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THE KANZA

CLAN BOOK

ONLINE EDITION

TABLE OF CONTENTS

What is this book? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Who are the Kanza? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

What is the traditional structure of the tribe? . . 3

What is a band? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

What is a clan? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

How were the clans traditionally arranged?

What are the clans?

. . . . 9

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

Introduction to the Material . . . . . . . . 10

Source Documentation

The Clans

. . . . . . . . . . . 12

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

The Clan Descriptions

. . . . . . . . . . . 14

Could other clans have existed?

. . . . . . . . . 28

How do I pronounce these names?

. . . . . . . . . 30

Where can I learn more?

Selected Bibliography

. . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

The Kanza Alphabet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

Notes on Using the Kanza Alphabet

. . . . . . . . 37

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Tribal Headquarters

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Shrinkage of Kanza Land Holdings . . . . . . . . .

Camping Circle Diagram . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

The Last Kanza Speakers

The Earth Lodge

. . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

Government-Built Hut in Kansas . . . . . . . . . . 26

The Last Fullblood Council, 1916 . . . . . . . . . 31

The Old Kaw Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

Cover photograph taken south of Council Grove, Kansas, prior to removal

Courtesy of The Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas

THE KANZA CLAN BOOK

What is this book?

This book is designed to quickly acquaint tribal members

and other interested readers with some of the traditional cultural

institutions of the Kanza tribe, specifically with the tribal clan

structure and its organization. Because the clan system was

intimately linked to many very important concepts within the

Kanza world—such as marriage, kinship, and general social

interaction—even a cursory examination of the topic will yield a

great deal of cultural material. The book is presented in a format

that is both accessible and informative, and great care has been

taken to assure that the information presented is as authentic as

currently possible. To that end, this book has been compiled by

members of the Kaw Nation’s own Kanza Language Project and

has received the approval of the Kaw Cultural Committee.

Who are the Kanza?

The Kanza, also called the Kaws or Kansa, are a federally

recognized Native American tribe officially known as the Kaw

Nation of Oklahoma. The tribe consists of nearly 2,600 enrolled

members living as close as Oklahoma and Kansas and as far away

as Canada. Kanza government includes both a General or National

Council, comprised of all enrolled tribal members above the age of

eighteen, and an elected Executive Council, consisting of a

Chairperson, a Vice-Chairperson, and four additional elected

officials. The tribe has a substantial economic and service base,

and administers many programs and facilities near and around its

headquarters in Kaw City, Oklahoma.

The Kanza did not always live in Oklahoma. They are

members of a much older Mississippi Valley Siouan culture, one

that yielded many present-day tribes such as the Sioux, Ioway, and

Winnebago (Ho-Chunk). Along with their close cultural relatives

the Quapaw, Omaha, Ponca, and Osage, the Kanza are more

specifically members of the Dhegiha (pronounced: they-GEE-hah)

branch of Siouan peoples. Following the rivers, these tribes

migrated toward the Great Plains probably sometime between the

sixteenth and eighteenth centuries.

Kanza Tribal

Headquarters

in Kaw City,

Oklahoma

According to a popular account, it is said that the Quapaw

split off first. They left the others along the banks of the

Mississippi and went southward into what is now Arkansas. For

that reason, the name of their tribe is often translated as

‘downstream people.’ The Omaha, or ‘upstream people,’ turned

northward along with the Ponca, and settled in present-day

Nebraska. The Osage and the Kanza were the last to part ways.

The Osage, or ‘middle waters people,’ stayed in the Ozarks, and

the Kanza, or ‘wind people,’ continued on. Thus, prior to the

twentieth century, the Kanza lived on the vast prairie lands the

Great Plains, including most of what is now Kansas, one of two

states bearing the name of the tribe.

While on the plains, the tribe became more and more

distinct from its Dhegiha cousins, gradually developing its own

language, culture, and traditions. The Kanza language was no

longer intelligible with Quapaw, and was increasingly less familiar

to Omaha-Ponca speakers. A uniquely Kanza way of life had

arisen, and the tribe subsequently enjoyed a long period of

independence and cultural maturity. Unfortunately, it was during

this time of traditional self-actualization that the threat of European

American invasion first became a reality.

Smallpox, a disease introduced to the continent via

European invaders, arrived in 1755. The affliction killed Kaws

without mercy for over a century. In the first ten years after

exposure to smallpox, for example, one of every two Kanza males

was dead. But disease was not the only problem facing the tribe.

