Amicus Curiae Brief — Thomas E. Dobbs, State Health Officer of the Mississippi Department of Health, et al., Petitioners v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, et al.

Supreme Court briefJul 22, 2021

Ask Donna

What actually matters in this document.

Text

No. 19-1392

IN THE

Supreme Court of the United States

_______________________

THOMAS E. DOBBS, M.D., M.P.H., IN HIS OFFICIAL

CAPACITY AS STATE HEALTH OFFICER OF THE MISSISSIPPI

DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, et al.,

Petitioners,

v.

JACKSON WOMEN’S HEALTH ORGANIZATION, ON BEHALF

OF ITSELF AND ITS PATIENTS, et al.,

Respondents.

On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court

of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit

BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE

ALABAMA CENTER FOR LAW AND LIBERTY

IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS

______________________________________

MATTHEW J. CLARK

Counsel of Record

ALABAMA CENTER FOR LAW

AND LIBERTY

2213 Morris Ave., Fl. 1

Birmingham, AL 35203

(256) 510-1828

matt@alabamalawandliberty.org

Counsel for Amicus Curiae

i

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ....................................... iv

INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE ............................. 1

SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT ........................... 2

ARGUMENT ............................................................... 5

I.

The Viability Rule Should Be Discarded ............ 5

A.

The Viability Rule Does Not

Comport with Other Areas of the

Law Addressing the Rights of

Unborn Children ......................................... 5

1. Criminal Law ......................................... 5

2. Tort Law ................................................. 8

3. Property,

Guardianship,

Family, and Healthcare Law ................. 9

4. Conclusion ............................................ 11

B.

Taken To Its Logical Conclusion,

the Viability Rule Could Permit

Families to Kill Children Who

Have Already Been Born........................... 11

ii

II.

This

Court

Should

Take

the

Opportunity to Overrule Roe and Its

Progeny. ............................................................. 14

A.

If the Court Revisits the Viability

Standard, Then It Cannot Escape

the Question of Whether the

Constitution Protects a Right to

Abortion at All ........................................... 14

B.

Roe

and

Its

Progeny

Are

Unconstitutional. ....................................... 16

1. Roe Does Not Comport with

Either the Text or Original

Meaning of the Constitution ................ 16

2. Roe Does Not Comport with

This

Court’s

Traditional

Substantive

Due

Process

Jurisprudence

Under

Washington v. Glucksberg.................... 17

3. Dred Scott, Lochner, and Roe:

the Substantive Due Process

“Hall of Shame” .................................... 19

4. Conclusion: The Due Process

Clause Does Not Protect the

Right to an Abortion ............................ 24

iii

B.

The Doctrine of Stare Decisis Does

Not

Bar

This

Court

from

Overruling Roe and Casey ......................... 25

C.

The Court Should Not Only

Overrule Roe but Also Hold That

the Constitution Protects the

Child’s Right to Life .................................. 27

CONCLUSION ......................................................... 31

iv

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

Cases

Page

Arcadia v. Ohio Power Co., 498 U.S. 73

(1990) .................................................................... 15

Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010)............ 15

City of Sherrill v. Oneida Indian Nation of

N.Y., 544 U.S. 197 (2005) ..................................... 15

District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570

(2008) .................................................................... 29

Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179 (1973) ...................... 17, 23

Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393

(1857) .....................................................3, 19-23, 27

Ex parte Ankrom, 152 So. 3d 397

(Ala. 2013) ........................................................ 6-10

Ex parte Hicks, 153 So. 3d 53 (Ala. 2014)................. 28

Ex parte Phillips, 287 So. 3d 1179

(Ala. 2018) ..................................... 4, 6-8, 10, 26, 28

Gamble v. United States, 139 S.Ct. 1960

(2019) .................................................................... 25

Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. 1 (1824) .......................... 29

v

Gonzalez v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124 (2007) ................ 30

Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965) ...... 3, 22

Hamilton v. Scott, 97 So. 3d 728 (Ala. 2012)

(Hamilton I) .......................................................... 26

Hamilton v. Scott, 278 So. 3d 1180 (Ala.

2018) (Hamilton II) .............................................. 28

In re Fathima Ashanti K.J., 558 N.Y.S. 2d

447 (Fam. Ct. 1990) .............................................. 10

Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31, 138 S.Ct.

2448 (2018) ............................................5, 11, 25-27

Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45 (1905) .... 3-4, 19-23

Obergefell v. Hodges, 576 U.S. 644 (2015) .....16, 19-20

Ohio v. Akron Ctr. for Reproductive Health,

497 U.S. 502 (1990) .............................................. 24

Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833

(1992) ................................. 11, 14, 16, 19, 22, 25-26

Ramos v. Louisiana, 140 S.Ct. 1390 (2020) .............. 25

Robinson v. Marshall, 415 F. Supp. 3d 1053

(M.D. Ala. 2019) ..................................................... 1

Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) ..................... passim

vi

Smith v. Org. of Foster Families for Equal. &

Reform, 431 U.S. 816 (1977) ................................ 13

Stinnett v. Kennedy, 232 So. 3d 202 (Ala.

2016) ..................................................................... 28

Timbs v. Indiana, 139 S.Ct. 682 (2019) .............. 16, 19

Washington v. Glucksberg, 521 U.S. 702

(1997) .............................................................. 17-18

West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, 300 U.S. 379

(1937) ...................................................................... 5

Constitutions, Statutes, and Regulations

42 Pa. Const. Stat. Ann. § 9711 .................................. 7

Ala. Code § 26-23-H-1 .................................................. 1

Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 13-751 .............................................. 7

Fla. Stat. Ann. § 775.021 ............................................. 7

Fla. Stat. Ann. § 782.09 ............................................... 7

Ind. Code Ann. tit. 11, § 35-50-2-9 .............................. 7

Tenn. Code Ann. § 39-13-204 ...................................... 7

U.S. Const., amend. XIII ..................................... 21-22

U.S. Const., amend. XIV ................................... passim

vii

Other Authority

A. Raymond Randolph, Before Roe v. Wade:

Judge Friendly’s Draft Abortion Opinion,

29 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol. 1035 (2006) .......... 22-23

Abortion Statistics, National Right to Life

Committee,

https://nrlc.org/uploads/factsheets/FS01A

bortionintheUS.pdf (last visited July 21,

2021) ..................................................................... 21

America’s Wars, U.S. Department of

Veterans

Affairs,

https://www.va.gov/opa/publications/facts

heets/fs_americas_wars.pdf (last visited

July 21, 2021) ....................................................... 21

Amy

Coney

Barrett,

Precedent and

Jurisprudential Disagreement, 91 Tex L.

