as the
case had its ups and downs. We sat in this
courtroom and witnessed justice at work.
When it came time to negotiate, we had real
input and it was part of the settlement.
Third: After reaching a settlement we had
the chance to speak directly to this Court
about it, what it meant to us. And we had a
chance to shake the hands of the government
lawyers and thank the United States for
recuing civilization in World War II, and
providing many refugees such as ourselves
with a home and a chance for a new life; . . . .
Finally, to thank the government for finally
being accountable for the Gold Train.
Id., at 57-58, App. 96a. Sadly, Mr. Rubin passed away
in July of 2016. A fighter to the end for the rights and
interests of his fellow survivors.
CONCLUSION
For these reasons, Amici respectfully urge this
Court to affirm the decisions below.
Respectfully submitted,
SAMUEL J. DUBBIN
Counsel of Record
DUBBIN & KRAVETZ, LLP
1200 Anastasia Ave., #300
Coral Gables, FL 33134
(305) 815-8060
(305) 357-9004
sdubbin@dubbinkravetz.com
Counsel for Amici Curiae
October 29, 2020
APPENDIX
1a
APPENDIX A
STATEMENT OF DAVID MERMELSTEIN
UNITED STATES SENATE JUDICIARY
COMMITTEE HEARING ON HOLOCAUST ERA
INSURANCE CLAIMS SEPTEMBER 17, 2019
My name is David Mermelstein. I am the President
of the Holocaust Survivors of Miami-Dade, and Vice
President of the Holocaust Survivors Foundation USA.
I was born in Kivjazd Czechoslovakia in 1928. My
father Martin Mermelstein was a self-employed businessman who owned a business selling beer, wine,
liquor, and cigarettes. In 1944, we were all deported
to the Beregsatz Ghetto and then to Auschwitz. My
parents, my four brothers, my sister, and grandparents were all murdered in Auschwitz. I am the only
member of my family to survive.
Unfortunately I do not have the time in this hearing
to talk about everything we went through. Although I
realize the purpose of this hearing is to discuss the
problems of insurance policies that our parents and
grandparents bought but the companies refused to
honor, it is impossible to provide the context of this
particular injustice without describing the terrible,
terrible crimes that were perpetrated against the
Jewish people, including of course my family, in the
Holocaust. What we went through, I could talk about
for hours, which is exactly what I do with school
children and community groups all the time.
How I survived the Nazis, and how I survived the
aftermath of World War II, the Russians, the DP
Camps, and the rest, is described in my deposition in
the Hungarian Gold Train case, which I am attaching
to this statement so that the Senators on this
Committee can understand more about my life, the
2a
Holocaust, and the unprecedented crimes inflicted on
us by the German Nazi regime.
As I explain in that deposition, I was very lucky to
survive the Nazis, lucky to escape the Russians after
the war, and lucky, after two years in a Displaced
Persons (DP) Camp, to be allowed to immigrate in
1948 to the United States. I courted my wife Irene,
another survivor, for a while in New York and after we
got married, we went to Miami for our honeymoon and
decided to stay. So, I was lucky again to build a business and raise a wonderful family in Miami. However,
we can never forget what happened to our families in
the Holocaust and we never will.
Now, let’s talk about the insurance. I remember
there was a plaque on our in house that said there was
insurance, by Generali. My father was a careful businessman, so naturally he would have had insurance to
protect his business and his family. Many survivors
also remember those plaques, or an agent coming
around every two weeks to collect premiums, but most
of us were too young to know the name of the
insurance company. Of course we have no documents
for obvious reasons.
In 1998, we worked closely with our Florida Insurance
Commissioner, Bill Nelson, for a State law to make the
companies publish all the names and allow survivors
to go to court if they wouldn’t settle. That is when the
companies came up with the idea of the ICHEIC
commission – because of pressure from the states.
Still, everyone told us ICHEIC was voluntary and not
binding unless you agreed to a settlement.
So, with all those promises, I applied to ICHEIC.
They said they could not find my father’s name. They
sent a check for $1000 as a “humanitarian payment.”
3a
ICHEIC sent out 34,000 of those $1000 checks.
Survivors deeply resent the idea of a “humanitarian
payment” instead of the funds we know our parents set
aside in case of a disaster. The whole thing was an
insult to survivors, and it still is.
Yet the Courts have said that because of ICHEIC,
and because of Bush and Obama Administration
policies, Holocaust survivors cannot go to an American
court to collect our family policies. This is a disgrace
and only you can help us have our rights and dignity
restored.
Survivors are in shock that the U.S. government
took away our rights to go to American courts to make
our claims. Remember, these are contracts – not charity. How would those State Department and Justice
Department people, and those Judges, feel, if they lost
everything, and then their own government said they
couldn’t even go to court like every other American
citizen to collect on an insurance policy their father
paid for? They wouldn’t stand for it, and we won’t
either.
We all endured the ultimate hell. We lost everything
– our rights, our property, our loved ones. How is it
possible that today in the year 2019 we are second
class citizens and can’t even go to an American court
like everyone else? How would you feel if you lost
everything? How would you feel if your rights were
stripped away? How would you feel if your own
government said you couldn’t even have the same
rights as every other American?
Even worse, the government lied when it went to
court against us. I am the one who asked for the
Justice Department’s records under the Freedom of
Information Act. They admitted the government lied
4a
about what Generali was promised. When a Congressman and our lawyer Sam Dubbin used those memos in
a Congressional hearing, the Justice Department told
me to give the records back. They still wanted to hide
the truth. Needless to say, I refused.
One of my closest friends in Miami is Herbie
Karliner, a survivor of Kristallnacht and the S.S. St.
Louis. After the United States forced that ship with
several hundred German Jews to return to Europe in
1939, Herbie’s mother, father, and sister were sent to
Auschwitz and murdered there. He and his brother
survived in hiding. He has papers proving his father
had a large life insurance policy sold to him by Allianz.
But his claim was denied by ICHEIC and Allianz.
They said Allianz already paid Herbie’s father. Years
later, Herbie got papers from the German Embassy
where Allianz said his father cashed in his policy on
November 9, 1938. That was not possible, because
November 9, 1938 was Kristallnacht, when his
father’s store was burned down, and his father was
taken by truck to Buchenwald. Allianz’s and ICHEIC’s
excuse is an obvious fraud. But Herbie, who is not only
a survivor but a U.S. veteran who served in Korea,
cannot to a U.S. Court to sue Allianz. This is just
wrong.
Sadly, you might hear from some Jewish groups that
they are against Congress passing a law. But they
are NOT, I repeat, NOT, Holocaust survivor groups
and do not represent survivors in any way. Survivors
are appalled at the arrogance of these organizations,
such as the American Jewish Committee, the Claims
Conference, the Anti Defamation League, B’nai B’rith,
and the World Jewish Congress. They have no right to
speak for us, or to act for us, and they never did. They
love to speak “ABOUT US, but it is always WITHOUT
5a
US.” They should mind their own business. Please
read the letters the survivor leaders sent these groups,
which is part of my written submission.
I have more bad news. Half of all Holocaust survivors, including in the United States, live in poverty
and cannot afford the basic necessities of life – food,
rent, utilities, medicines, dental care, hearing aids,
eyeglasses, transportation to the doctor, and long term
care. The State Department, and non-survivor groups,
all try to justify stripping away our rights in order to
convince Germany to provide funds for survivors in
need. This is a false choice, and the policy has been a
complete failure.
First of all, what is the connection between insurance policies owed by private companies and Germany’s
moral obligation to provide for survivors’ care? There
is no connection at all.
Second, we have it in writing from the German
Ambassador that the German government would never
threaten to withhold funds for survivors’ needs because
of a law restoring survivors’ insurance rights. That is
in our papers.
Third, the organizations who are supposed to be
negotiating for these funds have failed to deliver
anything close to full funding for survivors’ needs. This
was proven in two Congressional hearings in 2014,
which were convened at the request of the Holocaust
Survivors Foundation USA. This was also found in
Senate and House Resolutions in 2016 calling on
today’s German Germany to fully fund survivors’
needs. Yet, the insurance companies are sitting on
over $25 billion in profits they pocketed from policies
they sold to our families before the Holocaust.
6a
Survivors believe the companies should pay every
policy traceable to living heirs in today’s dollars, and
should disgorge the rest of their Holocaust profits from
policies owned by victims whose entire families were
destroyed, for the benefit of survivors in need today.
Without action by Congress, the insurance companies will be the heirs of the victims of the Holocaust.
This is unacceptable. There should be no legal peace
for the companies until the Holocaust survivors have
moral peace. We are very far away from that today,
Mr. Chairman.
I am 90 years old, about to turn 91. For the past 30
years, I have visited hundreds of classrooms and
community groups in Florida speaking to students and
adults about my experiences in the Holocaust. I do this
not because I enjoy telling the stories because they are
mostly very sad. I do this because I believe that all
people have an obligation to become educated about
the Holocaust, to remember, and to make a personal
commitment that they will do everything they can to
never let such atrocities happen again – not to the
Jewish people, not to anyone.
7a
APPENDIX B
Statement of Jack Rubin
United States House of Representatives
Committee on Foreign Affairs Joint
Subcommittee Hearing Subcommittee on
Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats
Subcommittee on the Middle East and
North Africa
The Struggles of Recovering Assets for
Holocaust Survivors
September 18, 2014
My name is Jack Rubin. I am a survivor of several
Nazi concentration and death camps, the only member
of my beloved family to survive the Holocaust.
Somehow I survived and was fortunate to make it to
this great country and raise a beautiful family, with
three (3) children and four (4) grandchildren.
I have served on the advisory committee of the
Jewish Family Services in West Palm Beach for many
years, and am also a member of the executive committee of the Holocaust Survivors Foundation USA, which
we formed 14 years ago to fight for the rights of tens
of thousands of survivors still living in the United
States, especially those living in poverty. Our leaders
are elected by survivors from all over the United
States. I am speaking here in my individual capacity.
