Strauss v. Horton

Opinion

GEORGE, C. J.

For the third time in recent years, this court is called upon to address a question under California law relating to marriage and same-sex couples.

In Lockyer v. City and County of San Francisco (2004) 33 Cal.4th 1055 [ 17 Cal.Rptr.3d 225 , 95 P.3d 459 ] (Lockyer), we were faced with the question whether public officials of the City and County of San Francisco acted lawfully by issuing marriage licenses to same-sex couples in the absence of a judicial determination that the California statutes limiting marriage to a union between a man and a woman were unconstitutional. We concluded in Lockyer that the public officials had acted unlawfully in issuing licenses in the absence of such a judicial determination, but emphasized in our opinion that the substantive question of the constitutional validity of the marriage statutes was not before our court in that proceeding.

In In re Marriage Cases (2008) 43 Cal.4th 757 [ 76 Cal.Rptr.3d 683 , 183 P.3d 384 ] (hereafter the Marriage Cases), we confronted the substantive constitutional question that had not been addressed in Lockyer—namely, the constitutional validity, under the then-controlling provisions of the California Constitution, of the California marriage statutes limiting marriage to a union between a man and a woman. A majority of this court concluded in the Marriage Cases that same-sex couples, as well as opposite-sex couples, enjoy the protection of the constitutional right to marry embodied in the privacy and due process provisions of the California Constitution, and that by granting access to the designation of “marriage” to opposite-sex couples and denying such access to same-sex couples, the existing California marriage statutes impinged upon the privacy and due process rights of same-sex *385 couples and violated those couples’ right to the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the California Constitution.

Proposition 8, an initiative measure approved by a majority of voters at the November 4, 2008 election, added a new section—section 7.5—to article I of the California Constitution, providing: “Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California.” The measure took effect on November 5, 2008. In the present case, we address the question whether Proposition 8, under the governing provisions of the California Constitution, constitutes a permissible change to the California Constitution, and—if it does—we are faced with the further question of the effect, if any, of Proposition 8 upon the estimated 18,000 marriages of same-sex couples that were performed before that initiative measure was adopted.

In a sense, this trilogy of cases illustrates the variety of limitations that our constitutional system imposes upon each branch of government—the executive, the legislative, and the judicial.

In addressing the issues now presented in the third chapter of this narrative, it is important at the outset to emphasize a number of significant points. First, as explained in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at page 780 , our task in the present proceeding is not to determine whether the provision at issue is wise or sound as a matter of policy or whether we, as individuals, believe it should be a part of the California Constitution. Regardless of our views as individuals on this question of policy, we recognize as judges and as a court our responsibility to confine our consideration to a determination of the constitutional validity and legal effect of the measure in question. It bears emphasis in this regard that our role is limited to interpreting and applying the principles and rules embodied in the California Constitution, setting aside our own personal beliefs and values.

Second, it also is necessary to understand that the legal issues before us in this case are entirely distinct from those that were presented in either Lockyer or the Marriage Cases. Unlike the issues that were before us in those cases, the issues facing us here do not concern a public official’s authority (or lack of authority) to refuse to comply with his or her ministerial duty to enforce a statute on the basis of the official’s personal view that the statute is unconstitutional, or the validity (or invalidity) of a statutory provision limiting marriage to a union between a man and a woman under state constitutional provisions that do not expressly permit or prescribe such a limitation. Instead, the principal issue before us concerns the scope of the right of the people, under the provisions of the California Constitution, to change or alter the state Constitution itself through the initiative process so as to incorporate such a limitation as an explicit section of the state Constitution.

*386 In considering this question, it is essential to keep in mind that the provisions of the California Constitution governing the procedures by which that Constitution may be amended are very different from the more familiar provisions of the United States Constitution relating to the means by which the federal Constitution may be amended. The federal Constitution provides that an amendment to that Constitution may be proposed either by two-thirds of both houses of Congress or by a convention called on the application of two-thirds of the state legislatures, and requires, in either instance, that any proposed amendment be ratified by the legislatures of (or by conventions held in) three-fourths of the states. (U.S. Const., art. V.) In contrast, the California Constitution provides that an amendment to that Constitution may be proposed either by two-thirds of the membership of each house of the Legislature (Cal. Const., art. XVIII, § 1) or by an initiative petition signed by voters numbering at least 8 percent of the total votes cast for all candidates for Governor in the last gubernatorial election (Cal. Const., art. II, § 8, subd. (b); id., art. XVIII, § 3), and further specifies that, once an amendment is proposed by either means, the amendment becomes part of the state Constitution if it is approved by a simple majority of the voters who cast votes on the measure at a statewide election (id., art. XVIII, § 4).

As is evident from the foregoing description, the process for amending our state Constitution is considerably less arduous and restrictive than the amendment process embodied in the federal Constitution, a difference dramatically demonstrated by the circumstance that only 27 amendments to the United States Constitution have been adopted since the federal Constitution was ratified in 1788, whereas more than 500 amendments to the California Constitution have been adopted since ratification of California’s current Constitution in 1879. (See Council of State Governments, The Book of the States (2008 ed.) p. 10.)

At the same time, as numerous decisions of this court have explained, although the initiative process may be used to propose and adopt amendments to the California Constitution, under its governing provisions that process may not be used to revise the state Constitution. (See, e.g., McFadden v. Jordan (1948) 32 Cal.2d 330 [ 196 P.2d 787 ]; Amador Valley Joint Union High Sch. Dist. v. State Bd. of Equalization (1978) 22 Cal.3d 208 [ 149 Cal.Rptr. 239 , 583 P.2d 1281 ]; Raven v. Deukmejian (1990) 52 Cal.3d 336 [ 276 Cal.Rptr. 326 , 801 P.2d 1077 ].) Petitioners’ principal argument rests on the claim that Proposition 8 should be viewed as a constitutional revision rather than as a constitutional amendment, and that this change in the state Constitution therefore could not lawfully be adopted through the initiative process.

As we discuss at length below, in determining whether Proposition 8 constitutes a constitutional amendment or, instead, a constitutional revision, *387 we by no means write on a clean slate. Although the issue arises in this case in the context of an initiative measure, the distinction drawn in the California Constitution between constitutional amendments and constitutional revisions long predates the adoption in 1911 of the initiative process as part of the California Constitution. The origin and history in the preinitiative era of this distinction between an amendment and a revision shed considerable light upon the contemplated scope of the two categories. As we shall see, our state’s original 1849 Constitution provided that the Legislature could propose constitutional amendments, but that a constitutional revision could be proposed only by means of a constitutional convention, the method used in 1849 to draft the initial Constitution in anticipation of California’s statehood the following year. Thus, as originally adopted, the constitutional amendment/revision dichotomy in California—which mirrored the framework set forth in many other state constitutions of the same vintage—indicates that the category of constitutional revision referred to the kind of wholesale or fundamental alteration of the constitutional structure that appropriately could be undertaken only by a constitutional convention, in contrast to the category of constitutional amendment, which included any and all of the more discrete changes to the Constitution that thereafter might be proposed. (As we note later, it was not until the state Constitution was changed in 1962—through a constitutional amendment—that the Legislature obtained the authority to propose revisions to all or part of the Constitution.)

Furthermore, in addition to the historical background of the amendment/ revision language that appears in the California Constitution itself, over the past three decades numerous decisions of this court have considered whether a variety of proposed changes to the California Constitution represented constitutional amendments or instead constitutional revisions. Those decisions establish both the analytical framework and the legal standard that govern our decision in this case, and further apply the governing standard to a wide array of measures that added new provisions and substantially altered existing provisions of the state Constitution. Those decisions explain that in resolving the amendment/revision question, a court carefully must assess (1) the meaning and scope of the constitutional change at issue, and (2) the effect— both quantitative and qualitative—that the constitutional change will have on the basic governmental plan or framework embodied in the preexisting provisions of the California Constitution.

In analyzing the constitutional challenges presently before us, we first explain that the provision added to the California Constitution by Proposition 8, when considered in light of the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 (which preceded the adoption of Prop. 8), properly must be understood as having a considerably narrower scope and more limited effect than suggested by petitioners in the cases before us. Contrary to petitioners’ assertion, Proposition 8 does not entirely repeal or abrogate the *388 aspect of a same-sex couple’s state constitutional right of privacy and due process that was analyzed in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases— that is, the constitutional right of same-sex couples to “choose one’s life partner and enter with that person into a committed, officially recognized, and protected family relationship that enjoys all of the constitutionally based incidents of marriage” (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at p. 829 ). Nor does Proposition 8 fundamentally alter the meaning and substance of state constitutional equal protection principles as articulated in that opinion. Instead, the measure carves out a narrow and limited exception to these state constitutional rights, reserving the official designation of the term “marriage” for the union of opposite-sex couples as a matter of state constitutional law, but leaving undisturbed all of the other extremely significant substantive aspects of a same-sex couple’s state constitutional right to establish an officially recognized and protected family relationship and the guarantee of equal protection of the laws.

By clarifying this essential point, we by no means diminish or minimize the significance that the official designation of “marriage” holds for both the proponents and opponents of Proposition 8; indeed, the importance of the marriage designation was a vital factor in the majority opinion’s ultimate holding in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757, 845-846, 855 . Nonetheless, it is crucial that we accurately identify the actual effect of Proposition 8 on same-sex couples’ state constitutional rights, as those rights existed prior to adoption of the proposition, in order to be able to assess properly the constitutional challenges to the proposition advanced in the present proceeding. We emphasize only that among the various constitutional protections recognized in the Marriage Cases as available to same-sex couples, it is only the designation of marriage—albeit significant—that has been removed by this initiative measure.

Taking into consideration the actual limited effect of Proposition 8 upon the preexisting state constitutional right of privacy and due process and upon the guarantee of equal protection of the laws, and after comparing this initiative measure to the many other constitutional changes that have been reviewed and evaluated in numerous prior decisions of this court, we conclude Proposition 8 constitutes a constitutional amendment rather than a constitutional revision. As a quantitative matter, petitioners concede that Proposition 8—which adds but a single, simple section to the Constitution— does not constitute a revision. As a qualitative matter, the act of limiting access to the designation of marriage to opposite-sex couples does not have a substantial or, indeed, even a minimal effect on the governmental plan or framework of California that existed prior to the amendment. Contrary to petitioners’ claim in this regard, the measure does not transform or undermine the judicial function; this court will continue to exercise its traditional responsibility to faithfully enforce all of the provisions of the California *389 Constitution, which now include the new section added through the voters’ approval of Proposition 8. Furthermore, the judiciary’s authority in applying the state Constitution always has been limited by the content of the provisions set forth in our Constitution, and that limitation remains unchanged.

Petitioners contend, however, that even if Proposition 8 does not affect the governmental plan or framework established by the state Constitution, the measure nonetheless should be considered to be a revision because it conflicts with an assertedly fundamental constitutional principle that protects a minority group from having its constitutional rights diminished in any respect by majority vote. Petitioners, however, cannot point to any authority supporting their claim that under the California Constitution, a constitutional amendment—proposed and adopted by a majority of voters through the initiative process—cannot diminish in any respect the content of a state constitutional right as that right has been interpreted in a judicial decision. As we shall see, there have been many amendments to the California Constitution, adopted by the people through the initiative process in response to court decisions interpreting various provisions of the California Constitution, that have had just such an effect.

We agree with petitioners that the state constitutional right to equal protection of the laws unquestionably represents a long-standing and fundamental constitutional principle (a constitutional principle that, as we already have explained, has not generally been repealed or eliminated by Prop. 8). There are many other constitutional rights that have been amended in the past through the initiative process, however, that also are embodied in the state Constitution’s Declaration of Rights and reflect equally long-standing and fundamental constitutional principles whose purpose is to protect often unpopular individuals and groups from overzealous or abusive treatment that at times may be condoned by a transient majority. Neither the language of the relevant constitutional provisions, nor our past cases, support the proposition that any of these rights is totally exempt from modification by a constitutional amendment adopted by a majority of the voters through the initiative process.

The constitutions of a number of other states contain express provisions precluding the use of the initiative power to amend portions or specified provisions of those states’ constitutions (see, e.g., Mass. Const., amend, art. XLVIII, pt. II, § 2 [“No proposition inconsistent with any one of the following rights of the individual, as at present declared in the declaration of rights, shall be the subject of an initiative . . . petition: [listing a number of rights, including the rights to just compensation, jury trial, and protection from unreasonable search, and the freedoms of speech, assembly, and of the press]”]; Miss. Const., art. 15, § 273, subd. (5) [“The initiative process shall not be used: [][] (a) For the proposal, modification or repeal of any portion of *390 the Bill of Rights of this Constitution . . .”]). In contrast, the California Constitution contains no comparable limitation. In the absence of such an express restriction on the initiative power, and in light of past California authorities, we conclude that the California Constitution cannot be interpreted as restricting the scope of the people’s right to amend their Constitution in the manner proposed by petitioners.

Petitioners also claim that Proposition 8 violates the separation of powers doctrine embodied in the California Constitution. We conclude this claim similarly lacks merit. Contrary to petitioners’ assertion, Proposition 8 does not “readjudicate” the issue that was litigated and resolved in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 . The initiative measure does not declare the state of the law as it existed under the California Constitution at the time of the Marriage Cases, but rather establishes a new substantive state constitutional rule that took effect upon the voters’ approval of Proposition 8. Because the California Constitution explicitly recognizes the right of the people to amend their state Constitution through the initiative process, the people, in exercising that authority, have not in any way impermissibly usurped a power allocated by the Constitution exclusively to the judiciary or some other entity or branch of government.

The Attorney General, in his briefing before this court, has advanced an alternative theory—not raised by petitioners in their initial petitions—under which he claims that even if Proposition 8 constitutes a constitutional amendment rather than a constitutional revision, that initiative measure nonetheless should be found invalid under the California Constitution on the ground that the “inalienable rights” embodied in article I, section 1 of that Constitution are not subject to “abrogation” by constitutional amendment without a compelling state interest. The Attorney General’s contention is flawed, however, in part because, like petitioners’ claims, it rests inaccurately upon an overstatement of the effect of Proposition 8 on both the fundamental constitutional right of privacy guaranteed by article I, section 1, and on the due process and equal protection guarantees of article I, section 7. As explained below, Proposition 8 does not abrogate any of these state constitutional rights, but instead carves out a narrow exception applicable only to access to the designation of the term “marriage” but not to any other of “the core set of basic substantive legal rights and attributes traditionally associated with marriage . . .” (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at p. 781 ), such as the right to establish an officially recognized and protected family relationship with the person of one’s choice and to raise children within that family.

In addition, no authority supports the Attorney General’s claim that a constitutional amendment adopted through the constitutionally prescribed procedure is invalid simply because the amendment affects a prior judicial *391 interpretation of a right that the Constitution denominates “inalienable.” The natural-law jurisprudence reflected in passages from the few early judicial opinions relied upon by the Attorney General has been discredited for many years, and, in any event, no decision suggests that when a constitution has been explicitly amended to modify a constitutional right (including a right identified in the Constitution as “inalienable”), the amendment may be found unconstitutional on the ground that it conflicts with some implicit or extra-constitutional limitation that is to be framed and enforced by the judiciary. Although the amending provisions of a constitution can expressly place some subjects or portions of the constitution off-limits to the amending process—as already noted, some state constitutions contain just such explicit limits—the California Constitution contains no such restraints. This court would radically depart from the well-established limits of the judicial function were it to engraft such a restriction onto the Constitution in the absence of an explicit constitutional provision limiting the amendment power.