Rev. 1711 (2013) ................................................... 25

Brief for Respondent Louis W. Sullivan, Rust

v. Sullivan, 500 U.S. 173 (1991), available

at

https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/

osg/briefs/1990/01/01/sg900805.txt

(last

visited July 21, 2021) ........................................... 32

Charles I. Lugosi, Conforming to the Rule of

Law: When Person and Human Being

Finally Mean the Same Thing in

Fourteenth Amendment Jurisprudence, 4

Geo. J. L. & Pub. Pol’y 360 (2007) ....................... 28

viii

Chief Justice Parker, Alabama Judicial

System,

https://judicial.alabama.gov/CourtMembe

rBio/ViewBio?id=3 (last visited June 16,

2021) ....................................................................... 6

David Smolin, Equal Protection, in The

Heritage Guide to the Constitution (2005)..... 29-30

Documenting Numbers of Victims of the

Holocaust and Nazi Persecution, United

States Holocaust Memorial Museum,

https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/e

n/article/documenting-numbers-ofvictims-of-the-holocaust-and-nazipersecution (last visited May 24, 2021)............... 24

Erica

Bachiochi,

Embodied

Equality:

Debunking Equal Protection Arguments

for Abortion Rights, 34 Harv. J. L. & Pub.

Pol. 889 (2011) ...................................................... 31

Esther Slater McDonald, Note: Patenting

Human Life and the Rebirth of the

Thirteenth Amendment, 78 Notre Dame

L. Rev. 1359 (2003)............................................... 18

Francis J. Beckwith, Defending Life: A Moral

and Legal Case Against Abortion Choice

(Cambridge Univ. Press 2007) ............................. 12

Joshua Craddock, Protecting Prenatal

Persons: Does the Fourteenth Amendment

ix

Prohibit Abortion?, 40 Harv. J. L. & Pub.

Pol’y 539 (2017) .............................................. 28-29

Michael Stokes Paulsen, The Plausibility of

Personhood, 74 Ohio St. L.J. 13 (2013) ............... 28

Michael Stokes Paulsen, The Worst

Constitutional Decision of All Time, 78

Notre Dame L. Rev. 995 (2003) ........................... 26

Nebraska Statehood, History Nebraska,

https://history.nebraska.gov/tags/nebrask

a-statehood (last visited May 24, 2021)............... 17

Neil Gorsuch, A Republic, If You Can Keep It

(2019) .................................................................... 20

States and Capital Punishment, NAT’L

CONFERENCE OF STATE LEGISLATURES,

https://www.ncsl.org/research/civil-andcriminal-justice/death-penalty.aspx (last

visited July 21, 2021) ............................................. 6

The Declaration of Independence (U.S. 1776)..... 29-30

The Reconstruction Amendments (Kurt T.

Lash, ed., 2021) .................................................... 30

William Blackstone, Commentaries ................ 9, 18, 29

1

INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE 1

Amicus Curiae Alabama Center for Law and

Liberty is a conservative public-interest organization

based in Birmingham, Alabama, dedicated to the

defense of limited government, free markets, and

strong families. It is also the litigation arm of its

parent organization, the Alabama Policy Institute

(“API”).

ACLL has an interest in this case for several

reasons. First, API’s co-founder, Tom Parker, is now

the Chief Justice of the Alabama Supreme Court. His

writings were cited several times in the cert petition

(see Pet. 4, 17, 18) because he has written extensively

on how Roe deviates from the presumptions in

criminal law, tort law, and other areas of the law that

unborn children are people. Second, ACLL believes

that life begins at the moment of fertilization and

that unborn children are people entitled to equal

protection of the law. Finally, the outcome of this

case undoubtedly will affect ongoing litigation

concerning Alabama’s Human Life Protection Act,

Ala. Code § 26-23-H-1 et seq., which bans abortion in

Alabama in most cases. See Robinson v. Marshall,

415 F. Supp. 3d 1053 (M.D. Ala. 2019). That

litigation is currently pending before the U.S. District

1 Pursuant to Rule

37.3, all parties have consented to the

filing of this brief. Pursuant to Rule 37.6, no party or party’s

counsel authored this brief in whole or in part, or contributed

money that was intended to fund its preparation or submission;

and no person other than the amicus curiae, its members, or its

counsel, contributed money that was intended to fund the

preparation or submission of this brief.

2

Court for the Middle District of Alabama. ACLL is

interested in seeing that law upheld.

SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT

In considering whether to revisit a precedent, this

Court has held that it should consider whether the

decision is an outlier among areas of the law that

address the same subject. Across the country, many

laws govern the lives and rights of unborn children.

These include criminal law (specifically fetal

homicide laws, penalty-enhancement statutes, and

stays of execution for pregnant women), tort law

(including fetal injury laws and wrongful-death

laws), property law, guardianship law, family law,

and healthcare law. Chief Justice Parker of the

Alabama Supreme Court has done an excellent job of

surveying the laws of all fifty states in these areas.

His research shows that with the lone exception of

wrongful-death actions, every other area of the law

protects the rights of unborn children regardless of

whether they have attained the point of viability or

not. Consequently, Roe’s viability standard is an

outlier.

Another factor the Court considers is the quality

of its reasoning. Justice Scalia once observed briefly

that drawing the line at viability made no more sense

than drawing the line at when a child is past

weaning. He was correct. The implication of the

Court’s reasoning is that one person has the right to

kill another if the other is dependent on him for

survival. Taken to its logical conclusion (and

combined with an important precedent from this

3

Court), this means that parents have a right to kill

their children as long as they are dependent on them.

Moreover, taken to its ultimate conclusion, it means

that one person has the right to kill another if he is

dependent on him in any way for survival. Since very

few of us are completely self-sufficient but instead

rely on the goods and services others provide, Roe’s

logic means that the people who provide those goods

and services to us have the right to kill us if they feel

that we are too much of a burden on them. Because

the logic of Roe’s viability rule requires this outcome,

it was not well-reasoned, and the Court should

discard it.

But the Court should not stop there. If the Court

discards the viability rule, it will have to ask which

standard should replace it. Because the Court cannot

answer that without constitutional exposition, the

question of whether Roe as a whole was correctly

decided is inextricably linked to the question

presented. Therefore, the Court may and should

consider that question.