I begin by thanking the leadership of this Committee
for giving us Holocaust survivors and the family
members of Holocaust survivors the opportunity to
speak here about what we have experienced and continue to experience. We thank Chairman Royce and
Ranking Member Engel, Chairman Rohrabacher and
Ranking Member Keating, and Chairwoman Ros-
8a
Lehtinen and Ranking Member Deutch. We are very
proud of our South Florida representatives working
with the other important leaders of this Congress, and
would like to specially acknowledge the many, many
years of dynamic and critical support that Ileana RosLehtinen and Ted Deutch have given to the Holocaust
survivors in the United States, Europe, Israel, and
everywhere else survivors live.
As you know from our struggles dating back to the
late 1990s, we survivors have tried everything we
know to lift our brothers and sisters out of this
grinding poverty and little has worked.
Instead, we have been blocked everywhere we have
turned, in court cases right up the Supreme Court, in
Congress, and even seeking proper funding directly
from Germany. The small and inconsistent gains in
funding for survivors over the years from Germany,
channeled through the Claims Conference, are
delivered in uneven and we believe inadequate ways,
and we still see the poverty and misery at tragically
high levels still today.
Some 55,000 Holocaust survivors in the United
States today live near or below the official federal
poverty level. This is tragic and unacceptable. We
believe that a serious assessment by this Committee
of the actual cost of needed in-home care and basic
emergency services such as medicines, dental care,
hearing aids, food, rent, utilities, transportation, and
other vital services will show a multi-billion dollar
deficit.
The Holocaust survivors in this country strongly
believe even at this very late date, we must return to
the origins of Chancellor Adenauer’s promise in the
1950’s when he said that modern Germany must take
9a
care of the all of the needs of survivors due to the
savage actions of the predecessor government, the
Nazi German regime, with the death camps, the labor
camps, medical experiments, torture, and other crimes
which have left this tragic legacy till this very hour.
Because of the these horrible deprivations, survivors’
mental and physical health care needs are more
extensive, more complex, and more dire than other
elderly people, and require serious, comprehensive
responses.
Unfortunately, the existing system has fallen
tragically short of what survivors need and deserve.
The current funding and care delivery system is
difficult for survivors to access, and also severely
underfunded.
Holocaust survivors are looking to this Committee
to help secure the funding for the care all survivors
need, primarily from the German government and
businesses such as Allianz and Generali who profited
from the Holocaust. Survivors are not seeking
additional funds from the United States government
or American taxpayers, or from Jewish philanthropy.
The United States did not cause survivors’ extensive
problems we experience today, and neither did the
Jewish community. Looking to these sources is wrong
in principle and wrong because it will never yield the
amount of funds actually needed to provide for the
needs of survivors today.
Here are some examples collected from South
Florida and other communities throughout the U.S.:
-
Emergency funds are capped at $2,500 per year
per survivor. That is a cap, not a guarantee.
Most survivors get less every year because of
limited funds that have to be divided among
10a
many survivors with emergencies. The result is
that many, many survivors’ emergency needs go
unmet.
-
Hearing aids usually cost about $5,000, and are
not covered by Medicare. With the $2,500 cap
and lower actual amounts available, survivors
often cannot get even one hearing aid, much less
two in the same year. How can a hearing impaired
survivor in his or her late 80s be expected to
manage with no or only one hearing aid?
-
Most survivors have extensive dental needs
because during the Holocaust, we had no opportunity to care for our teeth, suffered extreme
malnutrition, as well as beatings and other
horrible deprivations. Unfortunately, dental
services are paid for from the same emergency
funds that are limited to $2,500 per year. And
the dental work that many survivors need costs
thousands and thousands of dollars. Some
dentists give pro Bono help in some cities, but
this is very limited. I see and hear story after
story where survivors cannot get the gum
surgery, or extensive dental work they need
because there is no money. This is a very, very
big problem. The lack of proper dental care
harms survivors’ dignity, and also puts them at
risk for bad nutrition and cardiac problems.
-
Many poor survivors don’t have a car, cannot
access public transportation, or cannot drive
themselves to medical appointments. The lack
of transportation to go to the doctor is a real
problem and there is not enough money for this.
Survivors often miss their doctor appointments
for lack of transportation.
-
11a
The cap on home care funds has been reduced
in some areas by 50%. In some cases survivors
with documented need of 24 hour care had
funding cut from $2,500 to $1,250 per month.
-
There is the elderly survivor, Mrs. K, who is
very sick and is in the hospital for blood
transfusions, but was refused when she asked
for her AARP insurance paid which she couldn’t
afford – all of $625 for a quarter
-
Or, Mrs. I, who needed a refrigerator and after
a six week wait, her application was denied.
This was in September and she still does not
have a working refrigerator for her food and
medicine.
-
There was the elderly survivor woman who,
during one of the hottest days of this past
summer, requested money for an air conditioner
that cost $500. She was told they only had
enough money to give her half of the cost.
Unfortunately she didn’t have the rest and had
to endure the unbearable summer heat without
air conditioning.
-
There is the survivor who was desperate for
assistance to pay for a stair lift since her
husband is home bound and was told they were
too rich for assistance, even though their mortgage payments use up most of their income.
-
Survivors are begging for home care and being
refused. In one community I was told the maximum is 15 hours per week, despite the severity
of the survivors’ illness. These are people who
are not eligible for Medicaid. If they go to an
assisted living facility, they use every penny
available to pay their overhead, but you have to
12a
know that aids in those facilities cost extra. The
Claims Conference programs refuse any assistance to survivors for these so-called “extra”
services in assisted living facilities or nursing
homes.
-
These many problems are illustrated by the
case of a survivor from Stovnietze, Poland,
who spent World War II in the Lodz and Kielce
ghettos, and Auschwitz. He survived because
he was a mechanic and also learned to be a
bricklayer. He suffered so many injuries in the
camps including terrible foot injuries from
standing barefoot in the snow. Everyone but his
sister perished in the camps. This survivor
eventually settled in Richmond, Virginia. He
worked all his life and had saved some money,
but never married and had no children. But like
many survivors, he was a hoarder. As he aged it
got so bad he was pinned down in his home.
When neighbors didn’t see his car move for
three days, they called the police, who had to
hoist this elderly survivor out the upstairs
window. He was sent to the hospital close to
death. Showing signs of recovery, he got better
in a nursing home until his medical coverage
came to an end. He couldn’t move home because
it was unlivable, so he went to assisted living,
at $5,000 a month, which increased to $6,000 as
he faltered. Soon he needed aides in the facility,
which cost an additional $6,000 per month –
with no assistance from the Claims Conference
or other programs. These costs were far beyond
his reach financially. He had to be moved to
another facility that was less expensive, where
he eventually died in March 2013. However,
without the help of a group of two very dedicated
13a
friends and his former employer in the small
Richmond community he would never have
received the attention or care he needed.
-
Widows and widowers who live alone cannot get
home care from Medicare if they don’t spend a
certain number of nights in the hospital, and
after many operations are told they should have
help at home even if there were only in the
hospital overnight. Yet the rationing of home
care funds puts these survivors in danger.
-
Some survivors are now applying for assistance
for the first time. This is because they are
desperate for help, but their needs were not
factored into the agency’s budget and they have
to wait for help which may never come. Others
do not even apply because they are aware of the
funding shortages.
-
Survivors are re-traumatized every time they
have to retell their wartime experiences and for
many, the application process for assistance is
emotionally brutal.
-
Though there are fewer survivors every year,
the agencies caseloads are increasing because
more are becoming poor, they are getting more
frail, and their needs are increasing due to
declining health.
-
It is unconscionable that survivors, who went
hungry for years during the Holocaust, should
go hungry in the United States, but they are.
-
If a survivor moves to an assisted living facility
or a nursing facility, the Claims Conference
programs provide no assistance if they need
help with a personal aide or with personal
14a
hygiene. If a survivor lives independently, he or
she can get meals delivered or other services,
but these stop if they move to a facility. In these
facilities, a resident must pay extra for assistance with meds or to take a bath, but none of
that is covered by the Claims Conference.
-
Social workers and survivors involved in the
advisory committees have heard this question
far too often: “Do I take my medication or do I
buy food?” There are limited funds that must
cover a broad range of needs. “Should the agency
take care of every need of a few survivors, or
take care of some needs of many survivors?”
Under the current framework, these questions
are inevitable. Rationing is inevitable. Why
does it have to be this way?
-
There are children of survivors who are putting
themselves in financial jeopardy to help care
for their parents. We are grateful that the
Committee recognized this problem and invited
Ms. Bar-Cohen to relate her personal experience in caring for her father. These difficulties
are widespread.
Doing the Math to Properly Analyze Recent
German Home Care Announcement
Madame Chairwoman, and Mr. Ranking Member,
you are well aware from our many years of work that
in-home care is vital for survivors as they cannot be
institutionalized easily whether it be a nursing home
or mental health facility, which conjures up for most
survivors the most bitter memories of the way the
Nazis treated us. There could be nothing worse than
having to be institutionalized after all we experienced.
15a
You have heard our pleas for over a decade, seeking
a dedicated, permanent source of funding for longgerm care whose access survivors could control themselves. As you are well aware, these plans have been
repeatedly blocked by the institutions that preferred
the status quo. Think of the thousands who have
suffered since then who could have been helped if the
past efforts you supported had not been derailed! I
raise this not to assess blame, but to remind you and
the Committee that survivors need and deserve
comprehensive, accurate, and survivor-centered
solutions – TODAY.
Now everyone is talking about home care, with
grand announcements that Germany would spend
$800 million over the next four years (2014-2017) for
survivors’ home care through the Claims Conference.
We are asking the Committee to please take a very
close look at this announcement and use a sharp pencil
and paper to really understand what it will mean to
survivors for tangible help they desperately need.
According to the announcements 56,000 survivors
per year are served via the Claims Conference with
these German funds. This 56,000 number does not
include untold numbers of other survivors who are not
currently served, because we know most agencies do
not conduct or cannot afford outreach because funds
for services are already limited. Yet these Holocaust
survivors are also entitled to help and they must be an
integral part of this calculation, too.