Accordingly, we conclude that each of the state constitutional challenges to Proposition 8 advanced by petitioners and the Attorney General lacks merit. Having been approved by a majority of the voters at the November 4, 2008 election, the initiative measure lawfully amends the California Constitution to include the new provision as article I, section 7.5.

In a sense, petitioners’ and the Attorney General’s complaint is that it is just too easy to amend the California Constitution through the initiative process. 1 But it is not a proper function of this court to curtail that process; we are *392 constitutionally bound to uphold it. If the process for amending the Constitution is to be restricted—perhaps in the manner it was explicitly limited in an earlier version of our state Constitution (see, post, at pp. 414-420), or as limited in the present-day constitutions of some of our sister states (see, post, at pp. 454-457)—this is an effort that the people themselves may undertake through the process of amending their Constitution in order to impose further limitations upon their own power of initiative.

Finally, we consider whether Proposition 8 affects the validity of the marriages of same-sex couples that were performed prior to the adoption of Proposition 8. Applying well-established legal principles pertinent to the question whether a constitutional provision should be interpreted to apply prospectively or retroactively, we conclude that the new section cannot properly be interpreted to apply retroactively. Accordingly, the marriages of same-sex couples performed prior to the effective date of Proposition 8 remain valid and must continue to be recognized in this state.

I

To place the constitutional change effected by Proposition 8 in context, we review the relevant historical circumstances that preceded the drafting, circulation, and adoption of this initiative measure.

We begin with a condensed summary of the relevant history of California’s marriage statutes, a history described in greater detail by the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 . As explained in that opinion, “[f]rom the beginning of California statehood, the legal institution of civil marriage has been understood to refer to a relationship between a man and a woman.” (Id. at p. 792, fn. omitted.) In the mid-1970’s, however, at least in part as a consequence of changes in the language of the California marriage *393 statutes made in response to an unrelated subject (id. at p. 794), same-sex couples applied for marriage licenses from county clerks in a number of California counties. At that point in time all of the county clerks denied the applications, “but in order to eliminate any uncertainty as to whether the then existing marriage statutes authorized marriage between two persons of the same sex, legislation was introduced in 1977 at the request of the County Clerks’ Association of California to amend [the relevant statutory provisions] to clarify that the applicable California statutes authorized marriage only between a man and a woman.” (Id. at p. 795.) The 1977 bill was enacted into law, and as a result the relevant statutory provision—now embodied in Family Code section 300—declared in relevant part that “[m]arriage is a personal relation arising out of a civil contract between a man and a woman . . . .” The intent of this statute clearly was to limit marriages that lawfully could be performed in California to marriages of opposite-sex couples. ( 43 Cal.4th at p. 795 .)

This marriage statute, as amended in 1977, remained in effect throughout the 1980’s, 1990’s, and 2000’s, and continued to limit marriages that lawfully could be performed in California to marriages of opposite-sex couples. In the mid- and late-1990’s and early 2000’s, however, in response to a 1993 decision of the Hawaii Supreme Court that raised the possibility that the courts of that state might conclude that the Hawaii statute limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples violated the provisions of the Hawaii Constitution and that same-sex couples lawfully could marry in Hawaii (see Baehr v. Lewin (1993) 74 Haw. 530 [ 852 P.2d 44 ]), the United States Congress and many states adopted so-called defense of marriage acts generally setting forth, in varying terms, the particular jurisdiction’s policies of (1) limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples, and (2) recognizing only those marriages, entered into in another jurisdiction, that involved opposite-sex couples.

In California, supporters of this “defense of marriage” movement drafted and circulated an initiative petition that ultimately appeared on the March 7, 2000 primary election ballot as Proposition 22. Unlike comparable measures in some other states that took the form of state constitutional amendments, Proposition 22 proposed the adoption in California of a new statutory provision, Family Code section 308.5. 2 That statute provided, in full: “Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California.” At the March 7, 2000 election, the voters of California approved Proposition 22, and section 308.5 became part of the Family Code.

*394 Notwithstanding the provisions of Family Code sections 300 and 308.5, in February 2004 public officials of the City and County of San Francisco, acting on their personal opinion that the provisions of the California marriage statutes limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples were unconstitutional—but in the absence of any judicial determination of that legal question—began issuing marriage licenses to, and solemnizing marriages of, numerous same-sex couples. Shortly thereafter, the Attorney General and a number of taxpayers filed original proceedings in this court, maintaining that the actions of the city officials were unlawful and requesting our immediate intervention. (Lockyer v. City and County of San Francisco , S122923, and Lewis v. Alfaro, S122865, consolidated and decided in Lockyer, supra, 33 Cal.4th 1055 .) On March 11, 2004, we issued an order to show cause in those proceedings, and, pending our determination of the matters, directed the local officials to enforce the existing marriage statutes and to refrain from issuing marriage licenses to same-sex couples. At the same time, we indicated that our order did not preclude the filing of a separate action in superior court raising, for judicial determination, a direct challenge to the constitutionality of California’s marriage statutes.

Shortly thereafter, several new actions were filed in superior court challenging the constitutionality of the California marriage statutes. Subsequently those actions, along with several others, were combined into a single coordination proceeding entitled In re Marriage Cases (JCCP No. 4365) and assigned to a superior court judge.

In August 2004, while the Marriage Cases coordination proceeding was pending in superior court, our court rendered its decision in Lockyer, supra, 33 Cal.4th 1055 . We concluded that the local officials had exceeded their authority in issuing marriage licenses to same-sex couples in the absence of a judicial determination that the statutory provisions limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples were unconstitutional, and further held that the approximately 4,000 marriages of same-sex couples performed in San Francisco prior to our March 11, 2004 order were void and of no legal effect. At the same time, our opinion in Lockyer emphasized that the substantive question of the constitutionality of California’s statutes limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples was not before this court in that case, and that we were expressing no view on that issue.

After we filed our decision in Lockyer, supra, 33 Cal.4th 1055 , the superior court in the Marriage Cases coordination proceeding obtained briefing and conducted a hearing on the substantive question of the validity, under the state Constitution, of California’s statutes limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples. After considering the parties’ positions, the superior court concluded that the California marriage statutes, in limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples and denying access to marriage to same-sex couples, violated the *395 equal protection clause of the California Constitution. The superior court entered judgment in favor of the parties challenging the constitutionality of the marriage statutes.

On appeal, the Court of Appeal in a split decision reversed the superior court’s ruling, concluding that the superior court had erred in finding the marriage statutes unconstitutional. One appellate justice dissented from that holding.

On petition of the parties in the Marriage Cases, we granted review, subsequently receiving extensive briefing by the parties and by a large number of amici curiae.

During the period in which the Marriage Cases proceeding was pending in this court but before we issued our decision, individuals circulated for signature an initiative petition proposing the adoption of the constitutional initiative measure at issue in the present case—that is, the initiative measure ultimately designated as Proposition 8. 3 As set forth in the initiative petition, the measure proposed to add one new section—section 7.5—to article I of the California Constitution. The proposed new article I, section 7.5 read in full: “Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California.” As we have seen, these are the identical 14 words that were embodied in Proposition 22 and adopted as Family Code section 308.5 at the March 2000 election. The difference between the measure proposed by Proposition 8 and the one contained in Proposition 22 is that Proposition 8 proposed to add this language as a provision of the California Constitution, whereas by Proposition 22 this language had been adopted as a statutory provision. (A California statute, of course, is invalid if it conflicts with the governing provisions of the California Constitution.)

On May 15, 2008, prior to the date the Secretary of State certified that Proposition 8 had obtained sufficient valid signatures to qualify for the November 4, 2008 election ballot, this court issued its decision in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 . We shall discuss the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases in greater detail below in analyzing the scope and effect of Proposition 8 (see, post, at pp. 399-412), but at this juncture it is sufficient simply to point out that the majority concluded that (1) the constitutional “right to marry,” as embodied in the privacy and due process provisions of the California Constitution, is distinct from, and encompasses a much broader set of core elements than, the right to have one’s official family relationship designated as “marriage,” (2) same-sex couples, as well as *396 opposite-sex couples, enjoy the full protection of, and all of the rights encompassed by, the state constitutional rights of privacy and due process, (3) statutes that treat persons differently on the basis of their sexual orientation, like statutes that accord differential treatment on the basis of race or gender, are constitutionally suspect and subject to “strict scrutiny” under the California equal protection clause, and (4) by affording access to the designation of “marriage” to opposite-sex couples but denying that access to same-sex couples, the California statutes limiting marriage to the union of a man and a woman impinged upon same-sex couples’ state constitutional rights of privacy and due process and violated such couples’ right to the equal protection of the laws as guaranteed by the state Constitution. The majority opinion further concluded that to remedy these constitutional violations, the California marriage statutes should be interpreted to grant both opposite-sex and same-sex couples access to the designation of marriage and to the rights inherent in that institution.

Disagreeing with these conclusions, Justice Baxter, in a concurring and dissenting opinion joined by Justice Chin, argued that the acceptance of same-sex marriage should be determined through the political process, and not by this court. By relegating to itself the authority to alter and recast the traditional definition of marriage, these justices urged, the majority had violated the separation of powers among the three branches of government.

In specific response to the majority’s analysis, Justices Baxter and Chin asserted that (1) it was unnecessary to decide whether same-sex couples had a fundamental state constitutional right to form legal unions with the substantive rights and benefits of marriage, because the Domestic Partner Rights and Responsibilities Act of 2003 (Domestic Partner Act), adopted by the Legislature, already grants to those couples all of these substantive rights the state can provide; (2) because marriage universally has been defined and understood as a formal relationship between a man and a woman, the California Constitution could not be construed to afford same-sex couples a fundamental “right to marry” that requires official use of the name “marriage” for same-sex legal unions; and (3) use of the common term “marriage” for same-sex and opposite-sex legal unions was not required by the state Constitution’s equal protection clause.

On the last point, Justices Baxter and Chin reasoned that (1) same-sex and opposite-sex couples are not similarly situated in the context of statutes retaining the traditional definition of marriage; (2) sexual orientation is not a “suspect class” for state constitutional purposes; (3) state constitutional challenges to statutory distinctions on the basis of sexual orientation thus should be decided under the “rational basis” or “rational relationship” standard, not the “strict scrutiny” standard adopted by the majority; and *397 (4) rational grounds existed for the decision of the Legislature and the people to retain the traditional definition of marriage as between a man and a woman.

In a separate concurring and dissenting opinion, Justice Corrigan wrote that the equal protection clause of the California Constitution affords same-sex couples a right to form legal unions with all the substantive benefits and responsibilities of marriage—a right fully implemented by the Domestic Partner Act. She concluded that equal protection principles do not require same-sex legal unions to be officially identified by the name “marriage,” even though—in her view-—Californians should allow them to be so designated. Like Justices Baxter and Chin, Justice Corrigan reasoned that, in light of the age-old understanding of marriage as a relationship limited to that between a man and a woman, same-sex and opposite-sex couples are not similarly situated for the purpose of recognizing the availability of the label “marriage” to same-sex legal unions. Hence, she concluded, an equal protection challenge to such a statutory distinction must be rejected at the threshold. Justice Corrigan joined Justices Baxter and Chin in arguing that this court lacked authority to alter and recast the traditional definition of marriage, and that such a profound social change instead should be accomplished through the political process.

After this court issued its decision in the Marriage Cases, several parties filed a petition for rehearing, requesting that this court either grant rehearing or modify the opinion “to stay the effectiveness of its decision until after the Secretary of State compiles the result of the November 4, 2008, election.” The rehearing petition noted that the proponents of Proposition 8 already had submitted the voter-signed initiative petition to county election officials for review and verification of the submitted signatures, and that the verification process was then under way. The rehearing petition maintained that “[i]f the voters approve the Marriage Initiative by a majority vote at the November 4, 2008 election, the language of the Marriage Initiative . . . will become part of the California Constitution” and would alter that Constitution “in a manner that will obviate the basis for the writ ordered in [the] Court’s decision.” On June 2, 2008, the Secretary of State certified that Proposition 8 had obtained a sufficient number of valid signatures to appear on the November 4, 2008 general election ballot. On June 4, 2008, by majority vote, this court denied the petition for rehearing in the Marriage Cases', Justices Baxter, Chin, and Corrigan voted to grant rehearing. Our order indicated that the decision filed on May 15, 2008, would become final at 5:00 p.m. on June 16, 2008. The request to stay the effect of our decision was denied unanimously.

On June 20, 2008, shortly after the decision in the Marriage Cases became final, a petition was filed in this court, seeking the issuance of an original writ of mandate directing the Secretary of State not to include Proposition 8 on the election ballot to be voted upon at the November 4, 2008 election. *398 (Bennett v. Bowen, S164520.) The petition contended, among other claims, that Proposition 8 embodied a constitutional revision rather than a constitutional amendment and for that reason could not lawfully be proposed by the initiative process. On July 16, 2008, this court summarily denied the petition.

Accordingly, Proposition 8 remained on the November 4, 2008 election ballot. The Attorney General prepared a title and summary of the proposition; the Legislative Analyst prepared an analysis of the measure; ballot arguments in favor of and against the proposition were submitted; and a ballot pamphlet containing these materials was compiled by the Secretary of State and was sent to all voters prior to the November 4, 2008 election. At that election, Proposition 8 was approved by a majority (52.3 percent) of the voters casting votes on the proposition. (See Cal. Sect. of State, Votes for and Against November 4, 2008 State Ballot Measures <http://www.ss.ca.gov> [as of May 26, 2009].) Pursuant to article XVIII, section 4 of the California Constitution, the measure took effect on November 5, 2008.

On November 5, 2008, the day following the election, three separate petitions for an original writ of mandate were filed in this court challenging the validity of Proposition 8. In Strauss v. Horton (S168047), petitioners—a number of same-sex couples who seek to marry notwithstanding the provisions of Proposition 8, along with Equality California (an organization whose members include numerous similarly situated same-sex couples throughout California)—seek a writ of mandate directing the relevant state officials to refrain from performing any act enforcing Proposition 8 and from instructing any other person or entity to enforce that measure, on the ground that Proposition 8 constitutes an invalid revision of the California Constitution. In Tyler v. State of California (S168066), petitioners—one same-sex couple who married in California prior to the adoption of Proposition 8 and one same-sex couple who want to marry notwithstanding Proposition 8—seek similar relief, asserting both that Proposition 8 constitutes an impermissible constitutional revision and that Proposition 8 violates the separation of powers doctrine. In City and County of San Francisco v. Horton (S168078), petitioners— numerous California municipal entities and several same-sex couples who married in California prior to the adoption of Proposition 8—also seek a writ of mandate directing state officials to refrain from implementing, enforcing, or applying Proposition 8, on the ground that this measure constitutes a constitutional revision, and further seek an order, in the event the court concludes that Proposition 8 is not unconstitutional, declaring that it operates prospectively only and does not invalidate existing marriages between same-sex couples. The petitions filed in the Strauss and Tyler cases also requested that we stay the operation of Proposition 8 pending our determination of these matters. On November 17, 2008, the official proponents of Proposition 8 filed a motion to intervene in all three cases.