Neither the text nor the history of the Fourteenth

Amendment supports a right to abortion. The Court’s

decision in Roe rests on the legal fiction of

substantive due process that was invented in Dred

Scott v. Sandford to protect a right that was not in

the Constitution. Substantive due process was

abused badly again in Lochner v. New York, allowing

judges to read their personal philosophies of liberty

into the Fourteenth Amendment. The Court did so

yet again in a line of decisions beginning in Griswold

v. Connecticut, resulting in this Court’s deadliest

4

application of substantive due process: Roe v. Wade.

Just as the Court eventually did away with Lochner,

so now it must do away with Roe. The doctrine of

stare decisis, both as an original matter and as this

Court has interpreted it, does not require the Court

to retain Roe just because it is precedent.

If the Fourteenth Amendment has any application

to abortion at all, it protects the unborn child’s right

to not to be murdered; consequently, state laws

authorizing abortion are unconstitutional. The

Framers of the Fourteenth Amendment believed that

God gave every person the natural right to life and

that unborn children were “people” entitled to the

Amendment’s protection. Consequently, laws that

protect everyone from murder except unborn children

violate the Equal Protection Clause.

If this is too far for the Court to go in the present

case, then it should at a minimum decline to foreclose

discussion of that issue in the future. But because the

Court cannot replace the viability standard without

wrestling with the question of whether Roe was

decided correctly, it must overrule Roe in this case.

5

ARGUMENT

I.

The Viability Rule Should Be Discarded

A.

The Viability Rule Does Not Comport

with Other Areas of the Law

Addressing the Rights of Unborn

Children

In considering whether to overrule a precedent,

this Court considers whether the decision is an

“outlier” among laws that address the same subject.

See Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31, 138 S.Ct. 2448,

2482 (2018). Thus, in considering whether to overrule

the viability standard, this Court should consider

whether other areas of the law treat unborn children

as people only when they become viable. Chief

Justice Tom Parker of the Alabama Supreme Court

has written extensively on this issue, and the

information presented here come from his special

writings. 2

1.

Criminal Law

The criminal laws of the states protect the rights

of unborn children in three ways: fetal homicide laws,

penalty-enhancement statutes, and suspending the

executions of pregnant women. This subsection will

summarize the laws of those states and discuss

For the sake of being concise, ACLL will not reproduce

every source Chief Justice Parker cited in these writings;

however, it will provide the citation to the place where Chief

Justice Parker listed every source upon which he relied.

2

6

whether the viability standard plays any part in

those laws.

First, 27 states criminalize fetal homicide

regardless of the gestational age of the child. Ex parte

Phillips, 287 So. 3d 1179, 1248 n.20 (Ala. 2018)

(Parker, J., concurring specially); Ex parte Ankrom,

152 So. 3d 397, 423 n.14 (Ala. 2013) (Parker, J.,

concurring specially). 3 Only three states continue to

use viability as a limitation on criminal liability.

Phillips, 287 So. 3d at 1248 n.20; Ankrom, 152 So. 3d

at 424 n.15. Three others use the quickening to

impose a limitation on liability, while three more use

other gestational-age limitations. Id. at 424 nn. 16 &

17. Thus, of the states that criminalize fetal

homicide, the vast majority have rejected the

viability standard as a limitation on fetal homicide,

instead imposing guilt if an unborn child is killed

regardless of his or her age.

Second, of 27 states that authorize the death

penalty, 4 four states provide that if a pregnant

woman is murdered, then her pregnancy can be an

aggravating factor that can justify the death penalty.

3 In Part I of this brief, all short-form citations to Phillips

and Ankrom refer to Chief Justice Parker’s special writings

unless otherwise noted. In case there is any confusion, Justice

Parker was an associate justice when he issued those writings

but was elected as Chief Justice in 2018. Chief Justice Parker,

Alabama

Judicial

System,

https://judicial.alabama.gov/CourtMemberBio/ViewBio?id=3

(last visited June 16, 2021).

4 States and Capital Punishment, NAT’L CONFERENCE OF

STATE LEGISLATURES, https://www.ncsl.org/research/civil-andcriminal-justice/death-penalty.aspx (last visited July 21, 2021).

7

Ankrom, 152 So. 3d at 424 n.18. Half of those states

do not require the child to reach viability or a

gestational age. 5 Nine other states permit the death

of a mother and her child to be considered an

aggravating factor where two people are killed in one

incident, regardless of the child’s viability. See

Ankrom, 152 So. 3d at 425 n.19. Finally, one state

provides that “a killing that would be capital murder

if the pregnant woman dies is capital murder if the

mother survives but her unborn child dies,”

regardless of the child’s viability. Id. at 425 & n.20

(citing Fla. Stat. Ann. § 782.09, citing in turn Fla.

Stat. Ann. § 775.021(5)(e)). Thus, of the 14 states that

allow an unborn child’s death to be taken into

account, 12 allow his or her death to be considered

regardless of viability.

Finally, of the 27 states authorizing capital

punishment, 22 expressly prohibit the execution of a

pregnant woman until the baby has been delivered.

Ankrom, 152 So. 3d at 425 n.21; Phillips, 287 So. 3d

at 1248 & n.21. None of the statutes staying the

execution of pregnant women contain a viability

requirement. See Ankrom, 152 So. 3d at 425 n.21 and

statutes cited therein.

Thus, the vast majority of the states that have

addressed these matters have not imposed a viability

standard. Put simply, if an unborn child is killed, the

child’s viability is irrelevant to the criminal’s guilt or

5 Ariz.

Rev. Stat. § 13-751(f)(7); Tenn. Code Ann. § 39-13204(i)(16); Ind. Code Ann. tit. 11, § 35-50-2-9(b)(16) (requiring

child to reach viability); 42 Pa. Const. Stat. Ann. § 9711(d)(17)

(requiring child to reach third trimester).

8

punishment. Neither is the child’s viability relevant

to whether a pregnant woman should be executed or

not. The law recognizes the child as a person

regardless of his or her viability.

2. Tort Law

The law of torts recognizes the personhood of the

unborn by allowing actions to recover damages from

injuries the child sustained within the womb and the

wrongful death of the child. As for prenatal injuries,

30 states permit an action to be brought for damages

for nonfatal prenatal injuries, regardless of whether

the child was viable when he suffered the injury or

not. Ankrom, 152 So. 3d at 425 n.22. 17 other states

and the District of Columbia allow such actions to be

brought if the child sustained the injury after he had

reached the point of viability. Id. at 426 n.23.

However, even those jurisdictions have not

determined whether such actions may be brought if

the child sustained the injuries before viability. Id.

