Amicus Curiae Brief — Kathleen Uradnik, Petitioner v. Inter Faculty Organization, et al.
Supreme Court briefDec 28, 2018
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No. 18-719
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
KATHLEEN URADNIK,
Petitioner,
v.
INTER FACULTY ORGANIZATION, ET AL.,
Respondents.
ON PETITION FOR WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE THE
COMPETITIVE ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE IN
SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
Sam Kazman
Counsel of Record
Devin Watkins
COMPETITIVE ENTERPRISE
INSTITUTE
1310 L St. NW, 7th Floor
Washington, D.C. 20005
(202) 331-1010
sam.kazman@cei.org
December 28, 2018
Attorneys for Amici Curiae
i
QUESTION PRESENTED
Whether it violates the First Amendment to appoint
a labor union to represent and speak for public-sector
employees who have declined to join the union.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Question Presented....................................................... i
Table of Contents ......................................................... ii
Table of Cited Authorities .......................................... iii
Interest of Amicus Curiae ........................................... 1
Summary of Argument ................................................ 1
Argument ..................................................................... 3
I. Most Public Employees Are Forced To Be
Represented By Organizations They Did Not Vote
For ........................................................................... 4
II. Exclusive Representation Allows Government to
Compel Support for Political and Ideological
Advocacy ................................................................. 8
Conclusion .................................................................. 13
iii
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES
Page
Cases
Harris v. Quinn 134 S. Ct. 2618, 2632 (2014). ........... 8
Janus v. AFSCME, 138 S. Ct. 2448 (2018). .. 1, 2, 3, 12
Wooley v. Maynard, 430 U. S. 705 (1977) ............... 2, 4
Statutes
Minn. Stat. § 179A.03 subd. 10. .................................. 5
Minn. Stat. § 179A.03 subd. 8. ...................... 2, 3, 5, 13
Minn. Stat. § 179A.06 subd. 5. .................................... 2
Minn. Stat. § 179A.12 subd. 1. .................................... 6
Minn. Stat. § 179A.12 subd. 12. .................................. 6
Minn. Stat. § 179A.12 subd. 2-3 .................................. 5
Minn. Stat. § 179A.12 subd. 4. .................................... 6
Other Authorities
AFSCME, Adopt Single Payer, (July 16-18, 2018),
https://goo.gl/9wrsNp. ............................................ 11
AFSCME, AFSCME Rejects Immigration Policy
Based on Fear (July 16-18, 2018), goo.gl/KM4ubj. 12
AFSCME, Preserving Exclusive Representation (July
16-18, 2018), https://goo.gl/7hsnMj ........................ 12
iv
AFSCME, Repeal Harmful Tax Cuts for the Wealthy
and Big Corporations (July 16-18, 2018),
https://goo.gl/9cx9sN. ............................................. 11
AFSCME, Saluting and Supporting the Role and the
Leadership of Women and Youth in Building the
Movement Against Donald Trump and His Vision
for America, (July 16-18, 2018),
http://goo.gl/P6JfVJ. ............................................... 11
Inter Faculty Organization, 2019 Legislative
Priorities (last accessed Dec. 17 2018),
https://goo.gl/fwyj8N. ............................................. 10
Inter Faculty Organization, Political Endorsements—
Inter Faculty Organization (last accessed Dec. 17,
2018), https://www.ifo.org/political-endorsements/. 9
Inter Faculty Organization, Why Join the IFO?—
Inter Faculty Organization, (last accessed Dec. 17,
2018), https://www.ifo.org/why-join-the-ifo/. ........... 9
James Sherk, Unelected Unions: Why Workers
Should Be Allowed to Choose Their
Representatives, HERITAGE FOUNDATION (Aug. 27,
2012), http://goo.gl/nxDqaC. .................................... 7
Julia Wolfe and John Schmitt, A profile of union
workers in state and local government, Economic
Policy Institute (June 7, 2018),
https://www.epi.org/publication/a-profile-of-unionworkers-in-state-and-local-government-key-factsabout-the-sector-for-followers-of-janus-v-afscmecouncil-31/. ................................................................ 1
v
Minnesota Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure
Board, Lobbying-organizations (last accessed Dec.