*399 On November 19, 2008, we issued an order to show cause in each of the three cases, granted the official proponents’ motion to intervene, and at the same time denied the requests to stay the operation of Proposition 8 pending our consideration of these cases. Our order listed three issues to be briefed and argued, 4 and established an expedited briefing schedule.

The parties timely filed their briefs in this court, 5 and we also have received numerous amici curiae briefs (63 in number, representing hundreds of institutions and individuals) on behalf of petitioners and of respondents. 6 The cases were argued before this court on March 5, 2009, and after oral argument we filed an order consolidating the three cases for decision.

II

As already noted, the constitutional challenges to Proposition 8 that have been advanced in this proceeding require us to evaluate the changes in the California Constitution actually effected by the addition of the constitutional provision embodied in Proposition 8. In order to accurately identify those changes, it is necessary to review at some length the majority opinion in the *400 Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 . As we shall see, that opinion resolved a number of distinct issues that bear directly on the meaning and scope of Proposition 8.

A

One of the questions presented in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , was the proper interpretation of the language embodied in Family Code section 308.5—“[o]nly marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California”—the statutory provision enacted in 2000 by the voters’ approval of Proposition 22. The petitioners in the Marriage Cases asserted that this language was intended and should be interpreted to apply only to marriages entered into in a jurisdiction other than California, but this court unanimously rejected that contention, concluding that the statutory language in question reasonably must be interpreted to apply to marriages performed in California as well as to those performed in other jurisdictions. (43 Cal.4th at pp. 796-801.) In light of that holding, and the background and “legislative” history of Proposition 8 contained in the ballot pamphlet materials relating to that measure, it is clear that the section added to the California Constitution by Proposition 8—which contains language identical to that found in Family Code section 308.5—applies both to marriages performed in California and to those performed in other jurisdictions. 7

B

The main contention raised by the petitioners in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , was that both Family Code section 308.5 and Family Code section 300 (“[mjarriage is a personal relation arising out of a civil contract between a man and a woman . . .”) violated the California Constitution. The petitioners argued that by limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples, the marriage statutes contravened both the state constitutional right to marry, as embodied in the privacy and due process clauses of the state Constitution (art. I, §§ 1, 7), and the state equal protection guarantee (art. I, § 7). The majority opinion initially addressed the state constitutional right to marry, discussing in considerable detail the meaning and scope of this right.

Analyzing, in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757, 812 , “the nature and substance of the interests protected by the constitutional right to marry,” the majority opinion first expressly “put to the side ... the question whether the substantive rights embodied within the constitutional right to marry *401 include the right to have the couple’s official relationship designated by the name ‘marriage’ rather than some other term, such as ‘domestic partnership,’ ” explaining that the latter issue would be addressed in a subsequent part of the opinion. (Ibid.)

The majority opinion then began its analysis of the state constitutional right to marry by reviewing numerous California cases that had discussed and applied this right. (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at pp. 813-815.) The opinion concluded, after an assessment of the significant societal and individual interests underlying this right as reflected in those decisions (id. at pp. 815-818), that “[bjecause our cases make clear that the right to marry is an integral component of an individual’s interest in personal autonomy protected by the privacy provision of article I, section 1, and of the liberty interest protected by the due process clause of article I, section 7, ... the right to marry—like the right to establish a home and raise children—has independent substantive content, and cannot properly be understood as simply the right to enter into such a relationship if (but only if) the Legislature chooses to establish and retain it.” (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at pp. 818-819.)

The majority opinion then went on to discuss some of the substantive aspects of this constitutional right. “One very important aspect of the substantive protection afforded by the California constitutional right to marry is ... an individual’s right to be free from undue governmental intrusion into (or interference with) integral features of this relationship—that is, the right of marital or familial privacy. [Citations.] The substantive protection embodied in the constitutional right to marry, however, goes beyond what is sometimes characterized as simply a ‘negative’ right insulating the couple’s relationship from overreaching governmental intrusion or interference, and includes a ‘positive’ right to have the state take at least some affirmative action to acknowledge and support the family unit. [][] Although the constitutional right to marry clearly does not obligate the state to afford specific tax or other governmental benefits on the basis of a couple’s family relationship, the right to marry does obligate the state to take affirmative action to grant official, public recognition to the couple’s relationship as a family [citations], as well as to protect the core elements of the family relationship from at least some types of improper interference by others. [Citation.] This constitutional right also has the additional affirmative substantive effect of providing assurance to each member of the relationship that the government will enforce the mutual obligations between the partners (and to their children) that are an important aspect of the commitments upon which the relationship rests.” (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at pp. 819-820, fn. omitted.)

In summarizing this aspect of the decision, the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , explained that “under this state’s *402 Constitution, the constitutionally based right to marry properly must be understood to encompass the core set of basic substantive legal rights and attributes traditionally associated with marriage that are so integral to an individual’s liberty and personal autonomy that they may not be eliminated or abrogated by the Legislature or by the electorate through the statutory initiative process. These core substantive rights include, most fundamentally, the opportunity of an individual to establish—with the person with whom the individual has chosen to share his or her life—an officially recognized, and protected family possessing mutual rights and responsibilities and entitled to the same respect and dignity accorded a union traditionally designated as marriage. . . . [T]he substantive right of two adults who share a loving relationship to join together to establish an officially recognized family of their own—and, if the couple chooses, to raise children within that family— constitutes a vitally important attribute of the fundamental interest in liberty and personal autonomy that the California Constitution secures to all persons for the benefit of both the individual and society.” ( 43 Cal.4th at p. 781 .)

After discussing the basic contours of the substantive elements encompassed within the state constitutional right to marry, the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , went on to explain that although “as an historical matter in this state marriage always has been limited to a union between a man and a woman” (id. at p. 820), “[t]radition alone . . . generally has not been viewed as a sufficient justification for perpetuating, without examination, the restriction or denial of a fundamental constitutional right.” (Id. at pp. 820-821.) Observing that “in recent decades, there has been a fundamental and dramatic transformation in this state’s understanding and legal treatment of gay individuals and gay couples” resulting in a general recognition “that gay individuals are entitled to the same legal rights and the same respect and dignity afforded all other individuals and are protected from discrimination on the basis of their sexual orientation” (id. at pp. 821-822), the majority concluded in the Marriage Cases that “just as this court recognized in Perez [v. Sharp (1948) 32 Cal.2d 711 [ 198 P.2d 17 ]] that it was not constitutionally permissible to continue to treat racial or ethnic minorities as inferior [citation], and in Sail’er Inn[, Inc. v. Kirby (1971) 5 Cal.3d 1 [ 95 Cal.Rptr. 329 , 485 P.2d 529 ]] that it was not constitutionally acceptable to continue to treat women as less capable than and unequal to men [citation], we now similarly recognize that an individual’s homosexual orientation is not a constitutionally legitimate basis for withholding or restricting the individual’s legal rights.” (43 Cal.4th at pp. 822-823.) The opinion continued: “In light of this recognition, sections 1 and 7 of article I of the California Constitution cannot properly be interpreted to withhold from gay individuals the same basic civil right of personal autonomy and liberty (including the right to establish, with the person of one’s choice, an officially recognized *403 and sanctioned family) that the California Constitution affords to heterosexual individuals.” (Id. at p. 823.)

Subsequently, after discussing and rejecting numerous arguments that had been presented as justification for limiting the constitutional right to marry to opposite-sex couples only (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at pp. 823-829), the majority opinion reiterated in clear and emphatic terms its holding on this aspect of the case: “[W]e conclude that the right to marry, as embodied in article I, sections 1 and 7 of the California Constitution, guarantees same-sex couples the same substantive constitutional rights as opposite-sex couples to choose one’s life partner and enter with that person into a committed, officially recognized, and protected family relationship that enjoys all of the constitutionally based incidents of marriage.” (Id. at p. 829, italics added.)

C

Having concluded that same-sex couples enjoy the same rights afforded by the state constitutional right to marry as opposite-sex couples, the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , turned to the issue that had been deferred earlier in the opinion—namely, whether the substantive rights embodied in the constitutional right to marry include the right to have one’s family relationship designated by the term “marriage.” The Attorney General argued that even if the state constitutional right to marry extends to same-sex couples, the marriage statutes did not violate the fundamental rights of same-sex couples by not making this designation available to them, “ ‘because all of the personal and dignitary interests that have traditionally informed the right to marry have been given to same-sex couples through the Domestic Partner Act.’ ” (Id. at p. 830.) The Attorney General asserted that “ ‘[t]he fundamental right to marry can no more be the basis for same-sex couples to compel the state to denominate their committed relationships “marriage” than it could be the basis for anyone to prevent the state legislature from changing the name of the marital institution itself to “civil unions.” ’ ” (Ibid.)

In responding to the Attorney General’s argument, the majority opinion stated that “[w]e have no occasion in this case to determine whether the state constitutional right to marry necessarily affords all couples the constitutional right to require the state to designate their official family relationship a ‘marriage,’ ” because “[wjhether or not the name ‘marriage,’ in the abstract, is considered a core element of the state constitutional right to marry, one of the core elements of this fundamental right is the right of same-sex couples to have their official family relationship accorded the same dignity, respect, and stature as that accorded to all other officially recognized family relationships. *404 The current statutes—by drawing a distinction between the name assigned to the family relationship available to opposite-sex couples and the name assigned to the family relationship available to same-sex couples, and by reserving the historic and highly respected designation of marriage exclusively to opposite-sex couples while offering same-sex couples only the new and unfamiliar designation of domestic partnership—pose a serious risk of denying the official family relationship of same-sex couples the equal dignity and respect that is a core element of the constitutional right to marry.” (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at pp. 830-831, italics added.)

Accordingly, although the majority opinion agreed with the Attorney General “that the provisions of the Domestic Partner Act afford same-sex couples most of the substantive attributes to which they are constitutionally entitled under the state constitutional right to marry” (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at p. 831 ), the opinion concluded its discussion of the state constitutional right to marry by determining that “the current statutory assignment of different designations to the official family relationship of opposite-sex couples and of same-sex couples properly must be viewed as potentially impinging upon the state constitutional right of same-sex couples to marry.” (Ibid.)

D

After describing the effect, upon the state constitutional right to marry, of the California statutes’ assignment of different designations to the family relationship of opposite-sex couples and the family relationship of same-sex couples, the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , turned to the petitioners’ claim that the use of different designations denied same-sex couples equal protection of the laws, as guaranteed by the state constitutional equal protection clause embodied in article I, section 7. In analyzing the equal protection claim, the opinion explained that the initial question to be resolved was the appropriate standard of review that should be applied in evaluating the difference in treatment accorded by the existing California statutes—whether the standard should be the ordinary “rational basis” standard of review that applies in most cases or, alternatively, the “strict scrutiny” standard of review that applies to statutory schemes that involve “suspect classifications” or that impinge upon “fundamental rights.” (43 Cal.4th at pp. 831-833.)

In addressing the standard-of-review issue, the majority opinion first rejected the petitioners’ claim that the difference in treatment between opposite-sex and same-sex couples properly should be viewed as discrimination on the basis of the suspect classification of sex or gender (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757, 833-838 ). The majority went on to conclude, *405 however, (1) that the California statutes in question imposed differential treatment on the basis of sexual orientation (id. at pp. 839-840), and (2) that sexual orientation constitutes a suspect classification for purposes of California equal protection analysis (id. at pp. 840-843). Because the statutes accorded different treatment on the basis of the suspect classification of sexual orientation, the opinion held that these provisions must be evaluated under the strict scrutiny standard. (Id. at pp. 843-844.) Furthermore, the opinion held that the strict scrutiny standard was applicable under the California Constitution in this instance not only because the statutes accorded different treatment on the basis of sexual orientation, but also because, by assigning different family designations that created a significant risk the family relationship of same-sex couples would not be afforded the same respect and dignity as the family relationship of opposite-sex couples, the statutes impinged upon the constitutional right of same-sex couples to marry. (43 Cal.4th at pp. 844-847.)

Having determined that strict scrutiny was the applicable standard of review, the majority opinion proceeded to apply the legal analysis dictated under that standard by considering whether the distinction between the designation of the family relationship of opposite-sex couples and that for same-sex couples served not only a constitutionally legitimate—but also a compelling—state interest, and, further, whether that difference in treatment not only was rationally related to but necessary to serve that interest. (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at pp. 847-848.) After carefully reviewing the justifications for the strict scrutiny standard proffered by the state and other respondents in that case, the opinion concluded that the state interest in retaining the traditional definition of marriage does not constitute a state interest sufficiently compelling under the strict scrutiny standard to justify withholding that status from same-sex couples. The majority opinion consequently held that the provisions of Family Code sections 300 and 308.5 were unconstitutional insofar as they excluded same-sex couples from the designation of marriage. (43 Cal.4th at pp. 848-856.)

E

Finally, in determining the appropriate remedy in light of the constitutional conclusion it reached, the majority opinion held that the language of Family Code section 300 limiting the designation of marriage to a union “between a man and a woman” must be stricken from the statute and the remaining statutory language must be understood as making the designation of marriage available to both opposite-sex and same-sex couples, and that the provisions of section 308.5 could have no constitutionally permissible effect and could not stand. The opinion directed that a writ of mandate issue, instructing state officials to take all steps necessary to ensure that local officials throughout the *406 state, in performing their duty to enforce the marriage statutes, applied those provisions in a manner consistent with the decision. (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at pp. 856-857.)

F

Having carefully reviewed the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , we assess the actual scope of Proposition 8 against the background of that opinion.

1

First, as we already have noted, in light of the interpretation of the language of Proposition 22 in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th at pages 796-800, as well as the history of Proposition 8 itself, there is no question but that article I, section 7.5—the section added by Proposition 8 to the California Constitution—properly must be interpreted to apply both to marriages performed in California and to marriages performed in other jurisdictions.

2

Second, we consider the effect that Proposition 8 has on the “constitutional right to marry” as that right is discussed and analyzed in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757, 809-831 . As we have seen, the opinion explained that this right constitutes one aspect of the right of privacy embodied in article I, section 1 of the California Constitution, as well as a component of the liberty protected by the due process clause of article I, section 7 of the California Constitution (43 Cal.4th at pp. 809-810, 818-819), and encompasses “the core set of basic substantive legal rights and attributes traditionally associated with marriage,” including, “most fundamentally, the opportunity of an individual to establish—with the person with whom the individual has chosen to share his or her life—an officially recognized and protected family possessing mutual rights and responsibilities and entitled to the same respect and dignity accorded a union traditionally designated as marriage” (id. at p. 781). Although the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases generally referred to this state constitutional right as the “constitutional right to marry,” at the same time that opinion explained that this constitutional right is distinct from the right to have one’s family relationship designated by the term “marriage.” (Id. at pp. 812, 830-831.) Because in common speech the term “right to marry” is most often used and understood to refer to an individual’s right to enter into the official relationship designated “marriage,” and in order to minimize potential confusion in the future, instead of referring to this aspect of the state constitutional rights *407 of privacy and due process as “the constitutional right to marry,” hereafter in this opinion we shall refer to this constitutional right by the more general descriptive terminology used in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases— namely, the constitutional right to establish, with the person of one’s choice, an officially recognized and protected family relationship that enjoys all of the constitutionally based incidents of marriage (or, more briefly, the constitutional right to establish an officially recognized family relationship with the person of one’s choice).