As for wrongful death actions, 40 states allow

wrongful-death suits to be brought if the child

sustained post-viability injuries that caused his or

her death. Ankrom, 152 So. 3d at 427 n.24. Of those

states, two permit an action to be brought if

quickening had occurred, regardless of whether the

child was viable; and 12 allow an action to be brought

regardless of the child’s gestational age. Id. at 427-28

nn.25-26; Phillips, 287 So. 3d at 1249 n.23.

Thus, with the exception of wrongful death

actions, the majority of states do not use viability as

9

a limiting principle as to whether the child may

recover damages for injuries done to him or her in

utero.

3. Property, Guardianship,

and Healthcare Law

Family,

The law protects unborn children in at least four

other areas of the law without regard to whether they

have reached the point of viability or not: property,

guardianship, family, and healthcare law.

The common law recognized that unborn children

could have property rights. 6 See, e.g., 1 William

Blackstone, Commentaries *119. To this day, the

States have retained this principle. For instance, if a

father dies before his unborn child is born, then the

child will still inherit from the father as if he had

been born. Ankrom, 152 So. 3d at 422 & n.11. The

inheritance rights of these children are not

contingent upon them reaching the point of viability

before their father dies.

The common law also recognized the personhood

of the unborn through guardianship law. Blackstone

noted that “any father, under age or full age, may by

deed or will dispose of the custody of his child, either

born or unborn, to any person ….” 2 William

Blackstone, Commentaries *462 (emphasis added).

Today, “[a]ll states – by statute, rule, or precedent –

permit a court to appoint a guardian ad litem to

6 Unlike England’s fetal homicide law, the laws of property

and guardianship were not limited by the quickening principle.

Cf. 1 William Blackstone, Commentaries *130.

10

represent the interests of an unborn child in various

matters including estates and trusts.” Ankrom, 152

So. 3d at 428 & n.27. Again, the laws governing these

matters do not impose a viability rule as a limiting

principle on the child’s rights. See id.

In the arena of family law, eight states have

applied child-protection laws to unborn children in

various ways. Phillips, 287 So. 3d at 160 n.29. Five

other states have held that unborn children can be

“victims of abuse and neglect.” Id. at 160 & n.31. It

appears that these laws protect the unborn child’s

right “‘to a gestation undisturbed by wrongful injury

and the right to be born with a sound mind and body

free from parentally inflicted abuse or neglect.’” Id. at

160-61 (quoting In re Fathima Ashanti K.J., 558

N.Y.S. 2d 447, 449 (Fam. Ct. 1990)). The right to an

undisturbed gestation applies to the total gestation

period, not just gestation after viability.

Finally, regarding healthcare law, even though

every state allows a patient to execute an advance

directive, “most states prohibit the withdrawal or

withholding of life-sustaining treatment for a

pregnant woman, regardless of her advance

directive.” Ankrom, 152 So. 3d at 429 & n.28. Those

states also “generally prohibit an agent acting under

a health-care power of attorney from authorizing an

abortion.” Id. at 429 &. n.29. While these statutes

sometimes include a limiting principle (such as

requiring the doctors to determine whether the baby

would probably live if the mother were kept on life

support), they do not typically include a viability rule.

See id. at 429 nn. 28-29 and statutes cited therein.

11

4. Conclusion

With the lone exception of wrongful death actions,

the majority of state laws protecting unborn children

do not impose a viability requirement on the child’s

rights. Roe’s viability standard is therefore an

“outlier” among laws that address the same subject.

Janus, 138 S.Ct. at 2482. Because the vast majority

of the laws governing the unborn do not require an

unborn child to be viable in order to merit legal

protection, neither should this Court.

B.

Taken To Its Logical Conclusion, the

Viability Rule Could Permit Families

to Kill Children Who Have Already

Been Born

Another factor the Court considers in revisiting a

precedent is “the quality of its reasoning[.]” Janus,

138 S.Ct. at 2479. As to Roe’s viability holding, the

quality of its reasoning should be examined by taking

the holding to its logical conclusion.

Justice Scalia once pointed out a fatal flaw in the

reasoning of drawing the line at viability, arguing it

“makes no more sense than according infants legal

protection only after the point at which they can feed

themselves.” Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S.

833, 989 n.5 (1992) (Scalia, J., dissenting). What was

once raised in that footnote deserves exposition here.

12

As one commentator noted,

“For the Court to make its argument valid, it

would have to add to its factual premise [the

fact of fetal non-viability] the normative

premise: whenever a human being cannot live

on its own because it uniquely depends on

another human being for its physical

existence, it is permissible for the second

human being to kill the first to rid the second

of the burden.”

Francis J. Beckwith, Defending Life: A Moral and

Legal Case Against Abortion Choice 37 (Cambridge

Univ. Press 2007).

If this Court allows one person to kill another as

long as the latter is dependent on the former for

survival, then there is no logical reason why, as

Justice Scalia noted, a mother should not be able to

kill a weaning child as well. But this logic, horrifying

as it is, does not necessarily stop when the child is no

longer nursing. Children will always, in one form or

another, be dependent on their parents until they are

able to support themselves financially. Consequently,

under the logic of the viability rule, parents ought to

be able to kill their children at any point from the

moment of conception until they day where they

move out of the house. By the same token, a family

would not only have the right to kill a dependent

child, but also any family member who would not be

able to live without help from others (such as a

handicapped sibling or an aging parent).

13

One might counter that this conclusion does not

follow because the right to abortion is based on the

right to privacy, which protects a woman’s right to do

what she wishes with her own body. See Roe, 410

U.S. at 152-54. However, this Court has recognized

not only a right to personal privacy but also a right to

family privacy. See, e.g., Smith v. Org. of Foster

Families for Equal. & Reform, 431 U.S. 816, 842

(1977). If the right to abort a child that cannot

survive on his own can be justified by the right of

personal privacy, then the same logic would require

the Court to hold that the right of family privacy

justifies a family in killing one of its own members

who cannot survive on his own.

That proposition is of course horrific, barbaric,

and immoral. But that is exactly the point. If it

makes no sense to hold that a person who has been

born may be killed because he cannot survive on his

own, then it likewise makes no sense to hold that a

person who is unborn may be killed because he

cannot survive on his own. This dilemma exposes the

viability standard for what it is: an arbitrary line

that should be discarded.