American bureaucracy and greed had also reached the plains.

Unbeknownst to the Kanza and countless other tribes, all of

their lands had been sold to one foreign nation by another one in

the Louisiana Purchase of 1803. Americans pushed deeper into the

interior to take advantage of the wide-open spaces and seemingly

endless resources. Many tribes were driven westward during this

period of American expansion. Some of these tribes were forced

onto Kanza lands, despite drastic cultural differences and the fact

that some were openly hostile to the Kaws.

In addition, American squatters settling throughout the

Kanza hunting territories demanded more and more land to raise

crops and make cities. The U.S. government obliged as often as it

could, and busied itself renegotiating treaties, selling off lots, and

avoiding commitments. Each new treaty drastically reduced the

size of the Kanza homeland, once estimated at approximately

20,000,000-acres. Finally, after nearly 70 years of this sort of

bureaucratic warfare, the United States government forced the tribe

to cede all lands in Kansas. The tribe was moved en masse to a

roughly 100,000-acre site in Indian Territory, which the Kaws had

to purchase from the Osages with funds from the sale of their

former Kansas holdings. This new land was then split up and

allotted to individual families. The allotments were of no benefit

to the Kanza. This was a tactic devised to break up the tribe into

smaller and more easily manageable units, thus silencing the

unified voice of the tribe. Nearly 60 years later, the U.S. Army

Corps of Engineers flooded a portion of the Oklahoma lands to

make a large reservoir and recreational area. The flooded area

housed the Kaw tribal council house, the old town of Washunga,

and the tribal cemetery.

It is plain to see that in recent history the Kanza tribe

suffered great tragedies and insults to its traditional way of life.

But how exactly did the Kaws live prior to this time? Let’s look at

some of the older ways and examine how they impacted the lives

of tribal members on a day-to-day basis.

What is the traditional structure of the tribe?

It is important to note at this point that before modern

times, the tribe’s primary means of transmission of important

information down through the generations was oral instead of

literary. In other words, the older generations passed things on by

word of mouth to the younger generations. For this reason, there

are no written records of the traditional ways of life of Kanza tribal

members prior to the arrival of Europeans on this continent.

Because of this, written history of the tribe begins at a time

when the Kanza were already in contact with European and

American invaders. Consequently, the Kaws at this time were

actually in a state of gross cultural transition between their

traditional ways and the ways they adopted in order to contend

with an increasingly foreign presence at home. Furthermore, it

was these cultural outsiders who documented the tribal affairs. So,

not only is most information from this period biased in one way or

other toward European or American invaders, it actually deals

more with Kanza cultural adaptation than Kanza culture in

general.

One of the most noteworthy features of this adaptive period

is the tribe’s shift from a semi-nomadic lifestyle to a sedentary or

stationary lifestyle. Prior to contact with the European and

Americans, the Kaws were very mobile. The tribe as a whole was

often moving in several different directions within its own area of

influence, making and breaking camps, following herds, and

defending its borders. After contact, the tribe was squeezed into

smaller and smaller corners of its homeland, and forced to settle

more or less in a few places.

This lifestyle changeover had a radical effect on the tribe,

and led to the forced dissolution of many important cultural

institutions of the tribe. For instance, the Americans wanted the

western tribes to adopt agriculture as a primary source of food

because it required much less land than hunting—land which could

then be developed for American interests. In a rapidly shrinking

world, and with diminished prospects for following herds and

hunting for food, the Kanza had to look for other means of

sustenance. Agriculture was the logical alternative, and the

adoption of agriculture ensured that the tribe would forever lose its

relationship with the buffalo and ultimately the land.

Furthermore, as the tribe settled down, bands gave way to

villages. Before then, the tribe existed as a number of mobile

bands, which may be thought of as towns on the move. When

agriculture became the main source of food, these bands were

forced to stay put. This perhaps more than anything succeeded in

breaking traditional social institutions within the tribe. To

understand why, let’s examine the band as a principle unit of

Kanza identification.

What is a band?

Before contact with outside invaders, the Kanza had to be

mobile to survive. Herd animals were the tribe’s primary source of

meat for food, hides and leather for shelter and clothing, and horn

and bone for tools and equipment. The herds of buffalo, elk, and

other game migrated with the seasons, and the tribe had to be able

to follow them. For this reason, the tribe consisted of a number of

more or less independent bands sharing a common culture,

language, and group identification. Each of these bands was

substantially smaller than the tribe as a whole, and could thus

move more easily. Moreover, with several bands spread over the

entirety of the Kanza sphere of influence, the tribe could more

effectively defend its large borders from attack than could a single

central unit.