What effect does Proposition 8 have on this aspect of the state constitutional rights of privacy and due process as set forth in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 ? Although the new constitutional section added by Proposition 8—article I, section 7.5—does not explicitly purport to amend either the privacy or due process provisions of the California Constitution, our past cases make clear that this newly adopted provision must be understood as carving out an exception to the preexisting scope of the privacy and due process clauses with respect to the particular subject matter encompassed by the new provision.

The case of Bowens v. Superior Court (1991) 1 Cal.4th 36 [ 2 Cal.Rptr.2d 376 , 820 P.2d 600 ] (Bowens) illustrates this point. In Bowens , our court considered the effect of a then-newly adopted constitutional provision—article I, section 14.1—that abrogated an indicted criminal defendant’s right to a postindictment preliminary hearing, a right that this court, in Hawkins v. Superior Court (1978) 22 Cal.3d 584, 587-593 [ 150 Cal.Rptr. 435 , 586 P.2d 916 ], had held must be afforded to such an individual by virtue of the equal protection clause of the state Constitution. The new article I, section 14.1 provided simply that “[i]f a felony is prosecuted by indictment, there shall be no postindictment preliminary hearing,” and made no specific mention of the state equal protection clause. The question in Bowens was how to reconcile the two state constitutional provisions. In addressing that issue, the court in Bowens first set forth the applicable general principle of law: “ ‘[W]hen constitutional provisions can reasonably be construed so as to avoid conflict, such a construction should be adopted. [Citations.] As a means of avoiding conflict, a recent, specific provision is deemed to carve out an exception to and thereby limit an older, general provision.’ ” (Bowens, supra, 1 Cal.4th at p. 45 , italics added.) The court in Bowens then explained how that principle applied to the situation before it: “To the extent Hawkins mandates that an indicted defendant be afforded a postindictment preliminary hearing, the voters’ adoption of article I, section 14.1 must be seen as abrogating that holding, and limiting the scope of the state constitutional right of equal protection (Cal. Const., art. I, § 7) as it relates to the constitutionally mandated indictment process. [Citations.] Similarly, article I, section 14.1, also limits and thereby precludes a challenge based on the due process clause contained in article I, section 7 of the California Constitution, an issue not *408 reached by the court in Hawkins.” (Bowens, supra, 1 Cal.4th at p. 45 ; see also Izazaga v. Superior Court (1991) 54 Cal.3d 356, 371-372 [ 285 Cal.Rptr. 231 , 815 P.2d 304 ] (Izazaga).)

Applying similar reasoning in the present context, we properly must view the adoption of Proposition 8 as carving out an exception to the preexisting scope of the privacy and due process clauses of the California Constitution as interpreted by the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 . The scope of the exception created by Proposition 8, however, necessarily is determined and limited by the specific language and scope of the new constitutional provision added by the ballot measure. Here the new constitutional provision (art. I, § 7.5) provides in full: “Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California.” By its terms, the new provision refers only to “marriage” and does not address the right to establish an officially recognized family relationship, which may bear a name or designation other than “marriage.” Accordingly, although the wording of the new constitutional provision reasonably is understood as limiting use of the designation of “marriage” under California law to opposite-sex couples, and thereby modifying the decision in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , insofar as the majority opinion in that case holds that limiting the designation of “marriage” to the relationship entered into by opposite-sex couples constitutes an impermissible impingement upon the state constitutional rights of privacy and due process, the language of article I, section 7.5, on its face, does not purport to alter or affect the more general holding in the Marriage Cases that same-sex couples, as well as opposite-sex couples, enjoy the constitutional right, under the privacy and due process clauses of the California Constitution, to establish an officially recognized family relationship. Because, as a general matter, the repeal of constitutional provisions by implication is disfavored (see, e.g., In re Thierry S. (1977) 19 Cal.3d 727, 744 [ 139 Cal.Rptr. 708 , 566 P.2d 610 ]; Warne v. Harkness (1963) 60 Cal.2d 579, 587-588 [ 35 Cal.Rptr. 601 , 387 P.2d 377 ]), Proposition 8 reasonably must be interpreted in a limited fashion as eliminating only the right of same-sex couples to equal access to the designation of marriage, and as not otherwise affecting the constitutional right of those couples to establish an officially recognized family relationship.

This understanding of the limited scope of Proposition 8 is confirmed by the circumstance that the drafters of that measure drew the language of the initiative directly from the wording of Family Code section 308.5, the statutory provision embodied in Proposition 22. Prior to the drafting and adoption of Proposition 8, the identical language (“Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California”)—when used in Family Code section 308.5—was interpreted in Knight v. Superior Court (2005) 128 Cal.App.4th 14 [ 26 Cal.Rptr.3d 687 ] (Knight) simply as limiting access to the relationship designated as marriage to a man and a woman, but *409 not as affecting the right of same-sex couples to possess comparable substantive rights so long as those rights did not include the designation of “marriage.” ( Knight, supra, 128 Cal.App.4th at pp. 23-25.) In view of the decision in Knight , the addition of this very same language to the California Constitution in new article I, section 7.5 does not affect the continued validity of the provisions of the California Constitution that protect the familial rights of same-sex couples, except to the extent those rights include access to the designation of “marriage.” Because the provision added to the California Constitution by Proposition 8 is essentially the constitutional analog of Family Code section 308.5, which already had been construed as affecting only access to the designation of “marriage,” the new constitutional provision cannot properly be interpreted as having repealed, by implication, the preexisting state constitutional right of same-sex couples to enter into an officially recognized and protected family relationship except insofar as that preexisting constitutional right included the right of access to the designation of marriage.

In addition to the language of Proposition 8 itself and the preexisting judicial interpretation of that language in the decision in Knight, supra, 128 Cal.App.4th 14 , the ballot arguments submitted by the supporters of Proposition 8 establish that the purpose of that initiative measure was simply to restore the traditional definition of marriage as referring to a union between a man and a woman, and not to abrogate or eliminate the constitutional right of same-sex couples to establish an officially recognized family relationship (with comparable rights and responsibilities) bearing some other designation. (See Voter Information Guide, Gen. Elec. (Nov. 4, 2008) argument in favor of Prop. 8 and rebuttal to argument against Prop. 8, pp. 56-57 (November 2008 Voter Information Guide).) 8

We recognize that the ballot argument in favor of Proposition 8 unquestionably indicates that the proponents of Proposition 8 very strongly disagreed with the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , but a reading of this ballot argument in its entirety demonstrates that the proponents’ objection to that ruling was directed at the opinion’s conclusions that the statutes limiting the designation of “marriage” to couples comprised *410 of a man and a woman were unconstitutional and that same-sex couples, like opposite-sex couples, have the right to obtain marriage licenses and enter into the institution designated as “marriage.” Nothing in the ballot argument in favor of Proposition 8 or in the rebuttal to the argument against it informed the voters that this measure was intended to or would have the effect of abrogating the constitutional right of same-sex couples to enter into an officially recognized family relationship with a designation other than marriage. On the contrary, the rebuttal to the argument against Proposition 8 emphasized that adoption of Proposition 8 would mean that only marriage between a man and a woman will be valid or recognized in California, but that Proposition 8 would not take away “any other rights or benefits” of same-sex couples—rights that included the constitutional right, as set forth in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, to establish an officially recognized family union with the person of one’s choice. 9

It is perhaps arguable that the language of the official short title and summary of Proposition 8 prepared by the Attorney General is more ambiguous than the proposition’s text with regard to the measure’s scope, because the short title assigned by the Attorney General stated simply that Proposition 8 “eliminates [the] right of same-sex couples to marry” (capitalization omitted) and the Attorney General’s summary indicated that Proposition 8 “[c]hanges the California Constitution to eliminate the right of same-sex couples to marry in California.” (Nov. 2008 Voter Information Guide, supra, Official Title and Summary, p. 54.) In light of the language of Proposition 8 itself and the focus of the controversy surrounding the proposition, however, it is likely that voters who reviewed the ballot pamphlet understood the phrase “right to marry” in the Attorney General’s title and summary to refer, in its common and most familiar meaning, to the right to enter into the official family relationship designated “marriage,” and thus correctly understood that Proposition 8 would eliminate only the right of same-sex couples to enter into the relationship bearing the designation of “marriage.” Nothing in the Attorney General’s title or summary suggests that Proposition 8 would eliminate the constitutional right of same-sex couples to enter into an officially recognized family relationship bearing a designation other than “marriage.” 10 Indeed, at oral argument, counsel for interveners acknowledged *411 that Proposition 8 properly is interpreted as affecting only access to the designation of “marriage” and not the other aspects of the rights of privacy and due process set forth in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 .

Accordingly, although Proposition 8 eliminates the ability of same-sex couples to enter into an official relationship designated “marriage,” in all other respects those couples continue to possess, under the state constitutional privacy and due process clauses, “the core set of basic substantive legal rights and attributes traditionally associated with marriage,” including, “most fundamentally, the opportunity of an individual to establish—with the person with whom the individual has chosen to share his or her life—an officially recognized and protected family possessing mutual rights and responsibilities and entitled to the same respect and dignity accorded a union traditionally designated as marriage.” (Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757, 781 .) Like opposite-sex couples, same-sex couples enjoy this protection not as a matter of legislative grace, but of constitutional right.

3

Third, Proposition 8 also has a similarly limited effect on the holdings of the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , relating to the state constitutional equal protection clause. As we have seen, in the Marriage Cases the majority opinion held that sexual orientation constitutes a suspect classification for purposes of analysis under the state equal protection clause, and that statutes according differential treatment on the basis of sexual orientation are subject to the strict scrutiny standard of review. These general state equal protection principles established in the Marriage Cases are unaffected by the new section added to the California Constitution by Proposition 8. Of course, with respect to the specific subject of the designation of the word “marriage,” Proposition 8 does change the rule, set forth in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, that limiting access to this designation to opposite-sex couples constitutes an impermissible violation of the state equal protection clause. As explained above, by incorporating into the California Constitution a specific provision that expressly restricts the designation of “marriage” to the union of a man and a woman, Proposition 8 must be understood as creating a limited exception to the state equal protection clause as interpreted in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases. (See, e.g., Bowens, supra, 1 Cal.4th 36, 45 ; Izazaga, supra, 54 Cal.3d 356, 371-372 .) This exception—although constituting the governing state constitutional rule with regard to the specific matter it *412 addresses—does not alter the general equal protection principles set forth in the Marriage Cases and in other California decisions interpreting and applying the state constitutional equal protection clause. Those principles continue to apply in all other contexts.

4

In sum, although Proposition 8 changes the state Constitution, as interpreted in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , to provide that restricting the family designation of “marriage” to opposite-sex couples only, and withholding that designation from same-sex couples, no longer violates the state Constitution, in all other respects same-sex couples retain the same substantive protections embodied in the state constitutional rights of privacy and due process as those accorded to opposite-sex couples and the same broad protections under the state equal protection clause that are set forth in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, including the general principle that sexual orientation constitutes a suspect classification and that statutes according differential treatment on the basis of sexual orientation are constitutionally permissible only if they satisfy the strict scrutiny standard of review.

Ill

Having analyzed and clarified the effect of Proposition 8 on the state constitutional rights of same-sex couples as determined in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 , we now address the multiple challenges under the California Constitution that have been advanced against Proposition 8 in the present proceeding. 11 We begin with the principal contention raised by petitioners in each of the cases before us—namely, that the constitutional change embodied in Proposition 8 constitutes a constitutional revision rather than a constitutional amendment, and, as such, may not be adopted through the initiative process.

A

Article II, section 1 of the California Constitution states in full: “All political power is inherent in the people. Government is instituted for their protection, security, and benefit, and they have the right to alter or reform it when the public good may require.” This provision originated in one of the initial sections of the Declaration of Rights contained in California’s first *413 Constitution (Cal. Const. of 1849, art. I, § 2), 12 and reflects a basic precept of our governmental system: that the people have the constitutional right to alter or reform their government. This fundamental principle underlies the provisions concerning the amendment and revision of our state Constitution.

The provisions of the California Constitution relating to amending and revising the Constitution currently are set forth principally in article XVIII. Section 1 of article XVIII provides in relevant part that “[t]he Legislature by rollcall vote entered in the journal, two-thirds of the membership of each house concurring, may propose an amendment or revision of the Constitution and in the same manner may amend or withdraw its proposal.” (Italics added.) Section 2 provides in relevant part: “The Legislature by rollcall vote entered in the journal, two-thirds of the membership of each house concurring, may submit at a general election the question whether to call a convention to revise the Constitution. If the majority vote yes on that question, within 6 months the Legislature shall provide for the convention.” (Italics added.) Section 3 provides: “The electors may amend the Constitution by initiative." (Italics added.) Finally, section 4 provides in relevant part: “A proposed amendment or revision shall be submitted to the electors and if approved by a majority of votes thereon takes effect the day after the election unless the measure provides otherwise.” (Italics added.) 13

*414 The other current provisions of our state Constitution pertaining to amendment or revision of the Constitution are contained in article II, section 8, the section that relates generally to the initiative power. Article II, section 8, subdivision (a) provides in full: “The initiative is the power of the electors to propose statutes and amendments to the Constitution and to adopt or reject them.” (Italics added.) Article II, section 8, subdivision (b) provides in full: “An initiative measure may be proposed by presenting to the Secretary of State a petition that sets forth the text of the proposed statute or amendment to the Constitution and is certified to have been signed by electors equal in number to 5 percent in the case of a statute, and 8 percent in the case of an amendment to the Constitution, of the votes for all candidates for Governor at the last gubernatorial election.” (Italics added.)

As already noted, under these constitutional provisions an amendment to the California Constitution may be proposed to the electorate either by the required vote of the Legislature or by an initiative petition signed by the requisite number of voters. A revision to the California Constitution may be proposed either by the required vote of the Legislature or by a constitutional convention (proposed by the Legislature and approved by the voters). Either a proposed amendment or a proposed revision of the Constitution must be submitted to the voters, and becomes effective if approved by a majority of votes cast thereon at the election. Under these provisions, although the initiative power may be used to amend the California Constitution, it may not be used to revise the Constitution.

To understand the distinction between an amendment to, and a revision of, the Constitution, as those terms are used in the current provisions of the California Constitution, it is necessary to examine the origin and history of this distinction in our state Constitution as well as the numerous California decisions that have analyzed and applied the distinction over the course of many years. We proceed to review that history.