On one last note, if a person’s right to life is

dependent on his ability to survive without the help

of others, then most people would not have a right to

life. Most of us wake up each day in a dwelling that

was built by someone else, eat food that was grown

by someone else, drink water that was sent to our

house by someone else, go to work in a car that was

built by someone else, and provide goods or services

to someone else in exchange for payment so that we

14

can take care of ourselves. Roe’s viability holding,

taken to its ultimate conclusion, would mean that

only those among us who can perform all these tasks

without the help of others have a right to life. Since

most of us therefore are dependent on others for our

own survival, we should not kill the unborn for

likewise being dependent on others for their survival.

II.

This Court Should Take the Opportunity to

Overrule Roe and Its Progeny

A.

If the Court Revisits the Viability

Standard, Then It Cannot Escape the

Question of Whether the Constitution

Protects a Right to Abortion at All

If the Court agrees to revisit the viability

standard, then it will have to decide how much of Roe

and Casey’s framework remains. In Roe and Casey,

the Court held that the State may not ban abortions,

or at least place an undue burden in the path of a

woman seeking an abortion, before viability. Casey,

505 U.S. at 877; Roe, 410 U.S. at 164. Thus, viability

is not only an important part of the equation; it is the

most important part of the equation. Under this

Court’s precedents, viability is the point that

separates the State’s interests in protecting the

baby’s life from the mother’s interest in choosing

whether to have the baby or not.

Consequently, if this Court revisits the viability

standard, then it will necessarily and inescapably

trigger the larger question of whether the State’s

interest in protecting life outweighs the mother’s

15

interest in choice. The Court therefore will have to

choose between two options as it makes its decision:

creating another arbitrary rule, or expounding and

applying the Constitution as it is written. The former

would do violence to the Constitution by creating law,

which is reserved for the legislative branch alone,

instead of applying the law, which is for the courts.

The latter may require the Court to go beyond the

question presented. However undesirable it is to

decide more, “sometimes it is necessary to decide

more. There is a difference between judicial restraint

and judicial abdication.” Citizens United v. FEC, 558

U.S. 310, 375 (2010) (Roberts, C.J., concurring).

The question of whether a State may prohibit

abortions and whether the Constitution protects the

mother’s right to choose is “inextricably linked to,

and is thus ‘fairly included’ within, the questions

presented.” City of Sherrill v. Oneida Indian Nation

of N.Y., 544 U.S. 197, 214 n.8 (2005). It is impossible

for the Court to answer the question presented

without considering this issue as well, making it

therefore a matter “antecedent to ... and ultimately

dispositive of” the dispute before the Court. Arcadia

v. Ohio Power Co., 498 U.S. 73, 77 (1990).

Consequently, this Court can and should consider the

threshold issue of whether the Constitution protect a

right to abortion or not.

16

B.

Roe

and

Its

Unconstitutional.

1.

Progeny

Are

Roe Does Not Comport with Either

the Text or Original Meaning of the

Constitution.

In Casey, this Court held that the Due Process

Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment protects a

woman’s right to abort her baby. Casey, 505 U.S. at

846. The Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth

Amendment states, “No State shall ... deprive any

person of life, liberty, or property without due process

of law.” U.S. Const., amend. XIV, § 1. Grammatically,

this Clause does not prohibit the government from

abridging substantive rights. Instead, it guarantees

the people of the states the right to due process of law

before the states deprive them of life, liberty, or

property. It is procedural, not substantive; therefore

it cannot be construed to recognize rights that are not

in the Constitution. “Substantive due process,” is, in

fact, an oxymoron. See Timbs v. Indiana, 139 S.Ct.

682, 692 (2019) (Thomas, J., concurring in judgment)

(explaining that “due process” meant “by the law of

the land”); id. at 691 (Gorsuch, J., concurring).

The original meaning of the Due Process Clause

likewise discounts any possibility of protecting the

right to abortion. As Justice Thomas explains, the

liberty protected by the Due Process Clause likely

means freedom from physical restraint. Obergefell v.

Hodges, 576 U.S. 644, 723 (2015). Still, the grammar

of the Due Process Clause is as inescapable now as it

was in 1868: it guarantees that an individual may

17

not be physically restrained without due process of

law. Consequently, “substantive due process” is

indefensible from an originalist perspective. Id. at

722.

If the text of the Constitution were not clear

enough, 36 out of 37 states had laws either

restricting our outlawing abortion in 1868. 7 Roe, 410

U.S. at 175 & n.1 (Rehnquist, J., dissenting). There

was therefore “no question concerning the validity of

[these] statutes when the Fourteenth Amendment

was adopted.” Id. at 177. Therefore, “nothing in the

language or history of the Constitution supports the

Court’s judgment” that the Constitution protects the

right to abortion. Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179, 221

(1973) (White, J., dissenting).

2.

Roe Does Not Comport with This Court’s

Traditional Substantive Due Process

Jurisprudence Under Washington v.

Glucksberg

For over a hundred years, however, this Court has

held that the Due Process Clause protects certain

rights that are not enumerated in the Constitution

itself. To ensure that this Court does not cross the

line from protecting fundamental rights into

7 Nebraska became the 37th State admitted to the Union in

1867.

Nebraska

Statehood,

History

Nebraska,

https://history.nebraska.gov/tags/nebraska-statehood

(last

visited May 24, 2021). Nebraska was the only state in 1868

without a law addressing abortion, probably because it had just

become a state and did not have many laws at all. See Roe, 410

U.S. at 175 n.1 (Rehnquist, J., dissenting).

18

legislating new rights, the Court recognizes only

those rights that are “deeply rooted in this Nation’s

history and tradition.” Washington v. Glucksberg, 521

U.S. 702, 720-21 (1997) (cleaned up). This limiting

principle is important because it “tends to reign in

the subjective elements that are necessarily present

in due process judicial review.” Id. at 722.

At the time of the Founding, the common law

made abortion after “quickening” a criminal offense.

1 William Blackstone, Commentaries *129-30. The

fact that the common law protected the unborn only

after quickening should not be confused with the

creation of a right to abort a child. The common law

protected the unborn based on the best evidence

available at the time of when life began, but the

common law never affirmatively protected the right

to terminate a pregnancy before quickening.

In the mid-nineteenth century, scientific and

medical advancements led physicians to believe that

life started at conception. Esther Slater McDonald,

Note: Patenting Human Life and the Rebirth of the

Thirteenth Amendment, 78 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1359,

1376-77 (2003). The American Medical Association

launched an aggressive campaign to protect life from

the moment of conception, leading nearly every state

or territory to adopt such a law. Id. at 1379. It was

not until just before Roe that a trend toward

liberalization occurred. Roe, 410 U.S. at 139-40.