Band members lived in temporary or semi-permanent

dwellings that could be easily disassembled and reassembled in

another location with a minimum of hardship.

Personal

possessions were limited by default to that which could be easily

carried. In this way, a band was tantamount to a portable town.

Since making or breaking camp was no great ordeal, bands were

often on the go. Thus, at any one time there could be several such

bands moving about in the Kanza territories. The bands kept in

contact with one another to insure peaceable movement, to relay

news, and to discuss important tribal issues, such as warfare,

peacemaking, and large-scale hunts. In short, the bands were

semi-autonomous camping units within the larger cultural

framework of the tribe.

When a band arrived in a new location, it made camp in a

very specific fashion. Camp was arranged in a circular formation,

with a wide avenue open at one end, usually the east. Half of the

tribe always camped to the left of this avenue, and half of the tribe

always camped to the right. The people that camped to the left

were called Yáta (meaning ‘left side’) People, and the people that

camped to the right were called Ishtónga (‘right side’) People.

Each of these two halves—or moieties, as anthropologists label

halves of groups—were then further divided into roughly eight

clans, or collections of several extended families. Thus, there

were approximately sixteen clans in the camping circle of a Kanza

SHRINKAGE OF KANZA LAND HOLDINGS

To say that the

Kanza once

occupied much

of what is now

Kansas does no

justice to the

sheer size of

their former land

holdings. In

fact, most of the

tribal lands in

Kansas were

only used for

hunting. The

rest of the tribe’s

territory spread

well into

Colorado,

Nebraska, and

Missouri, and

even penetrated

deep into Iowa.

Illustration from

The Kansa

Indians, by

William E.

Unrau.

1971 by the

University of

Oklahoma Press.

Reprinted by

permission.

band, half of which were Yáta clans, and half of which were

Ishtónga clans.

At one time there were seven bands, corresponding to the

seven stars of the constellation Ursa Major, the Big Dipper, called

Wábaha Khe. Each of these bands was composed of the roughly

sixteen clans. As a testimony to the degree of cultural degradation

during the settlement period, there were only three proper bands

just prior to relocation to Indian Territory. Nómpewaye (Inspires

Fear) led the Creek Band, Gaxóliⁿ. Alink’áwaho (Allegawahu) led

the Yellow Cut-Bank Band, Moⁿházoliⁿ.

And Washánga

(Washungah) led Píkiu, the Picayune or Nickel Band, named after

the French coin. Furthermore, White Plume led a mixed-blood

band. By this time, however, the bands had become little more

than tiny villages.

What is a clan?

At the heart of a traditional Kaw’s sense of self-identity

was the notion of family. This family identity was quite different

from that of the modern nuclear family model. Kanza notions of

family played out within a rather involved kinship system. In this

system no distinctions were made between some of one’s cousins

and one’s siblings, others of one’s cousins and one’s grandparents

(or even children), or some of one’s nephews or nieces and one’s

children. In spite of this seemingly glossed-over approach to

extended relation, there were entirely separate words for all of

one’s elder and younger siblings, and a hierarchy of words for

one’s children depending on gender and the order of their birth.

Surely, it was quite difficult for many outsiders to fully realize just

how two Kaws may have been related!

From our modern perspective, these family groups were

very large, and included a closeness of certain extended

relationships that would be hard for many of us today even to

comprehend. Thus, every Kaw was considered to be part of a very

large kinship group. Often, as many as five of these extended

families lived together in the same lodge. The clan consisted of

several of these family groups all living and working as one social

unit.

The clan structure had strong implications, especially in the

area of marriage. When two Kaws married, they had to be from

two entirely different clans, most preferably from opposite sides of

the circle. All children were said to belong to their father’s clan,

but not their mother’s clan (a practice called patrilineality). Thus,

family members on one’s father’s side were held in a somewhat

different regard than maternal family members. Not only were the

former actual blood relations, they were also fellow clan members.

Incidentally, the term clan is usually reserved for matrilineal

kinship structures, while gens is used for patrilineal kinship.

However, due to the familiarity of clan, we will use it consistently

throughout this work.

Each clan was associated with a traditional ritual theme,

social responsibility, or taboo. This association is apparent in the

name of the clan. For instance, one clan associated itself with the

elk, or óphaⁿ, as it was termed in the Kanza language. The clan

was known as Óphaⁿ Níkashinga, meaning ‘Elk People,’ or simply

Elk Clan.