17, 2018), http://goo.gl/6Ahjuf. ................................. 9
Neill S. Rosenfeld, 50 Years, UNITED FEDERATION OF
TEACHERS (2010)
http://www.uft.org/files/attachments/uft-50-yearsbook.pdf. ................................................................... 7
Pet. App. 73. ................................................................. 5
St. Cloud State University, University Catalog
Faculty & Administration, Psychology (last
accessed Dec. 17, 2018), https://goo.gl/f6KhUc ....... 8
St. Cloud State University, University Catalog
Faculty & Administration, Special Education (last
accessed Dec. 17, 2018), https://goo.gl/zKi53u. ....... 8
1
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE 1
The Competitive Enterprise Institute (“CEI”) is a
nonprofit 501(c)(3) organization incorporated and
headquartered in Washington, D.C., dedicated to
promoting the principles of free markets and limited
government. Since its founding in 1984, CEI has
focused on raising public understanding of the
problems of overregulation. It has done so through
policy analysis, commentary, and litigation.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
In Janus v. AFSCME, this Court recognized the
importance of this issue in its holding that the
certification of an exclusive representative to speak for
public employees “substantially restricts the [First
Amendment] rights of individual employees.” 138 S.
Ct. 2448, 2460 (2018). Currently, 6.8 million state and
local public employees are covered by union contracts.
Julia Wolfe and John Schmitt, A profile of union
workers in state and local government, Economic
Policy Institute (June 7, 2018), https://goo.gl/RQz1qD/.
Of those about 600,000 are non-members. Their First
Amendment rights are trampled by state laws that
provide for exclusive representation. As it stands,
public employees are now free from subsidizing the
speech of an exclusive representative, but are forced to
1 Pursuant to Rule 37.6, amicus affirm that no counsel for a party
authored this brief in whole or in part, that no such counsel or
party made a monetary contribution intended to fund the
preparation or submission of the brief, and that no person other
than amicus, their members, or their counsel made such a
monetary contribution. All parties recieved notice at least 10 days
prior to the due date of the amicus curiae’s intention to file and
consented to the filing of this brief.
2
associate with unions and let those unions speak for
them, no matter how strongly employees disagree with
that speech.
An exclusive representative, under Minnesota law,
speaks “on behalf of all employees,” including nonmembers who have refused to join the union. Minn.
Stat. § 179A.03 subd. 8. As the Minnesota statute
indicates, the union’s speech is considered the speech
of the employees it represents: “Public employees,
through their certified exclusive representative, have
the right and obligation to meet and negotiate in good
faith with their employer.” Minn. Stat. § 179A.06 subd.
5 (emphasis added). Minnesota law is clear—when the
union is speaking during collective bargaining, it is on
the behalf of the Petitioner and other non-members.
The issues on which the union’s speech is treated
as the Petitioner’s, against her will, are issues that
Janus recognized as “matters of substantial public
concern.” 138 S. Ct. at 2460. As this Court has decided
repeatedly, freedom of speech “includes both the right
to speak freely and the right to refrain from speaking
at all.” Wooley v. Maynard, 430 U. S. 705, 714 (1977).
In Janus the court stated, “Compelling individuals to
mouth support for views they find objectionable
violates that cardinal constitutional command, and in
most contexts, any such effort would be universally
condemned.” 138 S. Ct. at 2463. The state law
compelling the Petitioner to accept the union’s speech
as her own on issues of substantial public concern
infringes on her First Amendment rights.
Equally troublesome, the state compels the
Petitioner to accept the advocacy of an exclusive
representative that she never had a chance to vote on.
3
For the most part, public employees simply inherit
union representation that was voted on by past
workers, and are forced to accept it without any choice
in the matter.
For these reasons, the Minnesota statute that
establishes exclusive representation is in conflict with
First Amendment jurisprudence and warrants review
by the Court.
ARGUMENT
Minnesota state law compels the petitioner,
Kathleen Uradnik, as a condition of her employment,
to accept the Inter Faculty Organization (IFO) as her
exclusive representative. Minn. Stat. § 179A.03 subd.
8. As an exclusive representative, the IFO represents
all St. Cloud State University employees, both those
who join the union and those who do not. Id. The law
authorizes Minnesota state employers to treat the
speech of the union as the speech of all the employees
in determining work terms and conditions for
employees. This allows a majority of employees in a
bargaining unit to select an exclusive representative
who speaks for both them and for those employees who
want nothing to do with the union.