But if the Committee and the Congress do the
simple math, it will show how terribly inadequate
these supposedly large dollar figures are when it
comes to the reality of what the survivors really need.
16a
$200 million per year divided by the 56,000
survivors that the Claims Conference and Germany
say are now being served, amounts to about $3,560 for
each Holocaust survivor each year.
The average survivor in his or her 80s needs at least
15 hours per week of home care. At $15 per hour,
which would be the low end in Chicago and South
Florida, $3,560 only provides 16 weeks a year of home
care. What is a survivor supposed to do the other 36
weeks?
If a survivor needs 24 hour a day care, the new
German fund would provide only 9 days of care every
year.
In New York City, where home care costs at least
$20 per hour, the funds would provide even less home
care for Holocaust survivors.
This is obviously not sufficient. Survivors cannot
make it on partial solutions, press releases, and
political rhetoric.
A recent report of the New York City social services
organization Self Help shows how inadequate the
recently announced funding levels really are. It says
that in 2013, in the New York City metropolitan area
alone, 26,572 survivors, or 41% of the New York
survivor population, required some help with daily
tasks. When that number is compared with the 56,000
survivors worldwide that are currently “served” via
home care funds through the Claims Conference,
the deficiencies are obvious. New York accounts for
roughly half of the U.S. survivor population, which is
between 20 and 25% of the world survivor population.
If New York’s survivor population, with about 12% of
the world’s total, has enough survivors needing home
care to comprise (for analytical purposes) 47% of the
17a
total number of survivors getting help with home care
through the Claims Conference today, the “math”
shows there are huge amounts of unmet needs now,
and will be gaping needs in the years to come.
When viewed in historical context, the recent German
home care announcement is even more chilling. This
grand new announcement might meet 25% of survivors’ current home care needs. However, it is the
culmination of several years of increases since 2005
in which the totals have doubled with each new
announcement, usually every two years. Since the
latest, high-water mark will only meet 25% of U.S.
survivors’ home care needs, it shows how much unnecessary suffering survivors had to endure in recent
years as funding has been inching up gradually
through negotiations with Germany without regard
for the actual human needs being neglected.
Another question this Committee should ask is:
What are the Claims Conference’s plans for the new
German home care funds? Have the allocations for
each city in the United States been determined? We
think that the United States House of Representatives
and the Senate, and certainly the Holocaust survivors
and our families, are entitled to know exactly how the
new German home care funds will be allocated –
where, when, and how much? The same is true for all
other funds for all the other needs survivors continue
to need so badly.
Doing this math, taking the local pay scales of any
local venue, X$/hour for home health care workers X
number of days a month which are clinically determined to be needed, gives you a number which makes
a mockery of the actions and proposals currently on
the table. The unique health and emotional conditions
and illnesses of survivors require professional treatments.
18a
We think a serious, intensive, and critical inquiry will
show the actual need is several billion dollars for home
care alone, when you consider the aggregate, world
wide need, and the remaining years this care will be
needed, and a like amount for emergency services also.
Where will the funding come from for these desperately needed professional services when Germany’s
recent, highly publicized increases still yield only 25%
of the funds needed into the foreseeable future?
Survivors need mental health care in much larger
proportion than do any other population directly
because of what was done to them – to us – under
the Nazi German regime for years. Many competent
health care professionals prescribe measures to help
and there is little money to help leaving survivors
alone to contend with the sleeplessness, nightmares
and horrors being relived over and over. Only recently,
the Claims Conference announced the results of recent
negotiations with the German Government resulting
in a one time payment for Child Survivors for the
first time amounting to $3,280 total. Once again,
the negotiations and public relations surrounding
the announcement leave the impression of a very
important result but in fact the math shows a huge
false impression. What are survivors and their families
to do to get help once again with such negotiations
results with Germany not paying the actual funding to
care for their horrid needs directly resulting from what
the Nazi Germans did to them?
I very much doubt that Chancellor Adenauer, who
promised in the 1950s that Germany would provide for
the victims of the Holocaust “to their last breath,”
would be satisfied by the state of affairs today.
Survivors need and deserve a realistic German
rational funding that will address all important unmet
19a
needs, ideally worldwide. It should no longer be
acceptable to cause continuing misery to survivors
based on piecemeal negotiations every few years and a
patchwork of programs.
I would add here that the problems of survivors
living in poverty and suffering without the care they
need is a worldwide problem — including in Israel
where over 40% of the world’s Holocaust survivors
live. The issue is of such concern in Israel that, even
as the people of Israel braced for war with Hamas this
past July, the Jerusalem Post published a statement I
wrote addressing the depth of the problems facing
Holocaust survivors in the U.S., Israel, and worldwide.
In that article, I wrote:
Survivors and second and third generation
leaders have long opposed the current cynical
framework pitting the heirs of East German
properties against indigent survivors. This
shell game, enabled by the silence bought by
Claims Conference grants, has allowed the
Claims Conference to protect Germany while
maintaining monopoly control over Holocaustrelated assets and survivors’ welfare. But the
fact is, Germany caused the massive medical
and emotional problems survivors are confronting today, and Germany should pay for
all of the survivors’ needs, without the bargaining and compromising that has become
the Claims Conference’s specialty. Survivors
and heirs should have the right to recover
their lost assets, including German properties, insurance claims, and artworks, and
Germany should pay for the needs of indigent
survivors.
20a
http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Op-Ed-Contributors/Me
mo-to-the-Claims-Conference-We-Holocaust-survivorsare-not-dead-yet-362041
In connection with this statement and my live
testimony, I request that the Committee accept some
letters and other materials concerning this and the
other matters I have addressed here.
Survivors Are Not Asking for Help from U.S.
Taxpayers
Members of this Committee and Subcommittees, we
want to also be clear that Holocaust survivors are not
asking for more help from the U.S. taxpayers.
Survivors already benefit from many programs for the
elderly, and should continue to do so. We hope these
can be made better for all elderly in the U.S. However,
U.S. taxpayers are already burdened enough, and soon
10 million American baby boomers will be turning
65 every year for the foreseeable future. Shaving off
thin slices of these precious funds which themselves
have been sequestered and cut along with regularly
targeted funds added would make it tragic for survivors to be inserted in that long line of those seeking
those ever smaller funds.
Holocaust survivors endured ghettos, starvation,
disease, concentration camps, killing factories, and
death marches. We came to the United States and
became proud and productive American citizens. Many
survivors served this country in combat in Korea
and Vietnam. I myself am a U.S. military veteran.
Survivors are fiercely independent and never wanted
to rely on their fellow Americans for a penny of
assistance. These same survivors now have to ask for
help because they can no longer care for themselves.
21a
But the United States did not cause the problems
survivors face today – Germany did.
As a survivor I am sick as are my colleagues that
these taxpayer funds of HHS, and others are being
contemplated for use for us and our brothers and
sisters when we insist Germany’s full responsibility to
provide the actual costs of all the services remains a
moral and a practical imperative.
In this regard, I feel it is necessary to comment on
the recent initiative announced by the White House
about helping Holocaust survivors.
The White House announced an “initiative” to help
Holocaust survivors in need with a plan to appoint one
desk person at HHS to coordinate with social service
agencies, begin a program to recruit VISTA volunteers
to help survivors, and begin to organize fundraising
in the Jewish Federations to augment funding for
survivors’ needs.
As it currently stands, the White House’s announcement is deeply flawed. Survivors deserve the most
thorough, professional, and comprehensive care available,
not half-measures. And the Jewish community should
not be looked to for fundraising to fill these gaps – the
Jewish people were the victims, not the perpetrators.
The Jewish communities should not be called upon
today to provide the financial assistance that is
Germany’s responsibility, and be asked to shortchange other community priorities such as Jewish
education, youth programs of all kinds, providing
assistance for other Jews in need locally and
throughout the world, including other Jewish elderly,
and most recently, Israel’s humanitarian needs during
and after the war with Hamas.
22a
It isn’t like the Jewish Federations have not been
aware of the shortages in funding for survivors over
the past several years. They too have been hit hard
by the economy, and changing philanthropic trends
and lack of confidence in institutions as well. Further,
many communities have tried to hold special fundraising efforts, which are well-intended but never calculated
to nor have they succeeded in actually raising the
funds to provide survivors the full measure of assistance needed.
The survivors’ needs are vast and immediate. Why
should we Holocaust survivors always be subjected to
these kinds of compromises and flawed solutions? Wellmeaning but short-sighted suggestions that survivors’
needs can be addressed through volunteer programs
and extra fundraising in Jewish communities will not
suffice.
We raised all of these concerns with the Vice
President’s staff, and these are only some of the
reasons we believe the White House’s announcement
should be viewed as perhaps a starting point, but not
the end point for what is needed to provide the
complete and professional levels of care that survivors
need and deserve, and not to sidetrack a the urgent
business to immediately get this right for survivors, at
long last. This is in every sense of the word, a matter
of life and death. Where is the urgency?
If there is more Federal Government support or
more charitable contributions to help some of the
survivors in need as we all know about, it would be
welcome. But this is not the solution to the vast
problems survivors face today. This approach has been
tried for decades and it has not worked. When we are
talking about needing hundreds of millions of dollars
per year over and above what is currently being spent
23a
to properly care for survivors, raising a few million
dollars in the Jewish community will not come close to
solving the problem, and neither will $5 million or $10
million from the U.S. government.
If only all these well-meaning friends would simply
do the math to understand how survivors real,
medically mandated health care could never be met
under those solutions thus far put in place. The
Government of Germany is the only source of realistic
levels of funding to make a difference in the lives of
survivors living in poverty. The good-sounding negotiations results simply will never do that.
This past May, the Administration’s Special Envoy
for Holocaust Issues, and her colleagues, travelled to
South Florida to meet with the survivor community,
the adult children of survivors many of whom are
caretakers, and the Jewish Family and Children’s’
Services professionals who have the prime responsibility to administer what little funds exist for survivors.