B

As explained by a number of 19th- and early 20th-century legal treatises, although the United States Constitution and a few of the earliest state constitutions provided for the proposal of constitutional changes either by a constitutional convention or by the jurisdiction’s legislative body, most early state constitutions authorized the proposal of constitutional changes by only one of these means (that is, either by constitutional convention only or by the legislature only), and none of the early constitutions—including the United States Constitution—drew any distinction between the proposal of constitutional amendments and constitutional revisions. (See Dodd, The Revision and Amendment of State Constitutions (1910) pp. 118-120 (Dodd Treatise); *415 Jameson, A Treatise on Constitutional Conventions: Their History, Powers, and Modes of Proceeding (4th ed. 1887) §§ 530-532, pp. 550-552 (Jameson Treatise).) (The United States Constitution, of course, still does not distinguish between constitutional amendments and constitutional revisions, referring only to “amendments to this Constitution.” (U.S. Const., art. V.))

Beginning in the 1830’s, however, a number of states whose constitutions employed a constitutional convention for the proposal of any constitutional change found that such a convention’s “cumbersomeness for small changes” rendered it advisable “to adopt in addition or as a substitute the method of initiating proposed amendments in the legislature.” (Dodd Treatise, supra, at p. 120.) The treatises report that, over the next few decades, new constitutional provisions governing the procedure for changing state constitutions— adopted either in newly admitted states or through the modification of already existing state constitutions—demonstrated “a growing conviction that the legislative mode has advantages which make its more general adoption seem desirable, and yet that it alone is not adequate to the exigencies of the times, but needs to have coupled with it a provision for a Convention when the people should deem it necessary or expedient to make a general revision of the Constitution.” (Jameson Treatise, supra, § 531, p. 552, italics added; see also Dodd Treatise, supra, at p. 120.) Many of these state constitutional provisions—like the provision adopted as part of the original California Constitution—authorized the state legislative body to propose any constitutional amendment but provided that a constitutional revision could be proposed only by a constitutional convention. (See Jameson Treatise, § 574c, pp. 610-612.)

In 1849, in anticipation of California’s application to the United States Congress for admission as a new state, a constitutional convention was held in California to draft a constitution to govern the state. (See generally Grodin et al., The California State Constitution: A Reference Guide (1993) pp. 2-3 (hereafter California Constitution Reference Guide); Bums, Taming the Elephant: An Introduction to California’s Statehood and Constitutional Era (2003) Cal. History, vol. 81, No. 3/4, pp. 6-7.) In drafting the first California Constitution, the convention delegates frequently drew upon constitutional provisions contained in other state constitutions (see Browne, Rep. of the Debates in Convention of Cal. on Formation of State Const. (1850) passim (hereafter 1849 Debates)), and this was the case with respect to the constitutional provisions relating to the “Mode of Amending and Revising the Constitution,” adopted as article X of the 1849 Constitution. (1849 Debates, at pp. 354-361.) Article X of that Constitution, modeled on similar provisions in New York’s then-current constitution (1849 Debates, at pp. 355, 359), contained two sections. Section 1 of article X of the 1849 Constitution provided in relevant part that “[a]ray amendment or amendments to this Constitution, may be proposed in the Senate or Assembly . . .” (italics added), *416 and further specified that if such amendment was approved by a majority of each legislative chamber in two successive legislative sessions, the proposed amendment would be submitted to a statewide vote of the electors and would become part of the Constitution if ratified by a majority of those voting on the measure. Section 2 provided in relevant part: “And if, at any time two-thirds of the Senate and Assembly shall think it necessary to revise and change this entire Constitution, they shall recommend to the electors, at the next election for members of the Legislature, to vote for or against the convention” (italics added), and further provided that if a majority of electors voted in favor of calling a constitutional convention, the Legislature, at its next session, must call such a convention to consider such a revision. 14

Accordingly, under the 1849 Constitution, “any amendment or amendments” to the Constitution could be proposed by the Legislature and submitted directly to the people, but if the Legislature thought it necessary “to revise and change [the] entire Constitution,” a constitutional convention had to be convened to propose such a revision. These provisions represent the origin of the amendment/revision distinction under the California Constitution, and reveal not only the narrow range of the type of proposed constitutional change that reasonably could be viewed as a constitutional revision (a proposal “to revise and change this entire Constitution”), but also that the amendment/revision distinction long predates the appearance of the initiative process in California.

*417 C

During the 30 years in which the 1849 Constitution was in effect, no published California decision addressed the amendment/revision dichotomy, apparently because no claim was raised that any constitutional amendment proposed by the Legislature in those years constituted a revision. In 1877, in response to significant economic and demographic changes in California (see Cal. Constitution Reference Guide, supra, at pp. 9-10), the Legislature submitted to the voters the question of calling a state constitutional convention to revise the 1849 Constitution, and a majority of voters approved the measure. As a result, a constitutional convention was convened, beginning its deliberations in September 1878 and concluding its work in March 1879. The resulting proposed revised Constitution was put before the voters in May 1879 and was ratified at that election. (See Lee, The Revision of California’s Constitution (Apr. 1991) Cal. Policy Seminar Brief, p. 2.)

The provisions relating to the procedure for amending and revising the Constitution were set forth in article XVIII of the 1879 Constitution, and those provisions retained the same basic structure as the provisions of article X of the 1849 Constitution with respect to the amendment/revision dichotomy. As adopted in 1879, section 1 of former article XVIII provided that “[a\ny amendment or amendments to this Constitution may be proposed in the Senate or Assembly” (italics added), and further provided for direct submission of such proposed amendment or amendments to a vote of the electors if approved by the requisite vote of each legislative chamber. 15 Section 2 of article XVIII provided that “[w]henever two-thirds of the members elected to each branch of the Legislature shall deem it necessary to revise this Constitution, they shall recommend to the electors to vote at the next general election for or against a Convention for that purpose” (italics added), and that if a majority of voters approved the calling of a constitutional convention, the Legislature should call such a convention at its next session. Section 2 further provided that “the Constitution that may be agreed upon by such Convention shall be submitted to the people for their *418 ratification or rejection . . . and that if a majority voted in favor of ratification “it shall be the duty of the Executive to declare . . . such Constitution ... to be the Constitution of the State of California." (Italics added.) 16

Accordingly, under the 1879 Constitution as originally adopted, as under the 1849 Constitution, a revision of the Constitution could be proposed only by a constitutional convention and contemplated a potentially broad reworking of the constitutional structure and provisions, whereas “any amendment or amendments” to the Constitution could be proposed, and submitted directly to a vote of the people, by the Legislature.

D

It was under the 1879 Constitution that the distinction drawn in our state Constitution between a constitutional amendment and a constitutional revision first elicited discussion in a decision of this court. In Livermore v. Waite (1894) 102 Cal. 113 [ 36 P. 424 ] (Livermore), an action was brought to restrain the Secretary of State from certifying placement on the ballot of a proposed amendment to the California Constitution that had been adopted by *419 two-thirds of each chamber of the Legislature. The amendment in question proposed to change the location of the state capital from Sacramento to San Jose, but the change was conditioned upon the state’s receipt, from the City of San Jose, of “a site of not less than ten acres and one million dollars before such removal shall be had.”

The decision of this court in Livermore , rendered 115 years ago, made it plain that the measure in question in that case—proposing a change in the location of the state capital from one city to another—very clearly constituted a constitutional amendment rather than a constitutional revision, but in the course of its opinion the court set forth a general description of the amendment/revision dichotomy that, as we shall see, is relied upon in the present case by petitioners and by the concurring opinion of Justice Werdegar (post, at pp. 480-481) and the concurring and dissenting opinion of Justice Moreno (post, at pp. 487-488). In light of that reliance, we shall set forth the relevant passage at some length.

In describing the then-existing provisions governing changes to the California Constitution, the court in Livermore, supra, 102 Cal. 113 , stated: “Article XVIII of the constitution provides two methods by which changes may be effected in that instrument, one by a convention of delegates chosen by the people for the express purpose of revising the entire instrument, and the other through the adoption by the people of propositions for specific amendments that have been previously submitted to it by two-thirds of the members of each branch of the legislature. . . . The legislature is not authorized to assume the function of a constitutional convention, and propose for adoption by the people a revision of the entire constitution under the form of an amendment .... The very term ‘constitution’ implies an instrument of a permanent and abiding nature, and the provisions contained therein for its revision indicate the will of the people that the underlying principles upon which it rests, as well as the substantial entirety of the instrument, shall be of a like permanent and abiding nature. On the other hand, the significance of the term ‘amendment’ implies such an addition or change within the lines of the original instrument as will effect an improvement, or better carry out the purpose for which it was framed. Experience may disclose defects in some of its details, or in the practical application of some of the principles or limitations which it contains. The changed condition of affairs in different parts of the state, or the changes of society or time, may demand the removal of some of these limitations, or an extended application of its principles. So, too, some popular wave of sociological reform, like the abolition of the death penalty for crime, or a prohibition against the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquors, may induce a legislature to submit for enactment, in the permanent form of a constitutional prohibition, a rule which it has the power itself to enact as a law, but which might be of only temporary effect.” (Id. at pp. 117-119.)

*420 As noted, the court in Livermore thereafter went on to make clear that the type of measure at issue in that case—changing the location of the state capital—without question constituted a constitutional amendment rather than a constitutional revision. ( Livermore, supra, 102 Cal. 113, 119.) Explaining that the designation of the seat of government of a state is not necessarily a matter that needs to be included within a state’s constitution at all, the court emphasized that inasmuch as the existing California Constitution contained a provision designating the City of Sacramento as the seat of state government, that part of the Constitution “may be amended in the same manner as any other portion of that instrument.” ( 102 Cal. at p. 119 .) 17

E

After the Livermore decision, the next relevant event in the historical background we are reviewing came in 1911, with the adoption of the initiative power as part of the California Constitution. As we have observed in past cases, “The amendment of the California Constitution in 1911 to provide for the initiative and referendum signifies one of the outstanding achievements of the progressive movement of the early 1900’s.” (Associated Home Builders etc., Inc. v. City of Livermore (1976) 18 Cal.3d 582, 591 [ 135 Cal.Rptr. 41 , 557 P.2d 473 ] (Associated Home Builders).) The progressive movement, both in California and in other states, grew out of a widespread belief that “moneyed special interest groups controlled government, and that the people had no ability to break this control.” (Waters, Initiative and Referendum Almanac (2003) p. 3; see generally Starr, Inventing the Dream: California Through the Progressive Era (1985) pp. 199-282; Olin, California’s Prodigal Sons: Hiram Johnson and the Progressives, 1911-1917 (1968) pp. 1-56; Mowry, The California Progressives (1951) pp. 1-104.) In California, a principal target of the movement’s ire was the Southern Pacific Railroad, which the movement’s supporters believed not only controlled local public officials and state legislators but also had inordinate influence on the state’s judges, who—in the view of the progressive movement—at times improperly had interpreted the law in a manner unduly favorable to the *421 railroad’s interest. (See, e.g., Starr, Inventing the Dream, supra, at pp. 210, 254; Olin, Prodigal Sons, p. 3, fn. 8; Mowry, California Progressives, pp. 13-14, 140-142, 148-149.) The initiative was viewed as one means of restoring the people’s rightful control over their government, by providing a method that would permit the people to propose and adopt statutory provisions and constitutional amendments. 18

As we explained in Associated Home Builders, supra, 18 Cal.3d 582 , 591: “Drafted in light of the theory that all power of government ultimately resides in the people, the [1911] amendment speaks of the initiative and referendum, not as a right granted the people, but as a power reserved by them.” The 1911 measure, which amended the provisions of article IV, section 1, of the Constitution, provided in relevant part: “The legislative power of this state shall be vested in a senate and assembly which shall be designated ‘The legislature of the State of California,’ but the people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and amendments to the constitution, and to adopt or reject the same, at the polls independent of the legislature ....[][] The first power reserved to the people shall be known as the initiative. Upon the presentation to the secretary of state of a petition . . . signed by [the requisite number of] qualified electors, . . . proposing a law or amendment to the constitution, . . . the secretary of state shall submit the said proposed law or amendment to the constitution to the electors at the next succeeding general election . . . . [][] ...[][] Any act, law or amendment to the constitution submitted to the people by . . . initiative . . . petition and approved by a majority of votes cast thereon, at any election, shall take effect five days after the date of the official declaration of the vote by the secretary of state.” (Italics added.) By virtue of this provision, an amendment to the California Constitution could be proposed either by legislative action or by the people directly through the initiative process.

F

In the years following the adoption of the initiative power in 1911, numerous constitutional amendments were proposed through the initiative process, and a substantial number of significant changes to the California Constitution were adopted by that means. (See Key & Crouch, The Initiative and Referendum in California (1938) pp. 459-471 [describing constitutional *422 amendments adopted through the initiative process between 1912 and 1936].) It was not until 1948, in the case of McFadden v. Jordan, supra, 32 Cal.2d 330 (McFadden), that our court had occasion to address the question whether an initiative measure that sought to change the California Constitution could not be submitted to the voters because the measure did not embody a constitutional amendment but instead constituted a constitutional revision.

In McFadden, supra, 32 Cal.2d 330 , the petitioners sought an order prohibiting the Secretary of State from submitting to the voters a proposed initiative amendment to the California Constitution that had garnered the signatures of a sufficient number of qualified electors. The proposed amendment at issue in that case was referred to popularly as the “ham and eggs” initiative, because of the varied subjects it encompassed. In describing the proposition, the court in McFadden observed: “The measure proposes to add to our present Constitution ‘a new Article to be numbered Article XXXII thereof and to consist of 12 separate sections (actually in the nature of separate articles) divided into some 208 subsections (actually in the nature of sections) set forth in more than 21,000 words. The Constitution as now cast, with the amendments added since its original adoption as revised in 1879, contains 25 articles divided into some 347 sections expressed in approximately 55,000 words.” (32 Cal.2d at p. 334.)

The opinion then went on to summarize the content of each of the measure’s sections, a summary that runs a full six pages in the decision in the Official Reports. ( McFadden, supra, 32 Cal.2d at pp. 334-340.) A simple listing of the titles and a truncated summary of each of the measure’s sections provides a flavor of the varied nature and wide breadth of the proposal. Section I, entitled “Principles and Policy,” stated that it may be cited as “the ‘California Bill of Rights’ ” and contained “declarations of various ethical, economic and governmental concepts and philosophies.” (32 Cal.2d at p. 334.) Section II, entitled “The California Pension Commission,” named the first five commissioners to serve on the commission and established their salaries. Section III, entitled “Retirement Pension Payments,” specified pension benefits to be paid by the government to various categories of individuals. Section IV, entitled “Wagering and Gaming,” contained 50 subsections related to that subject. Section V, entitled “Taxes,” contained 16 subsections related to various types of taxes and tax exemptions. Section VI, entitled “Oleomargarine,” provided that oleomargarine could not be sold in California without a license and without payment of a tax or fee. Section VII, entitled “Pertaining to the Healing Arts,” contained 53 sections, creating a “California State Board of Naturopathic Examiners” to supplement the existing medical boards and granting to that board—whose first members were specifically named—extensive authority. Section VIII, entitled “Civic Centers,” declared there to be a civic center at every public school building within the state, and granted every nonprofit and nonsectarian organization in the state formed for *423 “ ‘political, economic, educational, or moral activities’ ” (32 Cal.2d at p. 339) the right to use such a civic center without charge or fee. Section IX, entitled “Legislature, Elections, Committees,” contained three subsections, which (1) provided for reapportionment of the state senate, (2) prohibited cross-filing at primary elections, and (3) regulated the selection of legislative committees. Section X, entitled “Fish, Game, Public Lands and Waters,” contained five subsections regulating public lands and inland waters of the state and granting various powers to the Fish and Game Commission. Section XI, entitled “Surface Mining,” contained nine subsections regulating surface mining in the state, including provisions for the issuance of operating permits and for the imposition of penalties for violation of the regulations. The final section, section XII, entitled “General,” contained nine subsections, providing, among other things, for the repeal of any portion of the existing Constitution which “ ‘is in conflict with any of the provisions of this article’ ” and further specifying that “ ‘[n]o injunction or writ of mandate, or other legal equitable process, shall ever issue or be maintained to interfere with the effectiveness or operation of this article ....’” (32 Cal.2d at p. 340.)