As the Supreme Court recognized in Janus v
AFSCME, that requirement is “a significant
impingement on associational freedoms that would not
be tolerated in other contexts.” 138 S. Ct. at 2478.
But, making matters worse, the vast majority of
public employees who are compelled to accept
representation from a union were never afforded the
opportunity to vote on whether they want a union or
the specific union that would represent them. In the
4
case before the Court, the IFO was certified as the
exclusive representative for St. Cloud State University
faculty in 1975. Dr. Uradnik, and the majority of her
colleagues, were not University employees at that
time. As such, many employees represented by the IFO
have never had a voice or a vote in selecting the union
that represents them today.
Another consequence of this state-law requirement
is that the IFO represents and speaks on behalf of Dr.
Uradnik through collective bargaining sessions, meet
and confer sessions, and other venues. This is
permitted even though she opposes many of the
union’s positions during collective bargaining
negotiations and advocacy on political issues. And the
IFO, like other public-sector unions, frequently
advocates for or against a broad variety of contentious
political matters.
The Supreme Court has consistently held that
freedom of speech “includes both the right to speak
freely and the right to refrain from speaking at all.”
Wooley, 430 U. S. at 714. Under Minnesota State law,
public employees must accept the speech of the IFO as
their own and lack the ability to distance themselves
from the political advocacy of their exclusive
representative.
I. MOST PUBLIC EMPLOYEES ARE FORCED TO
BE REPRESENTED BY ORGANIZATIONS THEY
DID NOT VOTE FOR
Under a majority of state legal regimes governing
public employees, when a public-sector union is
certified as the exclusive representative of a
bargaining unit, it is granted the sole right to
negotiate on the behalf of members and non-members
over terms of employment like pay, promotion, layoffs,
5
and retirement. For example, the State of Minnesota
permits public employers to require public employees
to accept an exclusive representative that is granted
the authority to “meet and negotiate with the
employer on behalf of all employees.” Minn. Stat. §
179A.03 subd. 8.
To become certified as an “exclusive representative
of all employees in a [bargaining] unit,” Minn. Stat. §
179A.12 subd. 2-3, a union must receive a “majority of
those votes cast in an appropriate unit.” Id. at subd.
10. Upon certification, all public employees are forced
to accept union representation, work under a union
negotiated contract, and accept that the union speaks
out on their behalf. Minnesota law requires Dr.
Uradnik to accept these conditions despite the fact
that she vehemently opposes many of the union’s
positions during bargaining negotiations and political
stances.
A section of the collective bargaining agreement
between St. Cloud State University and the Inter
Faculty Organization (IFO) further limits the ability
of independent employees to speak for themselves. A
section entitled “Exclusive Right” states that “[t]he
Employer will not meet and negotiate relative to those
terms and conditions of employment subject to
negotiations with any employee groups or
organizations composed of employees covered by this
Agreement except through the [Union].” Pet. App. 73.
As it stands, Dr. Uradnik, and other employees who
are similarly dissatisfied with their union
representation, are prohibited from seeking
representation other than from the IFO, and from
individually negotiating their own work terms and
conditions with St. Cloud State University.
6
Compounding the problem of compelling unwilling
employees to accept union representation is that very
few public employees represented by a union voted for
this representation or the specific union that
represents them. Once a group of employees is
organized, its union remains certified in perpetuity
unless it is “decertified” or “another representative is
certified in its place.” Minn. Stat. § 179A.12 subd. 1.
Yet, it is important to note, decertifying an exclusive
representative is an arduous process. Minnesota law
erects several hurdles to removing an exclusive
representative. A “petition for a decertification
election during the term of a contract” will not be
considered “except for a period from not more than 270
to not less than 210 days before its date of
termination.” Id. at subd. 4. In addition, when an
exclusive representative is certified, its status cannot
be challenged “for a period of one year.” Id. at subd. 12.
Instead of voluntarily selecting a specific union
representative, employees are compelled to accept
union representation as a condition of employment,
chosen by past employees.
In the public-sector, inherited union representation
is the norm, not the exception. A majority of states
passed laws in the 1960s and 1970s to give government
employees the right to collectively bargain. For the
most part, unions organized public employers shortly
after these laws were passed and there has been
relatively limited organizing activity in that area
since. As a result, most unionized public workforces
were organized over 30 years ago. Few of today’s public
employees even worked for the government when
elections were held to certify the labor unions that act
as their exclusive representatives today.