These meetings took place in Miami, Fort Lauderdale,
Boca Raton, and West Palm Beach. I am proud that in
each community the survivors and family members
were united in our report: there is simply not enough
funding available to meet the needs that we know
about much less the problems faced by so many
destitute survivors too embarrassed to seek help.
While we were encouraged by the caring attitude
that the Administration’s people brought, we are very
concerned that their agenda is far too limited, i.e.
focused solely on making federal programs work better
for survivors. Well, that is a laudable and long overdue
goal, and we offered what support we could. However,
it would be tragic of the Administration lost sight
of the big picture and the urgency of the needs of
survivors today which can only be addressed by
24a
substantial increases in funding from Germany and
other culpable Holocaust countries and profiteers. We
implored the White House representatives to urge
the President and Vice President to take a leadership
position and bring our concerns to Chancellor Merkel
personally.
We know social service agencies and local leaders
throughout the United States charged with the responsibility to provide care for survivors have to manage
with insufficient resources. But their hands seem to be
tied when it comes to the most significant obstacles
facing survivors. Why don’t they speak up and support
the survivors seeking to hold Germany responsible for
providing the complete current amounts of funds
survivors desperately need. Why do retired German
WWII veterans and even SS officers receive ample
pensions and complete health care coverage, when
Holocaust survivors are forced to choose between
paying for food or medicine, and cannot pay for dental
care, home care, utilities, home care, and other basic
needs? This isn’t right.
Maybe, after this hearing and the Committee’s
work, the White House will immediately build on the
acknowledgement that the needs are great, and use its
unique authority to deliver the comprehensive
financial support that survivors need and deserve.
However, even without the White House, we believe
in this Committee and in our elected members of
Congress, led by you Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen
and Congressman Deutch, and the 100-plus other
members of this House who have previously supported
the Holocaust survivors. We ask that you initiate an
effort with them to raise your collective voices with
Germany, as Senators Nelson and Boxer have done in
the Senate.
25a
Please, Madame Chairwoman and Mr. Ranking
Member and Members of this Committee, help us by
contacting Chancellor Merkel and your counterparts
in the German Parliament, the Bundestag, to get this
message understood once and for all. Otherwise, we
will die never seeing meaningful help provided to the
tens of thousands of brothers and sisters who need
help but continue to suffer.
We are losing more and more survivors every day
and they need our help now. We need to this Committee to figure out how much they need for housing,
dental care, home health care and other survivors and
then use your eminence as members of this great
United States Senate to help us secure the needed
funding, today, without any more delays. The German
government and the United States government
continues to protect the Allianz insurance company
and to hide behind the Claims Conference in providing
insufficient levels of care for tens of thousands of
survivors in need. We need the Vice President, the
entire Administration, this Committee and entire
Congress to pressure Germany, and all culpable
business entities, to fulfill their moral obligations to
Holocaust survivors, today.
What Happened After the 1997 Senate
Resolution Calling on Germany to Provide
Adequate Income Support and Full Health Care
for Holocaust Survivors?
In 1997, the United States Senate unanimously
passed a resolution co-sponsored by Senators Moynihan,
Graham, Hatch, Dodd, and Biden, calling on Germany
to provide adequate material and social service support
so that all Holocaust survivors could live in dignity.
The resolution noted that retired SS officers in Germany
and elsewhere receive far more generous health care
26a
benefits from Germany than Holocaust survivors.
It called for, among other goals, that “the German
Government should fulfill its responsibilities to
victims of the Holocaust and immediately set up a
comprehensive medical fund to cover the medical
expenses of all Holocaust survivors worldwide.” S.Con.
Res. 39, July 15, 1997.
Unfortunately, neither the Jewish community leadership, the Executive Branch, nor Congress followed
through on persuading Germany to live up to these
aspirations. Today, 17 years later, there is no more
excuse for delay.
The grandstanding, fractured, and irrational, biannual
announcements of Claims Conference-German secret
negotiations have got to stop as the means of caring
for survivors once and for all. It should be replaced by
the serious solution sought by the survivors who have
pleaded for this for nearly 15 years of agony and
endless suffering and inability to lift their brothers
and sisters in need into a reasonably comfortable and
dignified quality of life, and having watched as so
many survivors died in agony these past 15 years
while those in power ignored or failed to grasp the
seriousness of our plight. The above suggested process
is the only way once and for all to set the process right
and kill poverty among our ranks before it is too late.
Data on Survivors Living in Poverty
When the group of survivor leaders who eventually
started the Holocaust Survivors Foundation USA
started this effort back in 1998, 1999, 2000, there were
at least 87,500 U.S. survivors living in or near poverty,
which was half of the 175,000 living survivors in the
U.S. at the time. Today, there are some 110,000 living
survivors, and still, half – 55,000 – live below the
27a
poverty line or are considered poor. To us survivors,
it is unbearable to think about the tens of thousands
of survivors who already died in misery in this great
country without the care they needed. It is unconscionable that thousands of survivors, who went
hungry for years during the Holocaust, should have
died hungry or alone here in these great United States.
The current framework is not acceptable, and never
was. But now that this Committee is investigating the
status of survivors in the United States, we are
praying that this Committee’s work will not allow the
catastrophes of the past decade to be repeated.
Keep in mind that Holocaust survivors also suffer
from much higher levels of poverty than other elderly
because of the loss of parents, grandparents, the loss
of property and other assets, and the deprivation of
educational opportunities. Even many survivors who
did OK economically have outlived their resources,
and are now unable to afford the care they need.
Unfortunately, there is no comprehensive census
data that shows the number of survivors in the U.S.,
the number that live in poverty, and the kind of
care they are receiving via government and privatelydelivered services. However, there are several local
studies and national surveys that support the basic
finding that half of all survivors live below or near the
poverty level, and that the funding for survivors’ needs
is terribly inadequate everywhere. Here are a few of
these summarized.
National Data. As I noted, today, some 55,000
Holocaust survivors in the U.S. – half of the survivor
population here – live below or near the poverty line
and cannot afford sufficient food, shelter, medicine,
health care, home care, dental care, hearing aids,
eyeglasses, and other services necessary for a dignified
28a
old age. This number is derived from data from leading
demographers compiled by the Jewish Federation
system and filed with the Federal Court in 2004. The
number of U.S. survivors living in or near poverty at
the time was 87,500. (See Sheskin, Estimates of the
Number of Nazi Victims and Their Economic Status,
January 2004; 2000-01 National Jewish Population
Survey.) 55,000 is also the number cited by the Claims
Conference when describing the population of U.S.
survivors who are poor today.
Los Angeles. In December 2008, the Jewish
Federation of Los Angeles conducted a survey which
concluded that there are 10,000-12,000 Holocaust
survivors living in the Los Angeles metropolitan area,
most of whom are over the age of 85, 75% of whom are
female, and 49% of whom are “low income or poor.” See
Los Angeles Community Study of Vulnerable Jewish
Seniors and Holocaust Survivors, December 2008.
The Los Angeles study found, “[c]onsistent with
other national studies, Holocaust survivors in Los
Angeles are less affluent than other Jews, with 49%
of households either low-income or poor. Using the
federal poverty guidelines, 27% of survivors are living
at or below 100% of the guidelines.”
New York. A few years ago, the UJA-Federation of
New York City reported that “[t]here are 73,000 aging
Holocaust survivors in NY, half of whom are living
at or below the poverty level.” See http://www.face
book.com/ujafedny.
As I said before, a recent report in 2013 by Self Help
found that in 2013, in the New York City metropolitan
area alone, 26,572 survivors, or 41% of the New York
survivor population, required some help with daily
tasks.
29a
San Francisco. The Jewish News Weekly of Northern
California reported in 2008 that of 4,000 Holocaust
survivors living in the Bay Area, 1,000 of them “are
in trouble,” and that “the Jewish community is not
raising enough money to care for the poorest and
sickest in a proper and humane way.” See Anita
Friedman, “Holocaust Remembrance is About
Honoring the Living, Too,” Jewish News Weekly of
Northern California, May 2, 2008. These concerns
about the large number of survivors in need in the Bay
Area were again reported four years later. See
Deborah Garel, “As We Memorialize Shoah Victims,
Don’t Forget the Living,” Jweekly.com, April 12, 2012.
Washington, D.C. The Washington (D.C.) Jewish
Week reported in November 2012 that while “Claims
Conference money has never been enough to fund
the JSSA’s (Jewish Social Services Agency’s) support
for Holocaust survivors,” that in 2012 the agency
was estimating a $500,000 shortfall because of the
increased demand for services. See “Fiscal Cliff for
Survivors,” The Washington Jewish Week, November
28, 2012.
South Florida. In Miami, a 2003 survey (the most
recent one to ask the question) found that 39% of
survivors live below the official poverty level. No one
believes the situation has improved since then. But
the community isn’t even asking the question now –
either to avoid embarrassment, or perhaps because
they realize the results won’t make a difference with
today’s funding system.
In preparation for the 2009 Prague Conference
on Holocaust Assets, the South Florida social service
organizations met with the Holocaust survivor leadership and Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen to
discuss the conditions facing survivors in the care of
30a
the communities there. In Miami, the director reported
that the survivors under the care of the Jewish
Community Services organization are mostly in their
late 80s and 90s, and require substantially greater
care on the whole than they did even a few years ago,
but the current system only provides a portion of the
hours of home care needed.
Broward County and Palm Beach Counties reported
larger but somewhat younger survivor populations,
with slightly lower levels of poverty levels and lower
levels of hours of care and emergency services needed
on average. So, Broward and Palm Beach Counties’
survivors were at the time of that meeting getting
about one quarter to one third of the home care they
needed, about 4-6 hours per week (like Miami 10 years
ago). Further, their emergency funds from the Claims
Conference are not only rationed every month, but run
out long before the end of the year. Because their
situations mirror what Miami looked like a decade
ago, we can assume the needs will continue to grow
among survivors there in the coming years.
I am including a current write-up from the Alpert
Jewish Family & Children’s Service organization in
West Palm Beach as an exhibit to my testimony.