The clans were very exclusive social organizations,

inasmuch as one clan had certain features not shared by any other

clan. Each clan had its own set of personal names for its members,

including those that were given to children according to the order

of birth within the family. Each clan had a specific ancestor and

origin story, both of which set them apart from the rest.

Furthermore, each clan had its own sacred bundle.

Often the clan had a specific task or role within the tribe.

For example, Ta Níkashinga, the ‘Deer People,’ were tasked with

being messengers and camp criers. Sometimes there were certain

restrictions placed on members of particular clans. For instance,

members of Wanáⁿγe Níkashinga (‘Ghost People’) were not

permitted to visit the homes of people who were ill or people who

were recovering from serious illness or wounds. As their clan role

within the tribe involved ceremonies for the recently deceased, it

was thought that their presence at the bedside of a sick or wounded

loved one could hasten death.

Most clans were further divided into two subclans.

Unfortunately the names of many of these have been lost, and the

known subclans are frequently known by more than one name. For

instance, Ta Níkashinga, ‘Deer People,’ included two different

subclans. The first of these was known as simply Táxči, ‘Real

Deer.’ However, the second subclan was known by three different

names, Ta Yačházhi, ‘Eats No Deer,’ Ta Ts’éye, ‘Kills Deer,’ and

Wajúta Ts’éye, ‘Kills Animals.’ As can be seen from the names,

these groups often had more specific tasks, restrictions, or roles

than the clan as a whole. The specificity of the subclan unit often

inspired a great degree of individual and family identity. Because

of this, some tribal members would have considered themselves

members of subclans first and foremost.

How were the clans traditionally arranged?

The clans were arranged in a complex fashion. Clans,

including their various subclans, were thought of in terms of their

location in the camping circle of the band. Of course, this

arrangement necessarily implied membership to a particular

moiety, either Yáta or Ishtónga (‘left-side’ or ‘right-side’)

depending on which side of the avenue the clans camped in the

circle.

Furthermore, each clan was a member of one of seven

slightly larger groups called wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ, meaning ‘those who

sing together.’ These singing groups usually included two to three

clans situated at different points all along the circle, even on

opposite sides of the avenue. One wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ included only one

clan, Ke K’iⁿ Níkashinga, ‘Turtle Carrier People.’ The people

considered the various clans within a singing group to be distantly

related, and so these grouped clans were closely aligned with one

another.

In essence, all these levels of social structure played a large

part in a tribal member—especially a male—having a particularly

wide scope of personal identification. He was first a member of a

family, which was a member of a subclan, which belonged to a

clan, which was part of both a particular wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ and one of

the two moieties, which were the established divisions of a band,

which was a semi-autonomous unit belonging to the tribe as a

whole. Furthermore, the tribe was closely associated with the land

through which it traveled and hunted.

This is why the settlement period of the tribe was so

culturally devastating. Not only did the tribe have to adapt to a

whole new way of life in terms of mobility and sustenance, but it

also had to abandon the camping circle tradition. Once this

important social institution was lost, the other levels of

CAMPING CIRCLE DIAGRAM

Yáta—Left Side

Ishtónga—Right Side

KANZA CAMPING CIRCLE

A camp was set up with two distinct halves, the Ishtónga and the Yáta, or Right Side and

Left Side, respectively. The sixteen clans oriented themselves in the camp according to

the chart at left. The seven Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ groups, meaning “those who sing together”

(denoted by small Roman numerals), consisted of a number of clans that associated

themselves with one another. Note that several of the Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ are situated such that

some members are Ishtónga people and some are Yáta people.

ISHTÓNGA (Right Side)

Maⁿyínka—Earth

Ta—Deer

Pánka—Ponca

Kaáⁿze—Kanza

Wasábe—Black Bear

Wanáⁿγe—Ghost

Ke K’iⁿ—Turtle Carrier

Mínk’iⁿ—Sun Carrier

YÁTA (Left Side)

Óphaⁿ—Elk

Xuyá—(White) Eagle

Haⁿ—Night

Íbačhe—Holds the Firebrand to the Sacred Pipes

Hánga Tánga—Black Eagle

Čedónga—Buffalo (Bull)

Čízho Washtáge—(Čízho) Peacemaker

Lo—Thunder (Being)

identification—including the connection to the land from which

they were forcibly removed—were jeopardized, and ultimately

whittled away piece by piece. This insidious cultural degradation

in conjunction with intermarriage, disease, constant external

pressure to assimilate to American society at large, and a wide

range of other factors (some of which were internal) led the tribe

headlong into the saddest period in its existence.