From this description of the measure at issue in McFadden, supra, 32 Cal.2d 330 , it is apparent that were such an initiative measure to be proposed today, the proposal undoubtedly would be challenged and held invalid under the “single-subject rule” now embodied in article II, section 8, subdivision (d). (See, e.g., Senate of the State of Cal. v. Jones (1999) 21 Cal.4th 1142, 1156-1168 [ 90 Cal.Rptr.2d 810 , 988 P.2d 1089 ].) At the time of the McFadden decision, however, there was no provision in the California Constitution that applied the single-subject rule to initiative measures. 19 The petitioners in McFadden rested their constitutional challenge on the ground that the measure proposed a revision of, rather than an amendment to, the state Constitution.

In addressing this question, the court in McFadden observed that “[t]he initiative power reserved by the people by amendment to the Constitution in 1911 (art. IV, § 1) applies only to the proposing and the adopting or rejecting of ‘laws and amendments to the Constitution’ and does not purport to extend to a constitutional revision.” (McFadden, supra, 32 Cal.2d at p. 333.) Noting that the 1911 initiative amendment was drafted and adopted long after the decision in Livermore, supra, 102 Cal. 113 , had discussed the distinction between a constitutional amendment and a constitutional revision and had explained that a constitutional revision could be proposed only by a constitutional convention, the court in McFadden concluded: “It is thus clear that a *424 revision of the Constitution may be accomplished only through ratification by the people of a revised constitution proposed by a convention called for that purpose .... Consequently if the scope of the proposed initiative measure . . . now before us is so broad that if such measure became law a substantial revision of our present state Constitution would be effected, then the measure may not properly be submitted to the electorate until and unless it is first agreed upon by a constitutional convention . . . .” (32 Cal.2d at p. 334, italics added.)

After summarizing (as referred to above) the varied and extensive contents of the measure at issue in that case, the court in McFadden stated: “Our review of the subjects covered by the measure and of its effect on the totality of our plan of government as now constituted does not purport to be exhaustive. It is amply sufficient, however, to demonstrate the wide and diverse range of subject matters proposed to be voted upon, and the revisional effect which it would necessarily have on our basic plan of government. The proposal is offered as a single amendment but it obviously is multifarious .... There is in the measure itself no attempt to enumerate the various and many articles and sections of our present Constitution which would be affected, altered, replaced, or repealed. It purports only to add one new article but its framers found it necessary to include the omnibus provision (§ XII, subdiv. (7)) that ‘If any section, subsection, sentence, clause or phrase of the constitution is in conflict with any of the provisions of this article, such section, subsection, sentence, clause or phrase is to the extent of such conflict hereby repealed.’ ” ( McFadden, supra, 32 Cal.2d at pp. 345-346, first italics added.)

In support of the validity of the measure, its proponents argued that only a measure affecting all of the sections of the current Constitution should be considered a revision, and that any measure affecting fewer than all such provisions should be considered an amendment. The court in McFadden responded: “We cannot accept such an arbitrary and strained minimization of difference between amend and revise. The differentiation required is not merely between two words; more accurately it is between two procedures and between their respective fields of application. . . . [The proponents’] contention—that any change less than a total one is but amendatory—would reduce to the rubble of absurdity the bulwark so carefully erected and preserved. Each situation involving the question of amendment, as contrasted with revision, of the Constitution must, we think, be resolved upon its own facts. A case might, conceivably, be presented where the question would be close and where there would be occasion to undertake to define with nicety the line of demarcation; but we have no such case or occasion here.” ( McFadden, supra, 32 Cal.2d at pp. 347-348, last italics added.)

*425 The court concluded: “Applying the long established law to any tenable view of the facts which have been related, it is overwhelmingly certain that the measure now before us would constitute a revision of the Constitution rather than an amendment. . . .” ( McFadden, supra, 32 Cal.2d at pp. 349-350.) Accordingly, the court issued a writ precluding the measure from being submitted to the voters. (Id. at p. 351.)

G

In 1956, the California Legislature created a Citizens Legislative Advisory Commission to study and evaluate the organization and procedures of the Legislature, and a few years later that commission was requested to study and to provide a recommendation with regard to problems and methods of constitutional revision. (See Lee, The Revision of California’s Constitution, supra, Cal. Policy Seminar Brief, pp. 3-4.) In March 1961, the commission presented its report and recommendations on this subject to the Legislature, pointing out that the California Constitution had been amended more frequently (323 times at that point) than any other state constitution except that of Louisiana, that many of the amendments were statutory in nature and required frequent amendment, and that other states increasingly and successfully had used means other than a constitutional convention—such as a legislatively appointed constitutional commission—to formulate a constitutional revision to be submitted to the voters. The commission’s report ultimately recommended that former article XVIII of the California Constitution “be amended to permit the Legislature to submit to the people a revised Constitution or a revision of any part thereof.” (Citizens Legis. Advisory Com., Rep. and Recommendation on Const. Revision (Mar. 9, 1961) p. 9, 2 Appen. to Assem. J. (1961 Reg. Sess.).)

In response to this recommendation, the Legislature approved a constitutional amendment to be submitted to the voters, which proposed to amend section 1 of former article XVIII to permit the Legislature to submit to the electorate not only constitutional amendments but also revisions of all or part of the Constitution. This proposed amendment was submitted to the voters as Proposition 7 at the November 1962 general election.

The ballot pamphlet sent to the voters in advance of the election contained an analysis of the measure prepared by the Legislative Counsel, as well as an argument in favor of the proposition. (No argument against the measure was submitted.) The Legislative Counsel’s analysis described the distinction between constitutional amendments and constitutional revisions in the following terms: “Under existing provisions the Legislature can only propose ‘amendments, ’ that is measures which propose changes specific and limited in nature. ‘Revisions,’ i.e., proposals which involve broad changes in all or a *426 substantial part of the Constitution, can presently be proposed only by convening a constitutional convention.” (Proposed Amends. to Const., Gen. Elec. (Nov. 6, 1962) analysis of Prop. 7 by Legis. Counsel, pt. I, p. 13, italics added.) The argument in favor of the proposition observed that “[s]hort of a constitutional convention, California has no way to make coordinated broad changes to renovate outdated sections and articles in its Constitution” (ibid., argument in favor of Prop. 7, italics added), noted that in the preceding decade 10 states had effected constitutional improvement by the method proposed in the measure, and urged the electorate to vote in favor of the proposal in order to “allow an alternative approach to necessary revisions in the California Constitution.” (Ibid.) Proposition 7 was approved by the voters at the November 1962 election.

As a consequence, since 1962 the California Constitution has authorized a constitutional revision to be proposed for submission to the voters either by a constitutional convention or by direct submission by the Legislature, permitting the Legislature to propose “coordinated broad changes to renovate outdated sections and articles” in the Constitution. (See also Californians for an Open Primary, supra, 38 Cal.4th 735, 790 (conc. opn. of Moreno, J.) [discussing 1962 amendment and explaining that “[a] constitutional revision, by its very nature and purpose,” constitutes “systematic, comprehensive constitutional renovation and reform” (italics added)].)

H

The latest change to the provisions of the California Constitution relating to amendment and revision of the Constitution occurred in 1970, when the provisions of article XVIII were substantially edited, reorganized, and set forth in the four-section format described, ante, at page 413. These changes were submitted to and approved by the voters as Proposition 16 at the November 3, 1970 election, but they reflect no substantive modification of the amendment/revision dichotomy or of the means by which either constitutional amendments or constitutional revisions may be proposed for submission to the voters.

I

Although there have been no substantive changes in the relevant state constitutional provisions since 1970, during the course of the past four decades this court has had occasion to decide a significant number of cases in which an initiative measure, adding or altering a provision or provisions of the California Constitution, has been challenged on the ground that the measure represented a constitutional revision rather than a constitutional amendment and thus could not properly be adopted through the initiative *427 process. These numerous judicial opinions are highly significant to the issue before us, and accordingly we shall review them in some detail.

1

Amador Valley Joint Union High Sch. Dist. v. State Bd. of Equalization, supra, 22 Cal.3d 208 (Amador), decided in 1978, was the first case after the 1948 decision in McFadden, supra, 32 Cal.2d 330 , presenting this court with an amendment/revision claim. In Amador, the petitioners raised a multipronged constitutional challenge to Proposition 13, an initiative measure approved by the voters at the June 1978 election that added a new article (art. XIII A) to the California Constitution. Proposition 13 made major changes to the system of real property taxation and taxing powers throughout California, “imposing important limitations upon the assessment and taxing powers of state and local governments.” (Amador, supra, at p. 218 .) The initial claim addressed by the court in Amador was the petitioners’ contention that “article XHI A represents such a drastic and far-reaching change in the nature and operation of our governmental structure that it must be considered a ‘revision’ of the state Constitution rather than a mere ‘amendment’ thereof.” (Id. at p. 221.)

After relating the pertinent provisions of article XVIII, the court in Amador quoted from and discussed relevant portions of the Livermore and McFadden decisions, and then set forth the general mode of analysis that, as we shall see, has continued to be followed by our subsequent decisions. We stated in Amador in this regard: “Taken together our Livermore and McFadden decisions mandate that our analysis in determining whether a particular constitutional enactment is a revision or an amendment must be both quantitative and qualitative in nature. For example, an enactment which is so extensive in its provisions as to change directly the ‘substantial entirety’ of the Constitution by the deletion or alteration of numerous existing provisions may well constitute a revision thereof. However, even a relatively simple enactment may accomplish such far reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan as to amount to a revision also. In illustration, the parties herein appear to agree that an enactment which purported to vest all judicial power in the Legislature would amount to a revision without regard either to the length or complexity of the measure or the number of existing articles or sections affected by such change.” (Amador, supra, 22 Cal.3d at p. 223, italics added.)

In applying this analysis to Proposition 13, the court in Amador, supra, 22 Cal.3d 208 , first considered the quantitative nature of the changes effected by the measure. Although the petitioners in that case claimed that eight separate articles and 37 sections of the preexisting California Constitution would be *428 affected by Proposition 13, the court determined that this assessment by the petitioners was based upon their erroneous interpretation of the new article and of its potential effect on the prior constitutional framework. (22 Cal.3d at p. 224.) While acknowledging that the new article would have a significant effect on many of the sections of article XIII (the preexisting article on taxation), the court rejected the claim that Proposition 13 amounted to a revision by reason of its quantitative effect upon the Constitution. (22 Cal.3d at p. 224.)

The court then turned to the qualitative effects of Proposition 13. The petitioners argued that Proposition 13 would have far-reaching qualitative effects upon the state’s basic governmental plan in two respects: “(1) the loss of ‘home rule’ and (2) the conversion of our governmental framework from ‘republican’ to ‘democratic’ form.” (Amador, supra, 22 Cal.3d at p. 224.) The decision in Amador analyzed each of these asserted effects and found that the measure would not be as disruptive as suggested by the petitioners. With respect to home rule, the court in Amador rejected the contention that simply because the Legislature was given the authority to allocate the limited property tax revenue authorized by the measure, Proposition 13 necessarily would lead to a system in which the Legislature directed and controlled all local budgetary decisions, programs, and service priorities. The court pointed out that legislation enacted after the passage of the measure belied that claim, and also noted that Proposition 13 left local entities free to raise additional revenue through special taxes approved by a two-thirds vote of the electors. (22 Cal.3d at pp. 225-227.) With respect to the charge that the measure would result in a change “from a ‘republican’ form of government (i.e., lawmaking by elected representatives) to a ‘democratic’ governmental plan (i.e., lawmaking directly by the people)” because Proposition 13 required that any special tax that a local entity wished to impose be approved by a two-thirds vote of the electors (22 Cal.3d at p. 227), the court in Amador concluded that the proposition was “more modest both in concept and effect [than the petitioners suggested] and [did] not change our basic governmental plan.” We explained that the measure affected only the limited area of taxation, leaving undiminished the authority of representative elected bodies to enact appropriate laws and regulations in all other areas. (Id. at pp. 227-228.)

Although the court acknowledged that the changes wrought by Proposition 13 were very significant, it nonetheless concluded that the measure constituted an amendment rather than a revision. The court stated in this regard: “[I]t is apparent that article XIII A will result in various substantial changes in the operation of the former system of taxation. Yet, unlike the alterations effected by the McFadden initiative discussed above, the article XIII A changes operate functionally within a relatively narrow range to accomplish a new system of taxation which may provide substantial tax relief for our *429 citizens. We decline to hold that such a limited purpose cannot be achieved directly by the people through the initiative process.” (Amador, supra, 22 Cal.3d at p. 228.)

2

The year following Amador, supra, 22 Cal.3d 208 , our court confronted the amendment/revision question in the context of an initiative measure that amended the California Constitution to permit the imposition of the death penalty in response to this court’s decision in People v. Anderson (1972) 6 Cal.3d 628 [ 100 Cal.Rptr. 152 , 493 P.2d 880 ] (Anderson), which had concluded that imposition of the death penalty violated the provision of the California Constitution prohibiting the infliction of cruel or unusual punishment. In People v. Frierson (1979) 25 Cal.3d 142 [ 158 Cal.Rptr. 281 , 599 P.2d 587 ] (Frierson), the defendant mounted a constitutional challenge to a death penalty statute enacted in 1977, and one of the claims he raised was that the 1972 initiative measure reinstating the death penalty in California after Anderson constituted a constitutional revision rather than a constitutional amendment and therefore was invalid.