Israel and elsewhere. There are also thousands of
impoverished Holocaust survivors living in Israel,
Europe, Canada, Australia, and South America who
are not receiving the services they need for a dignified
quality of life. According to the Claims Conference in
2010, the number of Holocaust survivors living in or
near poverty in Israel was 74,000, and the number in
the former Soviet Union was 90,000. When the 55,000
poor U.S. survivors are included in this ghastly count,
it shows 219,000 Holocaust survivors living in
or near poverty worldwide. As has been widely
31a
reported to the shock and dismay of many, even survivors in Israel do not receive proper and needed care,
due to funding shortages from Claims Conference and
the Israeli government, it doesn’t. See, e.g. Liel Leibovitz,
“Israel’s Starving Survivors,” Tablet, April 8, 2013;
Daniel Ziri, “Budget Runs Out for Holocaust Survivors’
Expenses,” The Jerusalem Post, August 11, 2012.
Insurance Companies’ Responsibility
Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen and Congressman
Deutch, we also appreciate your introducing HR 890
in 2011 and pushing as hard as you did to have it pass
through this Committee and go further. That bill
would have restored Holocaust survivors’ rights to sue
Allianz, Generali, AXA, Munich Re, Swiss Re, Zurich,
Basler, RAS, Victoria, and other global insurers who
dishonored insurance policies they sold to our parents
and grandparents. The failure of your bill to advance
to even a floor vote in the House (and of S. 466 to
advance to a vote in the Senate Judiciary Committee)
remains a bitter disappointment to Holocaust survivors and our families. I would like my testimony before
the 2008 Senate Foreign Affairs Committee, and the
testimony of fellow HSF executive committee member
Renee Firestone in the House and Senate in 2011 and
2012, along with my other HSF colleagues who have
testified on the insurance issue and other issues of
vital concern to survivors, to be deemed an official part
of this hearing record. Here are the citations:
http://www.foreign.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/RubinJTe
stimony080506p 1.pdf
http://archives.republicans.foreignaffairs.house.gov/11
2/fir111611.pdf
http://www.judiciary.senate.gov/pdf/12-6-20FirestoneTe
stimony.pdf
32a
http://democrats.foreignaffairs.house.gov/110/rec03280
7.htm
http://archives.republicans.foreignaffairs.house.gov/11
2/71263 .pdf
http://judiciary.house.gov/hearings/pdf/Dubbin100922
http://archives.financialservices.house.gov/hearing110/
arbeiter020708.pdf
http://archives.republicans.foreignaffairs.house.gov/11
0/sch032807.htm
http://archives.republicans.foreignaffairs.house.gov/11
0/rec032807.htm
http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CHRG-110hhrg38141/pd
f/CHRG-110hhrg3 8141.pdf
http://archives.republicans.foreignaffairs.house.gov/11
0/mos100307.htm
http://archives.republicans.foreignaffairs.house.gov/11
0/rub100307.htm
The reason is that my colleagues and I have
attempted to bring the concerns of the survivor community before this Congress over the past decade
on several occasions, and our positions have been
thoroughly documented and supported. But we have
been overwhelmed by the moneyed interests of the
insurance companies, the misrepresentations of the
Bush and Obama Administrations, and the treachery
and dishonesty of certain non-survivor Jewish groups
led by the Claims Conference, ADL, AJC, B’nai B’rith,
Agudas Israel, the World Jewish Congress, and Stuart
Eizenstat.
But insurers collectively owe Holocaust survivors
and our families well over $20 billion in today’s
33a
dollars, and they have denied us our families’ historic
and financial legacies. Thousands of survivors have
died as second class citizens in this country without
the ability to reclaim their families’ financial and
historic legacies. It is criminal that the insurers remain
immune, with the assistance of those I just named.
I raise this here for several reasons. First, even if
survivors’ legal rights were restored and all traceable
beneficiaries and heirs are paid, there would still be
billions of dollars in likely heirless proceeds these
companies could and should contribute to a fund to
assist survivors today. As I said in 2008, what about
the policies that went up in flames in AuschwitzBirkenau, and the other death camps? Why should
Generali and Allianz be the heirs of the Jewish families who were annihilated?
I raise this for another reason. As you surely recall,
to defeat our efforts going back to 2007 in Congress to
restore survivors’ legal rights, the insurers, the State
Department, and even some Jewish groups made the
argument that restoring survivors’ legal rights would
result in less funding from Germany for the needs of
indigent survivors. This was and is an outrageous
argument. One thing has nothing to do with the other.
Insurance companies should pay their debts and survivors should be able to sue them if they breach their
contracts. That has nothing to do with Germany’s long
overdue moral obligation to provide adequate funding
for the needs of survivors, a duty it has ignored and
only recently began to address due to pressure from
the survivors and our allies here in Congress.
But if you go back to the actual hearing record in the
Senate back to 2007 and 2008, you will see that the
Claims Conference witness cited this argument while
was bragging about having secured $70 million from
34a
Germany for “additional home care funding” – for the
entire world! We pointed out that $70 million for two
years, or $35 million per year, for the 50,000 survivors
then being served, would generate a total of $700 per
survivor for home care funding – about 4 weeks of
home care given the average cost of $15 and average
need of 15 hours per week.
Germany doubled these home care funds again in
2010 and 2013, culminating in the home care fund
discussed above that will address only 25% of the
survivors’ needs. If the funds from Germany have
doubled three times and now will only meet onequarter of the needs, this Committee can easily see
that a far more direct and forceful response is desperately needed. This is what survivors are hoping will
result from today’s hearing and your next steps.
Of course, we hope and expect that Congress will
take up a bill like HR 890 early next year and pass it
so survivors can recover our family insurance policies.
However, in addition, we believe that the insurers
such as Allianz and Generali and others who profited
from the Holocaust should also contribute to the kind
of fund we are urging here to provide for all survivors’
needs, immediately, and without further haggling.
They have the money – they stole it. They can pay it
out today to relieve survivors’ suffering, some of which
they caused.
Survivors’ Care Remains Germany’s Responsibility
Nothing has changed since Chancellor Adenauer’s
remarkable assertions of German responsibility in the
1950’s! Instead Germany, under the present newly reelected government has actively successfully pushed
their own responsibilities to the US government and
35a
the American Jewish community instead. How bizarre
is that? We are outraged and we beg this committee,
especially you, Madame Chairwoman and Ranking
Member Deutch, who have sat so ably on the Foreign
Affairs Committee for all these years, to press the
Secretary of State and the President, who have developed close ties to Chancellor Merkel and visited the
camps with her and with Elie Wiesel, to change all this
now, and get back to providing sufficient funds directly
to meet survivors’ actual physical and mental needs.
The cost of a proper, comprehensive, and permanent
program would be minimal compared to Germany’s
and the insurers’ resources – but would provide a vital
lifeline to survivors who need and deserve it.
While you may think a turn-around is impossible
to refocus on Germany’s responsibility. We believe
because of the very personal ties which exist uniquely
at this time in the relationships with Chancellor
Merkel, and with you, Madame Chairman, and the
Secretary of State, a concerted effort to renew and
refresh German’s role is promising and should be tried
on a concerted high level it should work. I am sure Elie
Wiesel would join such an effort just as he did a the
Prague conference on this subject and his visits with
the President and Merkel at Bergen Belsen
Concentration Camp as well as other such meetings.
Let me remind the Committee of Elie Wiesel’s words
to the 2009 Prague Conference:
However it is with pained sincerity that I
must declare my conviction that living survivors of poor health or financial means,
deserve first priority. They suffered enough.
ANd enough people benefitted FROM their
suffering. Why not do everything possible and
36a
draw from all available funds to help them
live their last years with a sense of security,
in dignity and serenity. All other parties can
and must wait. Do not tell me that it ought to
be the natural task of local Jewish communities; let’s not discharge our responsibilities by
placing them on their shoulders. WE have the
funds. Let’s use them for those survivors in
our midst who are on the threshold of despair.
If only this could be the serious focus by all high
level persons, led by you, Chairwoman Ros-Lehtinen
and Ranking Member Deutch, it would finally cut
through the talk and false efforts once and for all then
to provide actual meaningful care not gimmicks which
won’t work once again leaving survivors continuing to
suffer until they die.
Thank you again to the entire leadership of this
Committee and Subcommittees to hear us, to bring
these issues to light, and for your efforts past and
future. They are historic and extremely important.
37a
APPENDIX C
STATEMENT OF KLARA FIRESTONE
UNITED STATES HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
The Struggles of Recovering Assets for
Holocaust Survivors
September 18, 2014
My name is Klara Firestone. I was born in Prague,
Czechoslovakia immediately following the end of World
War II, and I am the daughter of two Holocaust survivors. I am the founder and president (for my second
term) of Second Generation of Los Angeles, a founding
member of Generations of the Shoah International
(GSI), and sit on the Board of the Los Angeles Museum
of the Holocaust, the first museum and monument to
the Holocaust in the United States. Since founding
Second Generation in 1978, I have been steeped in
Holocaust affairs and have worked hand-in-glove
with the members of the survivor community in Los
Angeles and our surrounding counties. I come here
today to speak on behalf of myself, my family, and the
hundreds of Survivors and Second Generation who
I have counseled and ministered to over the past
37years, and who have not had a voice to advocate for
their rights. As the leader of Second Generation of Los
Angeles, I have facilitated hundreds of support groups
for children of Holocaust survivors, and in more recent
years, after becoming a psychotherapist, I facilitated
therapy groups for Second Generation. I have also
been instrumental in helping survivor families navigate what have often been very complex and difficult
relationships between parents and children given the
38a
extreme trauma that served as the backdrop for our
developmental years, and most of our lives.
There is a long trail of problems that tens of thousands of survivors and family members have confronted,
too often with incredibly frustrating and painful
outcomes. The status quo is obviously not acceptable.
If half of all survivors worldwide – including in the
United States – are living today in or near poverty,
unable to afford even the basics for a dignified old age,
the approach of the past 50 years is obviously wrong.