Thus, between the common law history and the

further development of medicine in the nineteenth

century, the trend in our history was always to

19

protect life from the moment we knew it existed.

Consequently, “it can scarcely be said that any deeply

rooted tradition of relatively unrestricted abortion in

our history supported the classification of the right to

abortion as ‘fundamental’ under the Due Process

Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.” Casey, 505

U.S. at 952-53 (Rehnquist, C.J., dissenting).

3.

Dred Scott, Lochner, and

Substantive Due Process

Shame”

Roe: the

“Hall of

As Justice Thomas has explained, “substantive

due process” is a “dangerous fiction” that “distorts the

constitutional text” and invites judges to “roam at

large in the constitutional field guided only by their

personal views....” Obergefell v. Hodges, 135 S.Ct.

2584, 2631 (2015) (Thomas, J., dissenting)

(quotations, citations, and alterations omitted). “And

because the Court's substantive due process

precedents allow the Court to fashion fundamental

rights without any textual constraints, it is equally

unsurprising that among these precedents are some

of the Court's most notoriously incorrect decisions.”

Timbs, 139 S.Ct. at 692 (Thomas, J., concurring in

judgment) (citing Dred Scott and Roe).

As four of the sitting justices of this Court have

recognized, the doctrine of substantive due process

was born in the notorious Dred Scott case. Relying on

the Fifth Amendment’s Due Process Clause, this

Court held,

20

[A]n act of Congress which deprives a citizen

of the United States of his liberty or property,

merely because he came himself or brought his

property into a particular Territory of the

United States, and who had committed no

offence against the laws, could hardly be

dignified with the name of due process of law.

Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393, 450 (1857). In

his dissent, Justice Curtis demonstrated that this

understanding of due process was unheard of from

the time of the Magna Charta until then, and would

by its terms prohibit Congress from eliminating the

slave trade and the States from banning slavery. Id.

at 624-27 (Curtis, J., dissenting).

For the first time, the Court interpreted the Due

Process Clause to confer a substantive right to keep

human beings as slaves, not a procedural right

against arbitrary government power. Thus, Justice

Gorsuch concludes that, in Dred Scott,

the Court went out of its way to bend the

Constitution’s terms in an effort to try to quell

unrest in the country over the question of

slavery. The Court invented the legal doctrine

of substantive due process, and then proceeded

to use it to hold that Congress had no power to

regulate slavery in the territories.

Neil Gorsuch, A Republic, If You Can Keep It 125

(2019); accord Obergefell v. Hodges, 576 U.S. 644,

695 (2015) (Roberts, C.J., joined by Scalia, Thomas,

21

and Alito, JJ., dissenting) (acknowledging Dred Scott

as the first case applying substantive due process).

The Court’s new invention of substantive due

process did not accomplish the result it intended. It

set America on a course for Civil War, which cost

over three million lives. 8 The similar invocation of

substantive due process 116 years later resulted in

over sixty million deaths, 9 making Roe twenty times

deadlier than Dred Scott.

The second advent of substantive due process

came in Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45 (1905). In

that case, this Court concluded that the Due Process

Clause prohibited state interference with freedom of

contract. 198 U.S. at 64. Justice Holmes famously

dissented, arguing that the Court’s decision was

based on economic theory instead of the Constitution.

Id. at 75 (Holmes, J., dissenting). Justice Holmes’s

position eventually prevailed. See West Coast Hotel

Co. v. Parrish, 300 U.S. 379 (1937) (signaling the end

of the Lochner era). 10 After the Thirteenth

America’s Wars, U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs,

https://www.va.gov/opa/publications/factsheets/fs_americas_war

s.pdf (last visited July 21, 2021).

9 Abortion Statistics, National Right to Life Committee,

https://nrlc.org/uploads/factsheets/FS01AbortionintheUS.pdf

(last visited July 21, 2021).

10 ACLL believes in free markets but does not believe such

rights can be deduced logically from the text or history of the

Due Process Clause. Moreover, while ACLL believes there is a

right to work, it also believes that the Tenth Amendment

permits the States to use their police powers in a reasonable

way to protect the people’s health, safety, welfare, and morals. A

balance therefore must be struck, which is different than

Lochner’s limitless protection of every kind of economic activity.

8

22

Amendment invalidated Dred Scott and the Court

repudiated Lochner, one would think the Court would

have ceased using (or rather abusing) substantive

due process to create new rights that are neither in

the Constitution nor deeply rooted in this nation’s

history and traditions.

But think again. For the third time, the Court

embarked on a new era of inventing substantive-dueprocess rights. The third round had nothing to do

with slavery or economics, but was based

(supposedly) on personal autonomy. As Justice

Kennedy put it in Casey, “At the heart of liberty is

the right to define one's own concept of existence, of

meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of

human life.” Casey, 505 U.S. at 833. This line of cases

began in Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479

(1965), which recognized a right of privacy. Griswold,

in turn, begat Roe.

Judge Henry Friendly of the Second Circuit,

echoing Justice Holmes’s dissent in Lochner,

recognized that abortion had nothing to do with the

Constitution. In a draft opinion for an abortion case

that was prepared shortly before this Court decided

Roe, Judge Friendly addressed the heart of the proabortion argument, which was “that a person has a

constitutionally protected right to do as he pleases

with his—in this instance, her—own body so long as

no harm is done to others.” A. Raymond Randolph,

Before Roe v. Wade: Judge Friendly’s Draft Abortion

Opinion, 29 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol. 1035 (2006).

Judge Friendly responded,

23

Plaintiffs’ position is quite reminiscent of

the famous statement of J[ohn] S[tuart] Mill....

Years ago, when courts with considerable

freedom struck down statutes that they

strongly disapproved, Mr. Justice Holmes

declared in a celebrated dissent that the

Fourteenth Amendment did not enact Herbert

Spencer’s Social Statistics. No more did it

enact J.S. Mill’s views on the proper limits of

law-making.

Id.

As Justice Curtis recognized in Dred Scott, as

Justice Holmes recognized in Lochner, and as Judge

Friendly recognized in his abortion case, the Due

Process Clause does not authorize the Justices of this

Court to interpret the word “liberty” according to

their personal philosophies instead of what the

Constitution really means.