In the decision in Anderson, supra, 6 Cal.3d 628—issued on February 17, 1972—this court found California’s then-existing death penalty statute unconstitutional on the ground that the death penalty itself was “unnecessary to any legitimate goal of the state and . . . incompatible with the dignity of man and the judicial process” ( 6 Cal.3d at p. 656 ) and thus violated the cruel or unusual punishment clause of the California Constitution (then set forth in art. I, former § 6). (6 Cal.3d at pp. 645-656.) 20 In response to Anderson , an initiative measure was proposed to add a new section (§ 27) to article I of the California Constitution. The new section provided: “All statutes of this State in effect on February 17, 1972, requiring, authorizing, imposing, or relating to the death penalty are in full force and effect, subject to legislative amendment or repeal by statute, initiative, or referendum. [f] The death penalty provided for under these statutes shall not be deemed to be, or to constitute, the infliction of cruel or unusual punishments within the meaning of Article I, Section 6 nor shall such punishment for such offenses be deemed to contravene any other provision of this constitution.” The voters approved this initiative measure at the November 1972 election.

In Frierson, supra, 25 Cal.3d 142 , the defendant claimed the 1972 initiative measure constituted a revision rather than an amendment of the Constitution, arguing that article I, section 27 “contemplates ‘removal of *430 judicial review’ of the death penalty from a carefully built state constitutional structure, thereby resulting in ‘a significant change in a principle underlying our system of democratic government and can only be accomplished by constitutional revision.’ ” ( 25 Cal.3d at p. 186 .) In responding to this contention, the lead opinion in Frierson acknowledged the qualitative prong of the revision analysis set forth in Amador, supra, 22 Cal.3d 208—that is, a constitutional change that accomplishes “ ‘far reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan’ ” may constitute a revision—but held that article I, section 27 “accomplishes no such sweeping result.” (Frierson, at pp. 186-187.) The opinion explained that the provision did not displace judicial review of death sentences, and that the court would continue to review such death sentences for compliance with all currently applicable laws, including the restrictions placed on such sentences by the United States Constitution. The opinion also observed that “adoption of defendant’s position might effectively bar the people from ever directly reinstating the death penalty, despite the apparent belief of a very substantial majority of our citizens in the necessity and appropriateness of the ultimate punishment.” (Frierson, at p. 187.) Our opinion in Frierson concluded that article I, section 27 constituted a permissible constitutional amendment, not a revision. (Frierson, at p. 187.) 21

3

Three years after Frierson, supra, 25 Cal.3d 142 , in Brosnahan v. Brown (1982) 32 Cal.3d 236 [ 186 Cal.Rptr. 30 , 651 P.2d 274 ] (Brosnahan), we addressed a multipronged constitutional challenge to a lengthy and diverse criminal justice initiative measure that amended various penal statutes and also made a number of significant changes to the California constitutional provisions relating to criminal proceedings. That measure, like the one currently before us, was commonly referred to by its ballot designation as *431 Proposition 8, and, to avoid confusion, we shall refer to that measure as the “1982 Proposition 8.” Many of the changes embodied in the 1982 Proposition 8 reflected disagreement with decisions of the California Supreme Court concerning various issues relating to criminal procedure; the proposition added, deleted, and revised a number of statutory and constitutional provisions to change the rules embodied in those judicial decisions.

The main challenge to the 1982 Proposition 8 was the claim that the initiative measure violated the single-subject rule (see Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d at pp. 245-253), but the petitioners in Brosnahan additionally contended that the proposition was “such a ‘drastic and far-reaching’ measure as to constitute a ‘revision’ of the state Constitution rather than a mere amendment thereof.” ( 32 Cal.3d at p. 260 .)

In evaluating the latter claim, the court in Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d 236 , assessed both the quantitative and qualitative effects of the initiative measure. The court initially found that the proposition had only “a limited quantitative effect” (id. at p. 260) on the preexisting constitutional provisions, repealing one section of article I (art. I, former § 12, relating to the right to bail) and adding, to that same constitutional article, one new section containing seven subdivisions (art. I, § 28, addressing the subjects of restitution for crime victims, the right to safe schools, the right to truth in evidence, public safety bail, and the use of prior convictions in criminal proceedings). The court in Brosnahan concluded that these changes, as a quantitative matter, were “not ‘so extensive ... as to change directly the “substantial entirety” of the Constitution by the deletion or alteration of numerous existing provisions ....’” ( 32 Cal.3d at p. 260 .)

With respect to the qualitative effect of the measure, the court in Brosnahan stated that “while Proposition 8 does accomplish substantial changes in our criminal justice system, even in combination these changes fall considerably short of constituting ‘such far reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan as to amount to a revision ....’” (Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d at p. 260 , italics added by Brosnahan.) In response to the petitioners’ contention that the measure’s limitation upon plea negotiation and its creation of a right to safe schools likely would have the effect of interfering with the judiciary’s ability to perform its constitutional duty to decide cases and the further effect of abridging the constitutional right to public education, the court in Brosnahan noted that the “petitioners’ forecast of judicial and educational chaos is exaggerated and wholly conjectural, based primarily upon essentially unpredictable fiscal or budgetary constraints” (id. at p. 261). The court pointed out additionally that our decision in Amador had “discounted similar dire predictions” and had rejected a similar claim, because “ ‘nothing on the face of the [initiative measure]’ ” compelled *432 such results or demonstrated that the measure “ ‘necessarily and inevitably’ ” would produce the feared effects. (Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d at p. 261 , quoting Amador, supra, 22 Cal.3d at pp. 225-226.)

Accordingly, finding that “nothing contained in [the 1982] Proposition 8 necessarily or inevitably will alter the basic governmental framework set forth in our Constitution” (Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d at p. 261 , italics added), the court in Brosnahan concluded that the measure constituted an amendment to, and not a revision of, the California Constitution.

4

A few years after the decision in Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d 236 , our court in In re Lance W. (1985) 37 Cal.3d 873 [ 210 Cal.Rptr. 631 , 694 P.2d 744 ] (Lance W.) addressed a number of issues relating to one of the constitutional provisions that had been added by the same initiative measure at issue in Brosnahan—article I, section 28, former subdivision (d) (now subd. (f)(2)) of the California Constitution (hereafter section 28(d))—which provided in relevant part that “[e]xcept as provided by statute hereafter enacted by a two-thirds vote of the membership in each house of the Legislature, relevant evidence shall not be excluded in any criminal proceeding . . . .”

The initial issue addressed in Lance W. was whether section 28(d) should be interpreted as having altered the preexisting state constitutional rule excluding evidence obtained in violation of the California constitutional provision prohibiting unlawful searches and seizures, thus rendering the exclusionary rule applicable in the search-and-seizure context only as required by tibie federal Constitution. The defendant in Lance W. argued that because section 28(d) did not refer specifically to article I, section 13 (the state constitutional search-and-seizure provision) or to article I, section 24 (the provision confirming that rights guaranteed by the state Constitution are not dependent on those guaranteed by the United States Constitution), section 28(d) should not be interpreted as having repealed or altered the state constitutional exclusionary rule. In analyzing this point, the court in Lance W. first agreed with the defendant “that [the 1982] Proposition 8 did not repeal either section 13 or section 24 of article I” and that “[t]he substantive scope of both provisions remains unaffected by [the 1982] Proposition 8. What would have been an unlawful search or seizure in this state before the passage of that initiative would be unlawful today, and this is so even if it would pass muster under the federal Constitution.” (Lance W., supra, 37 Cal.3d at p. 886 .) Nonetheless, the court in Lance W. concluded that “[w]hat [the 1982] Proposition 8 does is to eliminate a judicially created remedy for violations of the search and seizure provisions of the federal or state Constitutions, through the exclusion of evidence so obtained, except to the *433 extent that exclusion remains federally compelled.” (Id. at pp. 886-887.) Accordingly, the court held that section 28(d) properly must be interpreted “to permit exclusion of relevant, but unlawfully obtained evidence, only if exclusion is required by the United States Constitution . . . .” ( 37 Cal.3d at p. 890 .)

After determining that section 28(d) properly should be interpreted as having abrogated the state constitutional exclusionary rule, the court in Lance W., supra, 37 Cal.3d 873 , turned to an additional argument that was raised in that case—namely, that if section 28(d) were interpreted as having such an effect, the provision properly must be characterized as “an impermissible constitutional revision, rather than amendment, because it abrogates the judicial function of fashioning appropriate remedies for violation of constitutional rights.” ( 37 Cal.3d at p. 885 .)

In addressing the amendment/revision argument, the court in Lance W. first pointed out that “[w]e have heretofore rejected a similar attack on [the 1982] Proposition 8 in its entirety” (citing Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d 236, 260-261 ) and that “[o]ur decision [in Brosnahan] necessarily encompassed a conclusion that section 28(d) was properly adopted through the amendment procedure . . . .” (Lance W., supra, 37 Cal.3d at p. 891 .)

The court in Lance W., supra, 37 Cal.3d 873 , then went on to further explain why the specific constitutional provision at issue in that case properly embodied a constitutional amendment rather than a constitutional revision. The court stated in this regard: “The people could by amendment of the Constitution repeal section 13 of article I in its entirety. The adoption of section 28(d) which affects only one incident of that guarantee of freedom from unlawful search and seizure, a judicially created remedy for violation of the guarantee, cannot be considered such a sweeping change either in the distribution of powers made in the organic document or in the powers which it vests in the judicial branch as to constitute a revision of the Constitution within the contemplation of article XVIII.” (Id. at p. 892, italics added.)

5

Our court next addressed the amendment/revision issue in Raven v. Deukmejian, supra, 52 Cal.3d 336 (Raven). Because Raven is the only case in which we have found a proposed constitutional amendment to constitute an impermissible constitutional revision resulting from the measure’s far-reaching qualitative effect on the preexisting constitutional structure, petitioners place considerable reliance upon our decision in that matter. For that reason, we discuss the decision in some detail.

*434 In Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d 336 , our court faced a constitutional challenge to an initiative measure referred to as Proposition 115, a diverse criminal justice initiative somewhat analogous to the 1982 Proposition 8 that had been analyzed and upheld in our decision in Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d 236 , discussed, ante, at pages 430-432. The preamble to Proposition 115 affords an accurate view of the measure’s general purpose and scope, stating in part that “we the people . . . find that it is necessary to reform the law as developed in numerous California Supreme Court decisions and as set forth in the statutes of this state. These decisions and statutes have unnecessarily expanded the rights of accused criminals far beyond that which is required by the United States Constitution, thereby unnecessarily adding to the costs of criminal cases, and diverting the judicial process from its function as a quest for truth.” (Ballot Pamp., Primary Elec. (June 5, 1990) text of Prop. 115, p. 33.)

Proposition 115 made a significant number of distinct changes to the California Constitution. The measure (1) added a new section 14.1 to article I, providing that “[i]f a felony is prosecuted by indictment, there shall be no postindictment preliminary hearing”; (2) amended article I, section 24 to provide that numerous state constitutional provisions granting rights to criminal defendants shall not be construed to afford greater rights than those afforded by analogous provisions of the United States Constitution (this is the part of Prop. 115 that the court found embodied a constitutional revision and that we quote and discuss below); (3) added a new section 29 to article I, providing that “[i]n a criminal case, the people of the State of California have the right to due process of law and to a speedy and public trial”; (4) added a new section 30, subdivision (a), to article I, providing that “[t]his Constitution shall not be construed by the courts to prohibit the joining of criminal cases as prescribed by the Legislature or by the people through the initiative process”; (5) added a new section 30, subdivision (b), to article I, providing that “hearsay evidence shall be admissible at preliminary hearings”; (6) added a new section 30, subdivision (c), to article I, providing that “discovery in criminal cases shall be reciprocal in nature”; and (7) added and amended a variety of criminal statutory provisions, making procedural changes and altering the substance of a variety of criminal offenses, including the provisions relating to murder and to the death penalty.

After summarizing Proposition 115’s numerous provisions, the court in Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d 336, initially addressed the petitioners’ single-subject challenge to the measure. Relying primarily upon our earlier decision in Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d 236 , the court in Raven rejected the single-subject challenge to Proposition 115 (Raven, at pp. 346-349) and then turned to the amendment/revision issue.

*435 The court in Raven began its discussion of this issue by setting forth the basic constitutional framework: “Although ‘[t]he electors may amend the Constitution by initiative’ (Cal. Const., art. XVIII, § 3), a ‘revision’ of the Constitution may be accomplished only by convening a constitutional convention and obtaining popular ratification (id., § 2), or by legislative submission of the measure to the voters (id., § 1).” (Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d at p. 349 .) The court then observed that “[although the Constitution does not define the terms ‘amendment’ or ‘revision,’ the courts have developed some guidelines helpful in resolving the present issue. As explained in Amador, and confirmed in Brosnahan , our revision/amendment analysis has a dual aspect, requiring us to examine both the quantitative and qualitative effects of the measure on our constitutional scheme. Substantial changes in either respect could amount to a revision.” (Id. at p. 350.)

The court then explained that the petitioners’ revision argument focused primarily on only one of the constitutional changes made by Proposition 115, “namely, the amendment to article I, section 24, of the state Constitution relating to the independent nature of certain rights guaranteed by that Constitution.” (Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d at p. 350 .) The court, in expressly rejecting the suggestion that any of the other, more specific constitutional changes made by Proposition 115 constituted a revision, stated: “The additional constitutional changes effected by Proposition 115, involving such isolated matters as postindictment preliminary hearings, joinder of cases, use of hearsay, reciprocal discovery, and the People’s right to due process and a speedy, public trial, cannot be deemed matters which standing alone, or in the aggregate, substantially change our preexisting governmental frame work.” ( 52 Cal.3d at p. 350 , italics added.)

The court then proceeded in Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d 336 , to analyze the question whether the changes effected by the amendment of article I, section 24 constituted a revision, beginning its analysis by setting forth the changes in full. “Article I, section 24, added in 1974, originally provided in relevant part that ‘Rights guaranteed by this Constitution are not dependent on those guaranteed by the United States Constitution.’ Proposition 115 would add the important proviso that ‘In criminal cases the rights of a defendant to equal protection of the laws, to due process of law, to the assistance of counsel, to be personally present with counsel, to a speedy and public trial, to compel the attendance of witnesses, to confront the witnesses against him or her, to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures, to privacy, to not be compelled to be a witness against himself or herself, to not be placed twice in jeopardy for the same offense, and not to suffer the imposition of cruel or unusual punishment, shall be construed by the courts of this state in a manner consistent with the Constitution of the United States. This Constitution shall not be construed by the courts to afford greater rights to criminal defendants than those afforded by the Constitution of the United States, nor shall it be *436 construed to afford greater rights to minors in juvenile proceedings on criminal causes than those afforded by the Constitution of the United States.’ ” ( 52 Cal.3d at p. 350 .)

After explaining there was a dispute between the parties concerning the proper interpretation of the language added by Proposition 115, with the petitioners contending that the measure would impact not only the specifically listed rights but other rights such as the right to jury trial and free speech, and the Attorney General arguing that the last sentence of the new measure “must be read as referring only to the enumerated rights mentioned in the immediately preceding sentence” (Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d at p. 351), the court determined that there was no need to resolve that dispute, “for even if we adopt [the Attorney General’s] position, in our view the effect of the measure would be so far reaching as to amount to a constitutional revision beyond the scope of the initiative process.” (Ibid.)