The temptation is great to dwell on the past, but we
know you called this hearing to see what can be done
TODAY to make a change for the better. What can be
done today for survivors and their family members
who have suffered terribly and continue to suffer? The
answer is very plain: Germany must assume the
responsibility to provide for all medically necessary
and basic income needs of all Survivors.
I would add my voice to the others who have discussed many of the medical and emotional issues that
survivors and the Second Generation must deal with
on a daily basis. The problems are real, and they
require serious professional attention, with properly
trained health care and psychological care givers who
understand the unique problems that survivors and
their children must deal with. Proper care requires a
sea change in the funding available, and it is only just
and right that this responsibility be assumed by the
German government, and other entities that collaborated and profited from the Holocaust. Later in this
statement, I address the extremely important issue of
the plight and suffering of so many of our Second
Generation members, who are the forgotten victims of
the Nazi’s atrocities and also deserve immediate and
comprehensive support from Germany.
39a
If this Committee does one thing as a result of this
hearing, we ask that you undertake a concerted, bipartisan, and relentless effort to convince Chancellor
Merkel and the German Bundestadt to make good on
Chancellor Adenauer’s pledge in 1952 to take care of
Holocaust survivors “to their last breath.”
As my fellow panelist, Holocaust Survivor, Jack
Rubin, stated in a recent Op-ed in the Jerusalem Post:
“[T]he fact is, Germany caused the massive medical
and emotional problems survivors are confronting
today, and Germany should pay for all of the survivors’
needs, without the bargaining and compromising
that has become the Claims Conference’s specialty.
Survivors and heirs should have the right to recover
their lost assets, including German properties,
insurance claims, and artworks, and Germany should
pay for the needs of indigent survivors.”
My testimony follows in the footsteps of my mother,
Renee Firestone, who appeared before the full House
Committee on Foreign Affairs on November 16, 2011,
and before the Senate’s Judiciary Committee on June
20, 2012. In the interest of conserving time, I have
included her full written testimony to the House
Committee as an exhibit to my written testimony and
I reference it here, at this juncture. I wish, however, to
point up a few salient points from her testimony.
At the age of 20, my mother was imprisoned for 13
months in the infamous death camp known as
Auschwitz/Birkenau during the last years of World
War II. Her mother, my grandmother, was never even
processed into the camp, but was gassed immediately
on arrival to Auschwitz. Six months after arrival at
the camp, her 16 year old sister, after whom I am
named, was first experimented upon before being
shot by the Nazis to avoid her re-entering the general
40a
population of the camp and possibly exposing what the
Nazis were doing. Her father, Morris, died of tuberculosis shortly after liberation. Her brother Frank,
who had been a partisan . . . a resistance fighter . . .
was the only other member of her immediate family to
survive. In addition, we lost almost all of our huge
extended family.
Following liberation in 1945, she was reunited with
her brother and soon-to-be husband, my father Bernard,
who had been in a Hungarian forced labor camp and
then interned at Mauthausen concentration camp.
When the Holocaust ended, the fragments of Europe’s
Jewish communities emerged broken and tattered,
wanting nothing more than to find who of their
families survived and begin rebuilding their lives.
They were too busy fighting their “demons” to care
about fighting bureaucracy in order to claim what was
due them. Many believed, as my mother also did then,
that this was “blood money” and wanted nothing to
do with it. They asked the question, “How can you
compensate me for the loss of my parents, brothers,
sisters, aunts, uncles, cousins, etc. in dollars? What
value should I assign that? So once again, their claims
and needs went unmet. In the years immediately
after the war, these very young survivors traveled to
whichever country would allow them access and safe
haven, thankful to have the chance at new lives.
A handful made it to phenomenal wealth, but the
majority did not, and today the educated estimates are
that approximately half of all survivors in the United
States are living at or below the poverty line. Yet
when they have tried in the past to gain some measure
of justice, they have been met with the appalling
intransigence of the Claims Conference leadership and
had the doors slammed in their faces.
41a
Can someone please tell me why, after suffering the
humiliations and brutality of the Nazis, the survivors
must now go begging for what is rightfully due them,
suffering additional indignities and being re-traumatized, only this time by the ones who are ostensibly
there to aid them! If you could hear the comments and
cries of the survivors at this betrayal, it would break
your hearts, just as it broke mine.
As the most active and visible leaders in our survivor community, my mother and I have been approached
hundreds of times by survivors and their children
beseeching us to intervene on their behalf to recover
restitution which is rightfully theirs. Time and time
again we have attempted to do just that, and we, too,
have been unsuccessful.
Even advocating for my own family has proved to no
avail. My beloved father passed away in 2001. Prior to
his death, he had received a letter from the Claims
Conference confirming that they had assigned him a
claim number for a particular fund and he would soon
be receiving the monies. After contacting them numerous times over the years, we are still waiting for those
funds. They now claim that they are unable to find his
claim in the system. You cannot imagine the pain this
causes the loved ones of a Holocaust survivor, not to
mention re-traumatizing the survivors themselves,
and this is the kind of problem I hear about over and
over again.
With so many obstacles to obtaining what belonged
to them, the survivors sought a different route to
recover some part of their family legacies. They attempted
to file claims with the insurance companies that had
insured their parents’ lives and properties through the
auspices of ICHEIC, the International Committee on
42a
Holocaust Era Insurance Claims. Once again they hit
a wall, thwarted by the ineffectiveness of ICHEIC.
My mother spoke to me numerous times about her
certainty that her father had insurance to cover his
business, their home, and his life. Her comment was
almost always the same, “My father was sort of the
patriarch of the family. Everyone, including his
brothers and sisters would come to him for advice on
all matters. Why would he advise his relatives to get
insurance and then not purchase it for himself and
his family?” This makes no logical sense. By a stroke
of magical luck, my mother’s first cousin found some
documents when he went home after the war, including the insurance policy of his parents. He was the
very first survivor to recover from ICHEIC because of
this document, although others were not so lucky. And
when the children of his deceased brothers finally
discovered that they could claim as well, they tried but
were told that the claim had already been paid. So
much for “adequate and sufficient notice to claimants.”
As my mother stated in her testimony on November
16, 2011,
My father was a very responsible man, with a
business and real property in order to provide our
family with an upper middle class standard of living
in pre-war Czechoslovakia (annexed by Hungary in
1938). I am certain he had insurance. But when I filed
my claim, after all the fanfare, the Commission
(ICHEIC) informed me that his name was not on any
of the lists. This is difficult for me to accept, but since
it is well-known that the lists produced by Generali
and the other insurance companies were incomplete,
I wonder why the U.S. government has neither
demanded a full accounting, nor allowed the states to
require it.
43a
* * *
Here are some facts that this Committee and Congress
should know about when they come to evaluate the
insurance companies’ and anyone else’s claim that
Holocaust survivors, and the children and grandchildren of Holocaust victims, should be satisfied with
ICHEIC, rather than have our rights enforced.
ICHEIC was chartered under Swiss law and headquartered in London to avoid American public record
laws and court subpoenas. It was funded by the insurance companies themselves, its meetings were conducted
in secret, and minutes were not even published of the
secret meetings.
Almost all survivors were frustrated and insulted by
their ICHEIC experiences. This was conveyed to Congress
in a series of hearings between 2000 and 2003. The
survivors regaled experiences such as multi year waits
for responses, denials without any explanation, demands
for information that no claimant could be expected to
know (such as the birthdates or death certificates of
relatives who perished in the Holocaust), and denials
of claims even where policies were proven to have
existed (Generali’s “Negative Evidence Rule”).
In its first five years, ICHEIC spent more money
on administrative expenses than it paid in claims.
Chairman Lawrence Eagleburger told a Congressional
Committee that ICHEIC’s internal processes were
“none of its [Congress’s] business.”
In 2002, Congressman Henry Waxman wrote:
“Holocaust survivors have been waiting decades to
reclaim Holocaust-era insurance policies. Unfortunately,
the . . . majority of the companies that have agreed
to the ICHEIC process have not lived up to their
obligation to disclose policyholder lists. The ICHEIC
44a
member companies also appear to have wrongfully
rejected, undervalued or left unanswered the claims of
many survivors.”
In 2003, Congress even passed a law – the Foreign
Affairs Authorization Act – that required the State
Department to collect information on ICHEIC companies’ claims, practices, and results. However, ICHEIC
refused to comply with this requirement as the
State Department reported in its annual reports each
year.
When ICHEIC ended in 2007, it had paid fewer than
14,000 of the 800,000 life/annuity/endowment polices
estimated to be owned by European Jews in 1938. The
total paid on policies was $250 million, less than three
percent (3%) of the $18 billion in outstanding values
at the time, according to the estimate of economist
Zabludoff, using what he regards as very conservative
numbers. Today the unpaid amount of Holocaust era
insurance policies exceeds $20 billion.
ICHEIC also issued 34,000 checks for $1000 each
which it termed “humanitarian” in nature, but which
survivors considered insulting rejections. Yet ICHEIC
and its supporters today take credit for having “paid
48,000 claims,” an obvious attempt to inflate its results
and give the appearance of success to a process that
badly failed.
You can also imagine our shock when, after ICHEIC
ended, its Chief Executive Officer, Mara Rudman,
became a paid lobbyist for the American Insurance
Association – the umbrella U.S. group lobbying against
the original version of HR 890 that was introduced by
the late Congressman Tom Lantos in 2007. Mr. Lantos,
the only Holocaust survivor to ever serve in Congress,
was a dear friend of mine. His widow, Annette Lantos,
45a
as well as his daughter Katrina, have remained committed advocates for the rights of Holocaust survivors.
As a Californian, I am also proud to say that our
Insurance Commissioners, especially former Commissioner, and now Congressman, John Garamendi,
were among the very few who stood toe to toe with the
insurance companies and even the Jewish groups on
ICHEIC who were so ready to cave into the insurance
companies and short-change the survivors. Mr.
Garamendi fought passionately for our interests.