This is what the present-day Kaws have had to overcome.

It has taken perseverance, hard work, and fierce determination for

the tribe to survive. And the tribe has accomplished so much more

than merely survival—they have succeeded. However, despite all

the achievements of the Kaw Nation these days, some tribal

members may not be fully aware of this rich heritage of culture and

tradition. So let’s look even deeper, down into the very fabric of

the clans themselves for the important truths they contain.

What are the clans?

Introduction to the Material

Before we get started, it is imperative to reiterate that there

is some dispute about the number and names of the clans. But this

should not pose too great a problem. The number of clans was

most likely in a state of flux just prior to the settlement period.

This is an attested fact in some of the other Dhegiha tribes, as well,

so it is really not too big an issue. Furthermore, the clans and

subclans may have been known by several names, but this would

not have been a point of consternation within the cultural

framework of the time in which the clan system was actively

practiced. We need not delve deeper than our modern world to see

similar examples. The Republican Party is also called the GOP,

people from Indiana are often called Hoosiers, our country is

known as the U.S., USA, America, etc. Within the context of the

clan system the different names would not have posed a problem.

The clan names really only become confusing upon their

rendering into the English language. Many of the translations

provided in the source documentation are very good, but some are

fairly hard to follow. A few may just be bad. For instance, Íbačhe

Níkashinga, is translated ‘Holds the Firebrand to the Sacred Pipes

People.’ This is more a description of a traditional role of the clan

than an actual translation of the word íbačhe. Although this

word’s direct translation has been lost, it may have something to

do with stoking or tending a fire, or simply refer to a coming

together. At any rate, the name only relates to firebrands and

Sacred Pipes within the original cultural context. The important

thing to remember is that the English translation is not the real

issue. These are Kanza clans; they were not originally known by

English names. The translations can help, but they can seem

somewhat artificial at times.

Source Documentation

Though the sources of the material presented herein are

varied and numerous, preference has been given to information

specifically pertinent to the Kanza tribe whenever possible. There

are three principal sources for this kind of material. The first, and

most organized, is the account of James Owen Dorsey, an

American missionary and ethnographer in the plains in the mid to

late nineteenth century. He dealt extensively with the Dhegiha

tribes, but worked a great deal with the Siouan peoples in general

as well as other unrelated Native American peoples. His corpus of

work is as voluminous as it is comprehensive, and most if not all of

his Kanza documentation is generally considered to be the research

standard. The moieties and wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ groupings below come

exclusively from Dorsey, as do the individual clan descriptions.

The second is the sizable body of work of Francis La

Flesche and his perennial colleague and adopted Anglo mother, the

pioneering ethnographer Alice C. Fletcher. La Flesche was an

Omaha who led a very interesting life. From his childhood in a

boarding school to his adult years as an “inside” ethnographer, La

Flesche earned his special place in history and wrote many books

along the way. His works on Omaha and Osage language, culture,

and tradition are of great interest. There is some Kanza material

among the volumes of Dhegiha information collected by either or

both members of this unique duo.

Finally, two modern university professors deserve special

recognition for their contributions to the growing body of Kanza

material. Wichita State University Professor William E. Unrau is

the author of several books on Native American history and

culture—including three substantial volumes on the Kanza. His

work is very well researched and his bibliographical notes are

among the most comprehensive available. The work of Dr. Robert

L. Rankin, Professor of Linguistics at the University of Kansas, is

also of particular merit. His tireless efforts to preserve and

document the Kanza language speak for themselves. Without his

body of work, this book could not have been written.

Several secondary sources of Kanza material have also

been utilized in the compilation of this book. Chief among these

are the personal accounts of a number of modern tribal members.

Some of the writings of Alanson Skinner were also of value. In

addition, The Kansas State Historical Society also maintains much

relevant Kanza information, as do many, many others. Each of

these is very useful and important in its own way. These sources

were secondary only for the purpose of drafting this particular text,

and should not be thought of as second-class sources of important

Kanza material.

On the occasions when Kanza material was lacking or

when more cultural perspective was called for, we turned to the

comparison of closely related tribes.

Three authors were

particularly helpful in this area. Again, both Dorsey and the team

of Fletcher/La Flesche have been very useful. But we also

appreciated the work of Louis F. Burns on the Osage band and clan

structures. None of the Kanza material presented in this document

was taken from these non-Kanza works, but the perspective and

arrangements were compared for more insight and cultural context.