But that is exactly what the Court did in Roe. As

Justice White lamented, “The Court simply fashions

and announces a new constitutional right for

pregnant mothers and, with scarcely any reason or

authority for its action, invests that right with

sufficient substance to override most existing state

abortion statutes.” Doe, 410 U.S. at 221-22 (White, J.,

dissenting). The price of judicial activism in Lochner

was (arguably) allowing employers to push their

employees too far. The price of judicial activism in

Dred Scott was a Civil War that cost over 3 million

lives. The cost of judicial activism in Roe, however,

was over 60 million abortions, which is ten times the

24

amount of Jews murdered in the Holocaust 11 and

twenty times the casualties of the Civil War. Thus,

among judicial activism’s worst decisions, Roe earns

the place of foremost prominence in the Substantive

Due Process Hall of Shame.

4.

Conclusion: The Due Process Clause

Does Not Protect the Right to an

Abortion

The right to abortion cannot “be logically deduced

from the text of the Constitution.” Ohio v. Akron Ctr.

for Reproductive Health, 497 U.S. 502, 520 (1990)

(Scalia, J., concurring). Even if substantive due

process comported with the Fourteenth Amendment,

it would not support the right to an abortion because

it is not “found in the longstanding traditions of our

society[.]” Akron, 497 U.S. at 520 (Scalia, J.,

concurring). Roe was a bare power grab by judges

who read their own philosophies of liberty into the

Constitution, costing tens of millions of innocent

lives. It was judicial activism at its worst and must

be overruled.

Documenting Numbers of Victims of the Holocaust and

Nazi Persecution, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum,

https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/documentingnumbers-of-victims-of-the-holocaust-and-nazi-persecution (last

visited May 24, 2021).

11

25

B.

The Doctrine of Stare Decisis Does Not

Bar This Court from Overruling Roe and

Casey.

As an original matter, a precedent should be

overruled if it clearly conflicts with the Constitution.

Justice Thomas’s masterful concurrence in Gamble v.

United States, 139 S.Ct. 1960, 1980-89 (2019),

illustrates in great detail the meaning of precedent

in light of the common law and the history and

structure of our Constitution. ACLL agrees with

Justice Thomas: “When faced with a demonstrably

erroneous precedent,” such as Roe or Casey, the

Court “should not follow it.” Id. at 1984 (Thomas, J.,

concurring). When forced to choose between original

meaning and stare decisis, “a justice’s duty is to the

Constitution[, and] it is thus more legitimate for her

to enforce her best understanding of the Constitution

rather than a precedent she thinks clearly in conflict

with it.” Amy Coney Barrett, Precedent and

Jurisprudential Disagreement, 91 Tex L. Rev. 1711,

1728 (2013). After all, “stare decisis isn’t supposed to

be the art of methodically ignoring what everyone

knows to be true.” Ramos v. Louisiana, 140 S.Ct.

1390, 1405 (2020).

If the Court does not believe that grave

constitutional error alone is enough to warrant

overturning a demonstrably erroneous precedent,

then it should look to the factors it articulated

recently in Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31, 138 S.Ct.

2448 (2018). Those factors are: (1) the quality of the

precedent’s reasoning, (2) the workability of the

precedent in question, (3) whether legal or factual

26

developments

have

eroded

the

decision’s

underpinnings and left it as an outlier, and (4)

reliance interests. Id. at 2479-84.

As for the first factor, Casey has been attacked as

the worst constitutional decision of all time because

the Court knew Roe was wrongly decided but applied

it anyway to save face, with the result that millions

of people died. Michael Stokes Paulsen, The Worst

Constitutional Decision of All Time, 78 Notre Dame

L. Rev. 995, 998-1004 (2003). Roe’s reasoning

likewise does not comport with the original meaning

of the Due Process Clause or the Court’s traditional

substantive due process analysis.

As for the second factor, the present case

addresses whether viability is a workable line to

draw or not. If the Court finds that it is not, then the

second factor weights in favor of overruling Roe and

Casey.

As for the third factor, we know far more about

prenatal life now than we did when Roe and Casey

were decided. Hamilton v. Scott, 97 So. 3d 728, 746

(Ala. 2012) (Hamilton I) (Parker, J., concurring

specially). Furthermore, criminal law, tort law,

guardianship law, health care law, property law, and

family law often treat the unborn as persons, leaving

abortion as an outlier. Ex parte Phillips, 284 So. 3d

101, 165-69 (Ala. 2018) (Parker, J., concurring

specially).

The fourth factor is the only potential factor that

weighs the other way. However, reliance interests

27

were not enough to save the precedent in question

from being overruled in Janus when the other three

factors weighed the other way. Janus, 131 S.Ct. at

2485-86. Neither should it in this case.

Since Dred Scott has been mentioned, it is also

worth noting that reliance was the reason why

slaveholding states refused to abolish slavery. That

issue was settled on the battlefields of the Civil War,

and the outcome was that reliance interests did not

justify holding human beings as property. Neither

does reliance here justify murdering innocent people.

Finally, the Court has sometimes stated that a

“special justification” is required to overrule

precedent. The Court found in Janus that if the first

three factors are met, then the special justification is

met also. Janus, 138 S.Ct. at 2486. Beyond that,

sixty million people have been murdered since 1973

because of this Court’s decision. If that is not “special

justification,” then with respect, nothing is. It is time

to end the bloodshed and overrule Roe and its

progeny once and for all.

C.

The Court Should Not Only Overrule

Roe but Also Hold That the Constitution

Protects the Child’s Right to Life

Roe itself conceded that if an unborn child is a

person, the case for abortion collapses, because the

child’s right to life would be specifically guaranteed

by the Amendment. Roe, 410 U.S. at 156-57. The

Court was correct in that regard. The Fourteenth

Amendment states, in relevant part: “nor shall any

28

State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property,

without due process of law; nor deny to any person

within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the

laws.” U.S. Const., amend. XIV, § 1 (emphasis

added).

Since other amicus briefs are developing this

point in more detail, ACLL will point out briefly that

the question of whether unborn children are

“persons” within the meaning of the Fourteenth

Amendment has gained considerable attention. The

Alabama Supreme Court, for instance, has

acknowledged that it could be true. See Phillips, 287

So. 3d at 1212 (opinion of the Court). Two Chief

Justices of the Alabama Supreme Court have argued

the same in special writings on multiple occasions.

Id. at 1244 (Parker, J., concurring specially);

Hamilton v. Scott, 278 So. 3d 1180, 1190 (Ala. 2018)

(Hamilton II) (Parker, J., concurring specially);

Stinnett v. Kennedy, 232 So. 3d 202, 223 (Ala. 2016)

(Parker, J., concurring specially); Ex parte Hicks, 153

So. 3d 53, 71-72 (Ala. 2014) (Moore, C.J., concurring).