Unfortunately, despite Mr. Garamendi’s tireless
efforts to make ICHEIC work to benefit claimants, the
insurance companies won big by paying so few policies,
by paying such small settlements, and by convincing
the Supreme Court that the states did not have the
right to allow us Holocaust survivors to hold the
insurers accountable for their actions. This loss was
devastating, and shocked survivors throughout the
State and the country.
Not only are we distraught over the way the courts
have disrespected Holocaust survivors, but the records
that the Holocaust Survivors Foundation USA has
found under the Freedom of Information Act show that
the State and Justice Departments acted terribly in
their court papers and Congressional testimony. We
cannot understand how our own government became
the adversary of Holocaust survivors in the 21st
Century.
Despite the claim that the United States and Europe
have been “successful in Holocaust restitution,” that is
far from the truth. Specific property restitution f
or individuals has been largely unfulfilled. Only a
fraction of the properties actually looted during the
Holocaust were “recovered” or restituted in any general
46a
sense, and of those funds, only a small portion
recovered and deemed “heirless” or for “humanitarian
purposes” has trickled down to meet the pressing social
service needs of the remaining Holocaust survivors.
Tragically, tens of thousands of survivors, including
many thousands in the US, are facing dire problems.
They cannot meet basic home and health care needs, or
pay for medicines, dentures, eyeglasses, hearing aids,
or walkers, or receive transportation to the doctor. This
may shock most leaders and public officials, but it has
been documented with increasing frequency in the
Jewish and mainstream media.
In the United States, half of all survivors – more than
50,000 – either live below the poverty line (25%) or have
incomes so low they are considered `poor” given the cost
of living in their communities. In my hometown of Los
Angeles, 39% of all Holocaust survivors live below the
poverty line. This is a moral and human tragedy that
should never have been accepted, but it was, and it
continues today. Yet we survivors, and our children,
are dealing with these tragedies day in and day out,
and the governmental and philanthropic establishments have been sadly protective of status quo
organizations and corporations, rather than protective
of survivors’ rights, interests, and needs.
How did this state of affairs come to pass? The role
of the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against
Germany, Inc. (“Claims Conference”) in the restitution
failures is a common thread that cannot be ignored.
One of the reasons victims have done so badly in the
property and insurance negotiations is that the organizations primarily doing the negotiating (the Claims
Conference, the World Jewish Congress, the World
Jewish Restitution Organization—WJRO) are less
interested in individual claims being honored than in
47a
“global settlements” which result in funds they can
control. Even Stuart Eizenstat, no champion of survivors’
rights, recognized this in his book Imperfect Justice.
As reported in the media and testified in Congressional committees, the Claims Conference has drawn
the ire of Holocaust survivors throughout the world for
its lack of survivor representation in policy making,
for policies that cause grave harm to thousands of
impoverished survivors, for its lack of transparency in
the handling of restituted assets, and worst of all, for
its use of restitution funds for pet projects including
grants to board members and cronies of organization
officials, and other serious concerns.
The Claims Conference is a creation of the early
1950’s. It reflects a political decision made by leaders
of the Jewish community and the German government,
in the aftermath of the Holocaust, to have a mechanism
to channel German reparations to Holocaust survivors.
For over 40 years, there were no official survivor organizations on the Claims Conference board of directors.
In the 1990’s two “survivor groups” were added to the
board, but today only 2 of the 24 voting board members
are survivor organizations. So, the Claims Conference’s
board members and officers were neither elected by
survivors, nor does it morally represent the Nazi victims
in whose names the organization obtains its funds.
After German reunification in the early 90s, Germany
passed a law making the Claims Conference the legal
heir (“successor organization”) to East German properties not claimed by direct heirs within the outrageously
short time limit set by the Germans. However, the
Conference did not publish information about the
names of the Jewish owners of these properties, and
then claimed them as their own! To make matters
worse, the courts have supported the Claims Confer-
48a
ence’s claim to ownership of such properties – even
against the legitimate heirs of Holocaust victims who
had no idea about the two year deadline – including
many who understandably had no idea about family
assets before the devastation of the Holocaust.
Moreover, the Claims Conference has never fully
accounted for nor disclosed information about properties it obtained after German reunification that were
owned by Jews before World War II. Nor has there ever
been an audit of the organization’s asset base by an
independent outside authority that is accountable to
the public or the government.
The shell game taking place was that the Claims
Conference ousted thousands of German property heirs
of their rights, and then turned around and used the
properties for various “research, documentation, and
education “ projects which were only authorized for the
Claims Conference after it amended its by-laws in 1994
– not coincidentally after becoming the “owner” of the
“heirless” Jewish German properties.
Yet, without a mandate to use all of the funds at its
disposal for the needs of survivors, it has spent far in
excess of $250 million in the last 15 years on projects
unrelated to survivors and their welfare. Many of
these “research, documentation, and education grants
are made to organizations that sit on the Claims
Conference Board of Directors. Survivors question the
legitimacy of these grants, and have for over a decade,
yet we hear silence from most public officials and
private community leaders.
Let me repeat – despite tens of thousands of impoverished Holocaust survivors suffering from inadequate
nutrition, housing, medical care, home care, and other
vital services, the Claims Conference has seen fit to
49a
squander $250 million for non-survivor “research, education and documentation “ projects, including many
insider grants – a quarter of a billion dollars worth of
guaranteed Holocaust survivor suffering intentionally
imposed by the Claims Conference. How can Congress
and other leaders be silent in the face of such cruelty?
There has never been a full, public accounting of the
actual value of the assets, including real estate, art,
and other properties in the Claims Conference’s
inventory of assets. This lack of information is not only
inconsistent with all modern notions of necessary
transparency of organizations dealing with the public
trust, but it makes a mockery of the constant refrain of
the past decade – that it “does not have enough funds”
to meet the current needs of survivors around the
world.
Among the many terrible, painful, and disgraceful
indignities we have been made to suffer occurred in
2002 when Israel Singer, then-President of the Claims
Conference (and simultaneously Secretary General of
the World Jewish Congress) wrote an article in a
prominent Jewish journal giving elaborate details
about all of the education and building projects that
the Claims Conference was going to create “with
Holocaust restitution funds after the survivors
are gone.” This column outraged survivors throughout the country, as Holocaust Survivors Foundation
USA President David Schaecter wrote in response:
How can plans for a “Jewish People’s Fund”
go forward while survivors languish on
waiting lists for the health care they deserve,
especially after all they have endured? How
dare these institutions presume to spend
“restituted” funds for their favored “philanthropic” projects into the next century, using
50a
money claimed from the most terrorized
victims of the past century? Who will take
responsibility for ensuring that the individuals around whom much of our modern
Jewish existence is centered - Holocaust
victims - are not abandoned a second time?
Despite an outpouring of survivor anger, and limited
media coverage of this startling admission by Rabbi
Singer that what the survivors had feared all along
was really being planned, very little changed. Pressure
from some communities has caused the Claims Conference to increase allocations here, and there, as if they
were applying grease to a squeaky wheel. But how can
survivors’ rights be toyed with so shamelessly?
You might recognize Mr. Singer’s name. He was
dismissed in early 2007 from his position as Secretary
General of the World Jewish Congress for a variety of
financial improprieties, including taking over a million
dollars from one of the Claims Conference organizations (the Jewish Agency) and placing it in a secret
Swiss Bank account. Yet for a long period, he retained
his position as President of the Claims Conference,
while the Chairman, Julius Berman (who remains
Chairman today), saw “no reason to take action” and
remove him because Rabbi Singer allegedly “has never
been involved in the financial decisions of the Claims
Conference.” Ultimately, public pressure caused the
Claims Conference to dismiss Rabbi Singer.
However, for purposes of HR 890, it is important for
this Committee to understand that during the entire
ICHEIC period, when it opened in 1998 until it closed
in March 2007, Israel Singer was the “leading” voice of
the “Jewish” side. As noted, this was a body where the
insurance companies were fully represented, but not
claimants. ICHEIC documents show that Rabbi
51a
Singer himself represented three different “Jewish
groups” on ICHEIC – the Claims Conference, the World
Jewish Congress, and the World Jewish Restitution
Organization (WJRO). So, when these groups stand
before Congress to oppose my constitutional right as an
American citizen to go to court against these insurers,
based on ICHEIC, they are really defending outcomes
engineered or approved by an insular group of nonelected and non-representative big-shots with no legal
or moral right to speak or act for us, the victims, or our
families.
The Claims Conference has continued to act as if it
owns these survivor funds, and the sincere outcry of
decent people has been overwhelmed by the institutional power of the Claims Conference’s funding
practices. These practices include silencing opposition
by funding a myriad of non-survivor programs around
the world, and by creating the fear in communities that
it might reduce the minimal funding it provides to
Jewish family service organizations for survivors’
needs.
Had they been able to pursue a recovery on these
insurance policies, perhaps we would not have had the
need to be here today and the survivors would have
had the financial resources to live out their golden
years in peaceful and dignified security.
In more recent years, the Survivors trusted that the
U.S. government believed the survivors had made
great contributions to their adopted homeland and
were valuable enough to accord them the same rights
as every other citizen of this great country. And here,
too, they were grossly disappointed . . . by our own
State Department, Executive Branch of our government, and by Congress in not restoring the survivors’
52a
right to have their “day in court” against the insurance
companies.
Finally, I wish to touch on an issue which has yet to
be discussed, but vitally important, and which has no
other platform to be heard. And that is the plight and
suffering of many of our Second Generation members.
Although we are not always certain of the mechanism
and how it functions, there is an awareness now of
something called “transmitted trauma,” the concept
that the trauma our parents went through has been
passed down to some of us, the results of which
manifest as if they themselves had experienced the
trauma directly. They exhibit a sort of vicarious
PTSD, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, with all the
attendant symptomology . . . “flashbacks” of events
that they did not experience, but were most likely
gained from stories fed to them “with mother’s milk”
at an impressionable age, irrational fears such as
people coming in the middle of the night to take them
away, hallucinations that Nazi soldiers are coming
down the aisles in a movie theater, startle reflex, etc.