7
For example, while New York City public school
teachers voted to certify the United Federation of
Teachers (UFT) in 1961, the UFT continues to
represent these teachers to this day. Neill S.
Rosenfeld, 50 Years, UNITED FEDERATION OF
TEACHERS
(2010)
http://www.uft.org/files/attachments/uft-50-yearsbook.pdf. Analysis of U.S. Department of Education
data show that “virtually every teacher who voted in
that election has since retired.” James Sherk,
Unelected Unions: Why Workers Should Be Allowed to
Choose Their Representatives, HERITAGE FOUNDATION
(Aug. 27, 2012), http://goo.gl/nxDqaC.
Several school districts in Kansas are similarly
situated. The Kansas state legislature passed
legislation granting public-sector unions collective
bargaining privileges in 1970. By 1971, a number of
Kansas’ largest school districts had unionized.
Calculations using data from the Schools and Staffing
Survey conducted by the National Center for
Education Statistics show none of the teachers who
voted to elect the Kansas National Education
Association still are employed at these school districts.
Id.
In the top 10 largest school districts in Florida and
Michigan, only 1 percent of current teachers were
employed in the year that the union representative
was elected. Id.
In the instant case, the IFO was elected and
certified as the exclusive representative in 1975 for
teachers at Minnesota’s seven public universities. As
such, Dr. Uradnik, whose employment at St. Cloud
State University began in 1999, never had the
8
opportunity to vote on whether she desired union
representation or not. Dr. Uradnik is not alone.
An analysis of the St. Cloud State University’s
Faculty and Administration webpage, which allows
users to search for professors in each department at
the University, found only two professors whose
tenure began prior to 1975. One faculty member in the
Psychology Department began at St. Cloud State
University in 1965, St. Cloud State University,
University Catalog Faculty & Administration,
Psychology
(last
accessed
Dec.
17,
2018),
https://goo.gl/jeGpfZ. The start date of another
employee, in the Special Education Department, was
in
1974.
Id.
at
Special
Education,
https://goo.gl/jiLWNv. This analysis shows that less
the one percent of faculty at St. Cloud State University
had the opportunity to vote on choosing the union that
represents them and that they are compelled to have
speak for them.
II. EXCLUSIVE
REPRESENTATION
ALLOWS
GOVERNMENT TO COMPEL SUPPORT FOR
POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL ADVOCACY
As a result of Minnesota State law, public
employees at unionized workplaces are forced to accept
the speech of an exclusive representative as their own.
It is irrelevant whether the employee is a non-member
or strongly opposes the speech of the union; the union’s
advocacy is attributed to and on behalf of these
unwilling employees.
As recognized by the Supreme Court, “In the public
sector, core issues such as wages, pensions, and
benefits are important political issues.” Harris v.
Quinn 134 S. Ct. 2618, 2632 (2014). But the speech of
an exclusive representative that is assigned to non-
9
members goes further than important political issues
that arise during collective bargaining negotiations.
Public-sector unions, such as the IFO, in their
capacities as exclusive representatives, speak out on a
variety of political matters. In the run up to the 2018
elections, the IFO issued political endorsements for
Minnesota Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Attorney
General, Secretary of State, State Auditor and state
Representatives. Inter Faculty Organization, Political
Endorsements—Inter Faculty Organization (last
accessed Dec. 17, 2018), https://www.ifo.org/politicalendorsements/. All 22 of the 2018 IFO’s political
endorsements were all in support of a Democrat
politician except for one.
On the IFO website, the union touts its “Legislative
Advocacy,” which includes working “closely with
lawmakers to advance the interests of state university
faculty during budget and policy discussions.” Inter
Faculty Organization, Why Join the IFO?—Inter
Faculty Organization, (last accessed Dec. 17, 2018),
https://www.ifo.org/why-join-the-ifo/.
Reports
submitted to the Minnesota Campaign Finance Board
show that the IFO lobbied the state legislature and
administration on a variety policy matters: K-12
education policy, higher education policy, pensions,
labor relations, human rights, and taxes. Minnesota
Campaign Finance and Public Disclosure Board,
Lobbying-organizations (last accessed Dec. 17, 2018),
http://goo.gl/ycmT6X. All of the IFO’s speech on these
topics is attributed to members and non-members,
regardless of their personal stances on these issues.