In explaining the basis for its conclusion, the court in Raven discussed both the quantitative and qualitative effects of Proposition 115. The court concluded that “[quantitatively, Proposition 115 does not seem ‘so extensive . . . as to change directly the “substantial entirety” of the Constitution by the deletion or alteration of numerous existing provisions . . . .’ [Citation.] The measure deletes no existing constitutional language and it affects only one constitutional article, namely, article I. As previously outlined, the measure adds three new sections to this article and amends a fourth section. In short, the quantitative effects on the Constitution seem no more extensive than those presented in prior cases upholding initiative measures challenged as constitutional revisions.” (Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d at p. 351.)

With respect to the qualitative effects of Proposition 115, the court in Raven explained: “We have stated that, apart from a measure effecting widespread deletions, additions and amendments involving many constitutional articles, ‘even a relatively simple enactment may accomplish such far reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan as to amount to a revision also .... [A]n enactment which purported to vest all judicial power in the Legislature would amount to a revision without regard either to the length or complexity of the measure or the number of existing articles or sections affected by such change.’ [Citations.] [f] Proposition 115 contemplates a similar qualitative change. In essence and practical effect, new article I, section 24, would vest all judicial interpretive power, as to fundamental criminal defense rights, in the United States Supreme Court. From a qualitative standpoint, the effect of Proposition 115 is devastating.” ( Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d at pp. 351-352, first and third italics in original.)

In elaborating upon why this provision constituted a far-reaching change in the nature of our state’s basic governmental plan, the court in Raven observed *437 that “new article I, section 24, would substantially alter the substance and integrity of the state Constitution as a document of independent force and effect. As an historical matter, article I and its Declaration of Rights was viewed as the only available protection for our citizens charged with crimes, because the federal Constitution and its Bill of Rights was initially deemed to apply only to the conduct of the federal government. In framing the Declaration of Rights in both the 1849 and 1879 California Constitutions, the drafters largely looked to the constitutions of the other states, rather than the federal Constitution, as potential models. [Citations.] H] Thus, Proposition 115 not only unduly restricts judicial power, but it does so in a way which severely limits the independent force and effect of the California Constitution.” ( Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d at pp. 352-353.) “Proposition 115 . . . substantially alters the preexisting constitutional scheme or framework heretofore extensively and repeatedly used by courts in interpreting and enforcing state constitutional protections. It directly contradicts the well-established jurisprudential principle that, ‘The judiciary, from the very nature of its powers and means given it by the Constitution, must possess the right to construe the Constitution in the last resort. . . .’ [Citations.] In short, in the words of Amador, supra, this ‘relatively simple enactment [accomplishes] . . . such far reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan as to amount to a revision . . . .’ [Citations.]” (Id. at pp. 354-355.)

In the course of its discussion, the court in Raven contrasted the proposed change to article I, section 24, with the substantial changes in the state constitutional rights of criminal defendants that the court previously had found to constitute constitutional amendments in Frierson, supra, 25 Cal.3d 142 , and in Lance W., supra, 37 Cal.3d 873—respectively, the measure that reinstated the death penalty and the measure that abrogated the state constitutional exclusionary rule for evidence obtained through an unconstitutional search and seizure. Raven explained that “the isolated provisions at issue [in Frierson and Lance W] achieved no far reaching, fundamental changes in our governmental plan. . . . [N]either case involved a broad attack on state court authority to exercise independent judgment in construing a wide spectrum of important rights under the state Constitution. New article I, section 24, more closely resembles Amador’s hypothetical provision vesting all judicial power in the Legislature .... As noted, in practical effect, the new provision vests a critical portion of state judicial power in the United States Supreme Court, certainly a fundamental change in our preexisting governmental plan.” (Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d at p. 355 .)

After concluding that the changes made by Proposition 115 to article I, section 24, constituted an invalid revision of the California Constitution, the court in Raven determined that this provision’s invalidity “does not affect the remaining provisions of Proposition 115, which are clearly severable from the invalid portion.” (Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d at p. 355 .) Accordingly, *438 although the court held that the proposed addition to article I, section 24, could not become a part of the California Constitution, it at the same time concluded that the other numerous substantive changes to that Constitution contained in Proposition 115 would remain in effect. (52 Cal.3d at pp. 355-356.)

6

One year after Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d 336 , our court, in the case of Legislature v. Eu (1991) 54 Cal.3d 492 [ 286 Cal.Rptr. 283 , 816 P.2d 1309 ], faced a multipronged constitutional challenge to Proposition 140, an initiative measure that—in order to limit the “power of incumbency” in the legislative branch—added and altered a number of separate constitutional provisions so as to (1) adopt term limits, (2) restrict retirement benefits for state legislators, and (3) limit expenditures for legislative staff and support services. In that case, the initial contention raised by the petitioners and addressed by the court was the claim that Proposition 140 as a whole, “and particularly its term and budgetary limitations on the Legislature, effected a constitutional revision rather than a mere amendment.” (54 Cal.3d at p. 506.)

In advancing this argument, the petitioners in Legislature v. Eu asserted that the effect of the term and budget limitations of Proposition 140 on the Legislature were as drastic as the provisions that our court had found invalid in Raven . The petitioners maintained that those limits would so weaken the Legislature that it would “ ‘be unable to discharge its traditional duties of policymaker, keeper of the purse, and counterweight to the executive branch in the way the Constitution intends. The result is a change so profound in the structure of our government that it constitutes a revision ....’” (Legislature v. Eu, supra, 54 Cal.3d at p. 507.)

The court in Legislature v. Eu, supra, 54 Cal.3d 492 , rejected the petitioners’ argument, pointing out that “the basic and fundamental structure of the Legislature as a representative branch of government is left substantially unchanged by Proposition 140. Term and budgetary limitations may affect and alter the particular legislators and staff who participate in the legislative process, but the process itself should remain essentially as previously contemplated by our Constitution. This aspect distinguishes the present case from Raven , in which we struck down a provision that would have fundamentally changed and subordinated the constitutional role assumed by the judiciary in the governmental process. [Citation.] [f] As indicated in Raven, a qualitative revision includes one that involves a change in the basic plan of California government, i.e., a change in its fundamental structure or the foundational powers of its branches.” (54 Cal.3d at pp. 508-509, italics added; see also id. at p. 506 [“[T]he revision provision is based on the *439 principle that ‘comprehensive changes’ to the Constitution require more formality, discussion and deliberation than is available through the initiative process” (italics added)].)

Although noting that differences of opinion had been voiced regarding how the term and budgetary limits actually would affect the operation of the Legislature in practice, the court in Legislature v. Eu explained that “[o]ur prior decisions have made it clear that to find such a revision, it must necessarily or inevitably appear from the face of the challenged provision that the measure will substantially alter the basic governmental framework set forth in our Constitution.” (Legislature v. Eu, supra, 54 Cal.3d at p. 510, some italics added.) We pointed out that “Proposition 140 on its face does not affect either the structure or the foundational powers of the Legislature. . . . No legislative power is diminished or delegated to other persons or agencies. The relationships between the three governmental branches, and their respective powers, remain untouched.” (Id. at p. 509.)

Accordingly, we concluded in Legislature v. Eu, supra, 54 Cal.3d 492 , that the changes embodied in Proposition 140 did not amount to a constitutional revision, but rather that the measure embodied a constitutional amendment that validly could be proposed and adopted through the initiative process.

7

Most recently, in Professional Engineers in California Government v. Kempton (2007) 40 Cal.4th 1016 [ 56 Cal.Rptr.3d 814 , 155 P.3d 226 ] (Professional Engineers), we addressed a contention that Proposition 35, an initiative measure that added article XXII to the state Constitution relating to the contracting out of architectural and engineering services for public works, amounted to a constitutional revision. In that case, the challengers contended that “ ‘[flaking away the Legislature’s plenary power to determine contracting out policies and procedures for the State of California, and shifting that power to the Executive branch, constitutes a fundamental restructuring of our traditional tripartite system of government.’ ” ( 40 Cal.4th at p. 1047 .) In rejecting this contention, our decision in Professional Engineers pointed out that the challengers’ claim rested on their erroneous characterization of the effects of Proposition 35, and emphasized that the measure “does not usurp the Legislature’s plenary authority to regulate private contracting by public agencies in a global sense, but simply permits public agencies to enter into contracts with private entities for architectural and engineering services without article-VH-derived restrictions [that is, civil service restrictions] on their ability to do so.” ( 40 Cal.4th at p. 1047 .) Furthermore, we noted that “this is not a case in which the Legislature has been stripped of authority to regulate private contracting but, rather, a case in which a permissible *440 legislative decision has been made [by the electorate] to remove previous limitations on the ability of public agencies to contract for architectural and engineering services.” (Ibid.) Accordingly, we concluded in Professional Engineers that Proposition 35 did not create “such ‘far reaching changes [to] our basic governmental plan as to amount to a revision.’ ” ( 40 Cal.4th at p. 1047 .)

J

Having extensively reviewed (1) the origin and history of the distinction drawn in the California Constitution between constitutional amendments and constitutional revisions throughout our state’s existence (ante, at pp. 412-426), and (2) the numerous decisions that have applied this distinction to a wide variety of measures that have added or altered provisions of our state Constitution (ante, at pp. 426-440), we now evaluate petitioners’ contention that the measure before us today—the current Proposition 8—should be considered a constitutional revision rather than a constitutional amendment.

As already noted, Proposition 8 adds a single section—section 7.5—to article I of the California Constitution, a section that provides, in its entirety, that “Only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California.” Pursuant to the analysis prescribed in our past decisions, we examine “both the quantitative and qualitative effects of the measure on our constitutional scheme.” ( Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d 336, 350 .)

From a quantitative standpoint, it is obvious that Proposition 8 does not amount to a constitutional revision. The measure adds one 14-word section (§ 7.5) to article I—a section that affects two other sections of article I (§§ 1, 7) by creating an exception to the privacy, due process, and equal protection clauses contained in those two sections as interpreted in the majority opinion in the Marriage Cases, supra, 43 Cal.4th 757 . Quantitatively, Proposition 8 unquestionably has much less of an effect on the preexisting state constitutional scheme than virtually any of the previous constitutional changes that our past decisions have found to constitute amendments rather than revisions. Indeed, petitioners do not even advance the argument that Proposition 8 constitutes a revision under the quantitative prong of the amendment/revision analysis.

Instead, petitioners rest their claim that Proposition 8 constitutes a constitutional revision solely upon the qualitative prong of the amendment/revision analysis. The constitutional change embodied in Proposition 8, however, differs fundamentally from those that our past cases have identified as the kind of qualitative change that may amount to a revision of the California Constitution.

*441 As we have seen, the numerous past decisions of this court that have addressed this issue all have indicated that the type of measure that may constitute a revision of the California Constitution is one that makes “far reaching changes in the nature of our basic governmental plan” ( Amador, supra, 22 Cal.3d 208 , 223, italics added), or, stated in slightly different terms, that “substantially alter[s] the basic governmental framework set forth in our Constitution.” (Legislature v. Eu, supra, 54 Cal.3d 492, 510 , italics added.) Thus, for example, our decision in Amador, in providing an example of the type of “relatively simple enactment” that may constitute a revision, posed a hypothetical enactment “which purported to vest all judicial power in the Legislature.” (Amador, supra, 22 Cal.3d at p. 223, italics added.) Similarly, in Raven—the only case to find that a measure constituted a revision of the California Constitution because of the qualitative nature of the proposed change—the court relied upon the circumstance that the provision there at issue “would substantially alter the substance and integrity of the state Constitution as a document of independent force and effect” (Raven, supra, 52 Cal.3d at p. 352 ) by implementing “a broad attack on state court authority to exercise independent judgment in construing a wide spectrum of important rights under the state Constitution.” (Id., at p. 355.) (See also Brosnahan, supra, 32 Cal.3d at p. 261 [“[Njothing contained in [the 1982] Proposition 8 necessarily dr inevitably will alter the basic governmental framework set forth in our Constitution. It follows that [the 1982] Proposition 8 did not accomplish a ‘revision’ of the Constitution within the meaning of article XVIII” (italics added)]; Lance W., supra, 37 Cal.3d at p. 892 [“The adoption of section 28(d) which affects only one incident of [the state constitutional] guarantee of freedom from unlawful search and seizure . . . cannot be considered such a sweeping change either in the distribution of powers made in the organic document or in the powers which it vests in the judicial branch as to constitute a revision of the Constitution within the contemplation of article XVIII” (italics added)]; Legislature v. Eu, supra, 54 Cal.3d at p. 509 [“a qualitative revision includes one that involves a change in the basic plan of California government, i.e., a change in its fundamental structure or the foundational powers of its branches” (italics added)]; Professional Engineers, supra, 40 Cal.4th at p. 1047 [“we cannot agree that Proposition 35 creates such ‘far reaching changes [to] our basic governmental plan as to amount to a revision’ ” (italics added)].)

Proposition 8 works no such fundamental change in the basic governmental plan or framework established by the preexisting provisions of the California Constitution—that is, “in [the government’s] fundamental structure or the foundational powers of its branches.” (Legislature v. Eu, supra, 54 Cal.3d at p. 509.) Instead, Proposition 8 simply changes the substantive content of a state constitutional rule in one specific subject area—the rule relating to access to the designation of “marriage.” Contrary to petitioners’ *442 contention, the measure does not transform or undermine the judicial function: California courts will continue to exercise their basic and historic responsibility to enforce all of the provisions of the California Constitution, which now include the new section added by the voters’ approval of Proposition 8.

Petitioners contend, however, that even if Proposition 8 does not make a fundamental change in the basic governmental plan or framework established by the Constitution, the measure nonetheless should be found to constitute a revision because it allegedly “strike[s] directly at the foundational constitutional principle of equal protection ... by establishing that an unpopular group may be selectively stripped of fundamental rights by a simple majority of voters.” Petitioners’ argument rests, initially, on the premise that a measure that abrogates a so-called foundational constitutional principle of law, no less than a measure that makes a fundamental change in the basic governmental structure or in the foundational power of its branches as established by the state Constitution, should be viewed as a constitutional revision rather than as a constitutional amendment. Petitioners suggest that their position is not inconsistent with our past amendment/revision decisions, on the theory that none of those decisions explicitly held that only a measure that makes a fundamental change in the state’s governmental plan or framework can constitute a constitutional revision. The concurring opinion of Justice Werdegar and the concurring and dissenting opinion of Justice Moreno embrace petitioners’ proposed interpretation of the relevant California precedent. (See conc. opn. of Werdegar, J., post, at pp. 477-481; conc. & dis. opn. of Moreno, J., post, at pp. 490-496.)

In our view, a fair and full reading of this court’s past amendment/revision decisions demonstrates that those cases stand for the proposition that in deciding whether or not a constitutional change constitutes a qualitative revision, a court must determine whether the change effects a substantial change in the governmental plan or structure established by the Constitution. As we have seen, a number of our past amendment/revision decisions have involved initiative measures that made very important substantive changes in fundamental state constitutional principles such as the right not to be subjected to cruel or unusual punishment ( Frierson, supra, 25 Cal.3d 142 ) and the right to be protected against unlawful searches and seizures (Lance W., supra, 37 Cal.3d 873 )—initiative measures that, like the current Proposition 8, cut back on the greater level of protection afforded by preceding court decisions and were challenged as constitutional revisions on the ground that the constitutional changes they

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