I can’t begin to tell you the number of desperate calls
I have received from survivor parents troubled over
their child’s mental health. Some of these children
have been so damaged by the time they reached their
teenage years that they have been totally disabled and
dysfunctional for the rest of their lives. Additionally,
for some of them who have only been marginally
affected by their parents’ experiences, the stresses of
now having to be caregivers to their parents while
experiencing financial hardships has taken an
enormous emotional toll on us. The survivors come
with unique “baggage” that only serves to exacerbate
the already difficult and stressful task of caring for an
aging parent.
53a
We have watched and suffered alongside our
parents in their struggle for justice. The thought that
our “inheritance” will go into the coffers of the Claims
Conference and its affiliates just heightens our
frustration and pain. On June 22, 2014, the JTA
published an article entitled Considering future,
Claims Conference weighs shutting down vs. Holocaust
Education. In that article, the Claims Conference
stated, “Given the Claims Conference’s successes at
convincing Germany to increase its funding for
survivors, the panel concluded that “to close down
without attempting to leverage its position and
significant experience in the service of Holocaust
education and remembrance would be to miss a major
opportunity. “http://www.jewishpress.com/news/break
ing-news/considering-future-claims-conference-weighsshutting-down-vs-holocaust-education/2014/06/22/.” The
survivor community’s response was incredulous. First,
with half of all survivors living in or near the poverty
line and lacking the funds they need for even basic
necessities of life, the statement that the Claims
Conference has been “successful” in obtaining funding
for survivors defies reality.
Further, it is offensive to survivors and their family
members to perpetrate the myth that the Claims
Conference is indispensable for Holocaust education
and remembrance. Who do they think has been providing it all these years since the end of the Holocaust?
The answer is: The Holocaust Survivors and their
families. Who has spearheaded and funded all the
Holocaust museums and memorials and monuments
in this country and abroad? The survivors! And who
began the process of educating the masses on the
atrocities and lessons gleaned from the Holocaust?
The Survivors! My mother said to me, “If they want to
pay for Holocaust education, they can start by paying
54a
me for the 35 years I have been speaking to the world
about my experiences.”
And, in the unlikely event that any funds should
remain after the last of the Survivors have left this
world, those funds are the rightful inheritance of the
children and grandchildren of the Survivors, and only
they can and should decide how that is disposed of.
We children of survivors feel the inadequacy of our
words whenever we attempt to convey the suffering
of our parents and families to others, especially to
the members of this Honorable Committee, our own
representatives, all of which suffering was for no good
reason. Except now, we have the platform to express
the harsh fact that Germany has shirked its responsibilities to our loved ones who are without adequate
resources to be cared for properly and to allow for a
healing of the physical and mental wounds obtained
at the hands the Nazi German Regime. Why should
others who are not the perpetrators be pushed to
provide inadequate resources thus allowing the tragic
suffering to continue to this day without relief?
That is why we are so grateful to you, the members
of this Committee, for the opportunity to plead our
cause and to urge you, in the strongest terms, to use
your power and press our own government, starting
with the President, the Secretary of State and the
Attorney General, and all of you, to demand that
Germany provide the ADEQUATE funds necessary
until all survivors have gone, as was promised by
Chancellor Adenauer right after the War’s end. Our
efforts for decades in this regard were without appropriate answers. Nothing! Instead silence. followed by
crumbs when the fenders got around to it.
55a
It is “one minute to Midnight” and if something
is not done quickly and sufficiently, my fear is that
thousands of the remaining survivors will die tragically, suffering their unmet medical and psychological
needs.
Simply put, Germany must resume its moral
responsibility to care for ALL the medical and mental
health needs of the survivors and their families, with
no more back turning or sloughing off these huge
responsibilities onto the shoulders of others.
We call upon this honorable Committee and its
members to press Chancellor Merkel and the German
government to fully fund the needs of our aging
Survivors, without offset or delay.
Chairman Ros-Lehtinen, thank you for allowing me
to testify, and I request that I can submit the attached
exhibits in the Hearing Record. I also wish to thank
Chairman Royce for allowing Mr. Rohrabacher,
Chairman of the Europe Subcommittee, and Ms.
Ros-Lehtinen and Mr. Deutch, Chairman and Ranking
Member of the Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee, to hold this hearing. I thank Mr. Rohrabacher
for agreeing to co-sponsor this hearing. And, a most
special thank you goes to Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen
and Congressman Ted Deutch, who have been the
most steadfast supporters of the Survivor community
and champions of our cause against tremendous odds,
for many, many years.
56a
APPENDIX D
STATEMENT OF RENEE FIRESTONE
UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON
THE JUDICIARY HOLOCAUST ERA CLAIMS
IN THE 21st CENTURY
June 20, 2012
My name is Renee Firestone. I was born in Uzhorod,
Czechoslovakia. At the tender age of 20, I was imprisoned for 13 months in the infamous death camp known
as Auschwitz/Birkenau during the last years of World
War II. My entire family was murdered, except for my
father Morris, who died of tuberculosis shortly after
liberation, and my brother Frank, who was a partisan.
Following liberation in 1945, I was reunited with my
brother and my soon-to-be husband Bernard. I settled
in Prague, Czechoslovakia, where I was able to complete my education in the Prague School of Commercial
Arts. In 1948, I emigrated to the United States with
Bernard and my infant daughter, Klara. I settled in
Los Angeles, where I pursued my love of fashion, and
was fortunate to work hard and enjoy a fulfilling
career as a fashion designer.
Of course, the devastating losses I experienced are
with me every single day of my life. Because of
what we experienced, I have devoted thousands and
thousands of hours of my personal time to educating
adults and students of all ages and all walks of life,
throughout the U.S. and Europe, about my experiences as a Holocaust survivor. I have spoken at
workshops and conferences, and have been interviewed in the media countless times regarding the
Holocaust and its contemporary implications.
57a
Because of the trauma I experienced, in the 1990s
when everyone started talking about restitution of
looted assets, I was naturally anxious to locate any
remnant possible that would allow me to have a record
of what my parents had been able to create and build
before the onslaught of the Nazis. Unfortunately, the
promises fell criminally short of what I and other
survivors hoped for, and deserved.
The Search for Family Insurance Policies
My father was a very responsible man, with a
business and real property in order to provide our
family with an upper middle class standard of living
in pre-war Czechoslovakia (annexed by Hungary in
1938). I am certain he had insurance because my first
cousin Fred Jackson (aka Ference Jakubowitz, the son
of my father’s sister) was the very first person to have
a claim approved and paid by ICHEIC under his
parents’ policy. Since my father was the one who
advised the entire family, why would his sister’s
family have had a policy but not my father? However,
when I filed my claim, after all the fanfare, the
Commission (ICHEIC) informed me that his name was
not on any of the lists. This is difficult for me to accept,
but since it is well-known that the lists produced by
Generali and the other insurance companies were
incomplete, I wonder why the U.S. government has
neither demanded a full accounting, nor allowed the
states to require it.
My experience is similar to that of my late friend Si
Frumkin, a survivor and giant in the history of human
rights. Si was speaking for all survivors when he
exposed the hypocrisy and disrespect that Congress,
arrogant Jewish groups, and the Executive Branch of
our government have shown in allowing the insurers
58a
to inherit the funds that should have been paid to
victims’ families decades ago. He wrote:
I am angry. Angry with the SOBs in Germany.
With our own SOBs in Washington. With the
SOBs running the Jewish organizations that
presume to speak and negotiate for me and
others like me. With the criminals who run
European insurance companies that stole
hundreds of millions of dollars from people
who died prematurely in gas chambers, and
then hired stooges to make sure it’s not given
back.
I am a law-abiding American citizen. I pay my
taxes and my traffic tickets. I vote. I have
served on a jury. I fly my flag on national
holidays.
In return, I expect my government to fulfill its
constitutional obligations to me. One of them
is my right to a trial by a jury of my peers.
This has been denied me because, apparently,
my government prefers to defend and uphold
the rights of giant German corporations.
* * *
So far, Generali has been able to keep the
money it stole. It, too, has the cooperation of
the U.S. government and its judiciary in
acknowledging ICHEIC—created, financed,
and controlled by the insurance SOBs—as the
only legitimate body to rule, decide, and
control Holocaust-era insurance claims.
Still, I want to see those lists. I am sure that
my father’s name appears on one of them. I
am also sure that tens of thousands of other
59a
Jews whose parents or grandparents perished
will find the names of their relatives.
Hitler took away my father’s name and gave
him a number. The insurance companies took
it away again by pretending that he never
existed. I want them to acknowledge that he
lived, that he died, and that the way he died
matters to his son and to the grandchildren
he never knew.
Si Frumkin, “Why Don’t Those SOB’s Give Me My
Money,” Reform Judaism Magazine, Spring 2008,
http://reformjudaismmag.org/Articles/index.cfm?id=1315.
We survivors have been stymied with an unremitting series of distortions, rationalizations, and outright
lies and misstatements by the opponents of S. 466 and
its House counterpart, HR 890. Regrettably, these
have been disseminated by institutions survivors once
respected, including the American government and socalled Jewish “defense” organizations.
The most blatant falsehood repeated by our adversaries is that this legislation would undermine
promises the U.S. government made to insurance
companies that if they participated in ICHEIC they
would never be subjected to litigation in U.S. courts.
This is not true, and survivors know it, and we deeply
resent the “big lie” campaign of the State Department,
the Justice Department, the insurance companies,
and the non-survivor groups like the Anti Defamation
League, the American Jewish Committee, B’nai B’rith,
the Claims Conference, and the World Jewish Congress,
Stuart Eizenstat (in his conflicting roles as a Claims
Conference official and State Department special
advisor) and others who have profited and benefited
from ICHEIC.
60a
But what these groups are not, and what Eizenstat
is not, are representatives of, nor advocates for
Holocaust survivors. They are the defenders of a
status quo that has stripped Holocaust survivors of
our rights, of our dignity, and of our family legacies.
They have presided over a restitution enterprise that
has allowed insurance companies to retain 97% of the
mone
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