This issue has also been debated in conservative

academic circles. See generally Joshua Craddock,

Protecting Prenatal Persons: Does the Fourteenth

Amendment Prohibit Abortion?, 40 Harv. J. L. & Pub.

Pol’y 539, 554-55 (2017); Michael Stokes Paulsen, The

Plausibility of Personhood, 74 Ohio St. L.J. 13 (2013);

Charles I. Lugosi, Conforming to the Rule of Law:

When Person and Human Being Finally Mean the

Same

Thing

in

Fourteenth

Amendment

Jurisprudence, 4 Geo. J. L. & Pub. Pol’y 360 (2007).

29

Blackstone said, “Natural persons are such as the

God of nature formed us.” 1 Blackstone,

Commentaries *123. “The principle of Blackstone’s

rule was that ‘where life can be shown to exist, legal

personhood exists.’” Craddock, supra, at 554-55. 12

Given that the dominant view at the Fourteenth

Amendment’s passage was that life begins at

conception, there is a strong case that the Fourteenth

Amendment applies to unborn children. 13

Moreover, the Framers of the Fourteenth

Amendment “attempted to create a legal bridge

between their understanding of the Declaration of

Independence, with its grand declarations of equality

and rights endowed by a Creator God, and

constitutional jurisprudence.” David Smolin, Equal

Protection, in The Heritage Guide to the Constitution

12 Due to lack of

scientific evidence, the common law held

that one could be convicted of homicide for killing a preborn

child only after “quickening,” because only then could the court

ascertain that the child was alive, and it is legally impossible to

kill a person who is already dead and not alive. Id. But when

the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified, many courts had

repudiated the quickening standard because of the discovery

that life begins at fertilization. Craddock, supra, at 554-55.

Roe rejected this argument by reasoning that the word

“person” as used elsewhere in the Constitution did not appear to

apply to the unborn. Roe, 410 U.S. at 157-58. However, the

better practice would have been to examine what the word

“person” meant at the time of the Fourteenth Amendment’s

ratification. See District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570,

574-605 (2008) (engaging in a remarkably disciplined exposition

of what the words in one particular amendment meant);

Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. 1, 188-89 (1824) (holding that the

Constitution’s provisions must be interpreted by their words

and by how their framers and readers understood them).

13

30

400 (2005). Thaddeus Stevens, the most powerful

man in Congress and the author of the first version of

the Fourteenth Amendment, said the following when

he introduced it: “Our fathers had been compelled to

postpone the principles of their great Declaration,

and wait for their full establishment till a more

proprietous time. That time ought to be present now.”

2 The Reconstruction Amendments 158 (Kurt T. Lash,

ed., 2021). John Bingham, who introduced the

version of the Fourteenth Amendment that

ultimately passed, said, “I am for the proposed

amendment from a sense of right—that absolute,

eternal verity which underlies your Constitution. So

it was proclaimed in your imperishable Declaration

by the words, all men are created equal; that they are

endowed by their Creator with the rights of life and

liberty….” Id. at 59.

Thus, if all people are endowed with their Creator

with the unalienable gift of life, and if unborn

children are people, then the States may not deny

equal protection of the laws to them. 14

14 Justice Ginsburg argued that the Equal Protection Clause

cuts the other way, guaranteeing a woman’s right to abort her

pregnancy so that she could have the same liberties as men. See

Gonzalez v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124, 171-72 (2007) (Ginsburg, J.,

dissenting). But with respect, Justice Ginsburg’s arguments

suffered from two flaws. First, as argued above, it discounts the

fact that Americans viewed unborn children as people when

they ratified the Fourteenth Amendment. As Roe itself

conceded, establishing the suggestion of personhood would make

the case for abortion collapse. Roe, 410 U.S. at 156-57. Second,

her argument presumes that to be equal with men, women

would have to give up something that makes them uniquely

feminine: the ability to get pregnant. Consequently, Justice

Ginsburg’s argument does not actually make women equal with

31

Therefore, this Court should not only overrule Roe

and its progeny but also hold that the Fourteenth

Amendment protects unborn children from abortion.

If this is too far for the Court to go in the present

case, then it should at the very least refrain from

foreclosing that question from being presented in the

future.

CONCLUSION

As the writings of Chief Justice Parker of the

Alabama Supreme Court demonstrate in detail, the

viability standard remains an outlier among the vast

majority of laws that address the same subject, which

generally protect the lives and rights of the unborn

regardless of whether they are viable or not. Taking

the viability precedent to its logical conclusion

creates the absolutely horrifying result that one

person has the right to kill another who is dependent

on him or her. In such a case, the right to life would

never be secured for minor children, handicapped

relatives, aging parents, or possibly for anyone who is

in some way dependent on another for survival. Since

the viability standard does not comport with the

other laws governing unborn children or even with

the law of logic because of the horrifying result that it

creates, it should be discarded.

men, but rather seeks to make them men by depriving them of a

unique female characteristic, which is not pro-woman at all. See

Erica Bachiochi, Embodied Equality: Debunking Equal

Protection Arguments for Abortion Rights, 34 Harv. J. L. & Pub.

Pol. 889 (2011).

32

But the Court should not stop there. Because this

Court’s duty is to uphold the Constitution and apply

it as written instead of creating law, which is

reserved for the legislature alone, it should look to

the Constitution itself to determine what should

replace the viability standard. Because neither the

text nor history of the Constitution protects the right

to abortion, the Court should discard it altogether. 15

It should further recognize that the Fourteenth

Amendment protects the lives of the unborn. But if

the Court is unwilling to go that far in the present

case, then it should at the very least not foreclose

that issue from consideration in the future. But

regardless of whether it recognizes the personhood of

the unborn now, Amicus Curiae respectfully urges

the Court to do what the Constitution requires in the

present case: overrule Roe once and for all.

Respectfully submitted,

MATTHEW J. CLARK*

*Counsel of Record

ALABAMA CENTER FOR LAW AND LIBERTY

2213 Morris Ave., Fl. 1

Birmingham, AL 35203

(256) 510-1828

matt@alabamalawandliberty.org

Counsel for Amicus Curiae

Amicus Curiae simply asks the same thing that Chief

Justice Roberts once urged the Court to do as Deputy Solicitor

General when the question presented was also narrow. Brief for

Respondent, Rust v. Sullivan, 500 U.S. 173 (1991), available at

https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/osg/briefs/1990/01/01/s

g900805.txt (last visited July 21, 2021).

15

This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

A word about cookies

We need a few to keep you signed in and the library working. The rest help us see which pages people use and where they get stuck. They stay off unless you say yes.