When the IFO released its 2019 legislative
priorities, it stated that these priorities were on behalf
of state university faculty. Inter Faculty Organization,
10
2019 Legislative Priorities (last accessed Dec. 17 2018),
https://goo.gl/fwyj8N. The IFO’s legislative priorities
and advocacy include:
•
•
•
•
Increased educational spending consisting of
“$252 million additional state investment for
direct campus support,” “$150 million
investment in Higher Education Asset
Preservation
and
Restoration
(HEAPR)
bonding,” and “$37 million for NextGen student
records system update.” Id.
Tuition-free college education for “Minnesota’s
low- and middle-income students to attend a
Minnesota State college or university” for up to
four years. Id.
A call to repeal “the statute requiring
Minnesota State campuses to pay one-third debt
service on all general obligation bonds.” Id.
Opposition to any federal tax conformity bill
that “includes corporate tax cuts or tax breaks
for high-income Minnesotans.” Id.
National public-sector unions take positions and
advocate for an even broader and more divisive set of
policies. For example, the published proceedings of the
American Federation of State, County, and Municipal
Employees (AFSCME) 2018 convention record the
advocacy that non-members like Dr. Uradnik were
compelled to support via their forced association with
the union:
•
Advocacy against Donald Trump. The
convention adopted a resolution condemning
“Donald Trump and his vision of America.”
More specifically, the convention resolved that
11
•
•
•
AFSCME will encourage and support the
“defeat” of Donald Trump and his policies.
AFSCME, Saluting and Supporting the Role
and the Leadership of Women and Youth in
Building the Movement Against Donald Trump
and His Vision for America, (July 16-18, 2018),
http://goo.gl/P6JfVJ.
Advocacy for Single Payer Health Care.
The convention endorsed state and federal
legislation to provide a universal single payer
health care system. AFSCME, Adopt Single
Payer, (July 16-18, 2018), https://goo.gl/9wrsNp.
Advocacy on Tax Policy. Tax funds are the
lifeblood of public-sector unions. Since taxes
fund the government, public-sector unions pay
close attention to tax policy and generally
support policies that raise taxes. For example,
the convention passed a resolution against the
“Tax Cuts and Jobs Act,” which President
Trump signed into law in December 2017. More
specifically, AFSCME vowed to “demand the
U.S. Congress to repeal these harmful tax cuts,
and enact progressive tax laws that close
loopholes for the wealthy and corporations to
ensure they pay their fair share.” AFSCME,
Repeal Harmful Tax Cuts for the Wealthy and
Big
Corporations
(July
16-18,
2018),
https://goo.gl/9cx9sN.
Advocacy for Exclusive Representation.
This resolution explains that “Exclusive
representation means the duly chosen union is
the sole voice for all workers.” AFSCME,
Preserving Exclusive Representation (July 16-
12
•
18, 2018), https://goo.gl/7hsnMj (emphasis
added). The union condemned any legislative
effort to “eliminat[e] exclusive representation.”
Id.
Advocacy for Immigration Policy. The
convention
called
upon
the
“Trump
administration to drop its DACA [Deferred
Action on Childhood Arrivals] appeal in the
courts” and resolved that Congress should pass
a “clean DREAM Act” that creates a “pathway
to citizenship for a generation of young people.”
AFSCME, AFSCME Rejects Immigration Policy
Based
on
Fear
(July
16-18,
2018),
http://goo.gl/KM4ubj.
These kinds of compelled political advocacy
through forced representation are beyond what the
First Amendment allows. As this Court noted in
Janus, there can be no justification for a state
requiring a person to “express[] support for a
particular set of positions on controversial public
issues—say, the platform of one of the major political
parties. No one, we trust, would seriously argue that
the First Amendment permits this.” 138 S. Ct. at 2464.
And yet this is exactly what is happening to nonmembers like Dr. Uradnik.
13
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, this Court should grant
this petition to consider whether the exclusive
representative requirements in Minn. Stat. § 179A.03
subd. 8 violate the First Amendment.
Respectfully submitted,
Sam Kazman
Counsel of Record
Devin Watkins
COMPETITIVE ENTERPRISE
INSTITUTE
1310 L St. NW, 7th Floor
Washington, D.C. 20005
(202) 331-1010
sam.kazman@cei.org
December 28, 2018
Attorneys for Amici Curiae
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