The Clans

Due to the complexity of the arrangement of the clans, we

will first list them by the two most immediate categories, by

moiety and by wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ. We will then discuss them at length

one by one.

Attempts have been made to explain any

discrepancies between sources. In the list immediately below,

clans mentioned by both Dorsey and Fletcher/La Flesche will be

left unmarked. Clans mentioned by Dorsey but not by Fletcher/La

Flesche will receive an asterisk (*). Clans given different names

by Dorsey and Fletcher/La Flesche will receive a pound (#). There

are two clans mentioned by both the Fletcher/La Flesche team and

Skinner but not by Dorsey. We will speak more about these two

clans later. On the charts below, the word Níkashinga, (variant

form Oníkashinga,) meaning ‘Man, Person, People, or Clan,’ has

been omitted from the clan names for the sake of text space.

Spellings of Kanza clan names appear in the present orthography,

regardless of systems used by other authors.

KANZA CLANS BY MOIETY

Ishtónga—Right Side

Maⁿyínka—Earth

Ta#—Deer

Pánka—Ponca

Kaáⁿze—Kanza

Wasábe*—Black Bear

Wanáⁿγe*—Ghost

Ke K’iⁿ*—Turtle Carrier

Mínk’iⁿ*—Sun Carrier

Yáta—Left Side

Óphaⁿ—Elk

Xuyá*—(White) Eagle

Haⁿ—Night

Íbačhe#—Holds the Firebrand…

Hánga Tánga—Black Eagle

Čedónga—Buffalo (Bull)

Čízho Washtáge—(Čízho) Peacemaker

Lo*—Thunder (Being)

Dorsey lists the above sixteen clans. Fletcher and La Flesche list only

twelve, including ten of those above and two more, Wazhínga and Če,

which we will discuss later.

Fletcher and La Flesche list Ta as Wazházhe and Íbačhe as Hánga

Zhínga, both of which Dorsey lists as alternate names of these clans.

KANZA CLANS BY WÁYONMINDAN

Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ i

Maⁿyínka—Earth

Wanáⁿγe—Ghost

Óphaⁿ—Elk

Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ ii

Ta—Deer

Čedónga—Buffalo (Bull)

Lo—Thunder (Being)

Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ iii

Pánka—Ponca

Kaáⁿze—Kanza

Wasábe—Black Bear

Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ iv

Ke K’iⁿ—Turtle Carrier

Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ v

Mínk’iⁿ—Sun Carrier

Čízho Washtáge—(Čízho) Peacemaker

Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ vi

Xuyá—(White) Eagle

Haⁿ—Night

Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ vii

Íbačhe—Holds the Firebrand…

Hánga Tánga—Black Eagle

The Clan Descriptions

For ease of comparison to the camping circle diagram, the

clan descriptions are numbered from 1—16 in terms of their

position in the circle. Numbers 1—8 are Ishtónga clans and 9—16

are Yáta clans.

Furthermore, they are numbered i—vii

corresponding to the seven wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ singing groups. Each clan

Maudie McCauley Rowe

Clara Mehojah Littlewalker

Ralph Pepper

THE LAST KANZA SPEAKERS

By the mid to late 1970’s, there remained only a handful of people

who could still fluently speak the Kanza language. These remarkable

individuals included Maudie Rowe, Clara Littlewalker, and Ralph

Pepper (all three shown above), as well as about three others. It was

during this time that a linguistics professor from the University of

Kansas arrived in Kay County. Dr. Robert L. Rankin tirelessly

worked with several of these last speakers in an effort to preserve the

language. He worked most closely with Maudie Rowe. The two met

as often as possible for several years, going over older texts, talking

and laughing, and sharing a substantial body of information on the

Kanza language. Hours and hours of these interviews and

conversations were recorded for the sake of preservation and later

analysis. These tapes make possible continued study of the language

by anyone who so desires. Even now, more than 20 years after the

deaths of the last fluent speakers of Kanza, Dr. Rankin’s work on the

structure and use of the language goes on. The recordings are so

much more than simple documentation; they are a precious gift to

future generations of Kaws.

is listed by its Kanza name with some English translation(s)

provided. Kanza words are written in italics, and translations are

written in single quotes (‘’). Beneath the clan name is a short

description, including some cultural information and a list of

possible subclans. Alternate names for clan and subclan are listed

beneath the first.

(1i)

Maⁿyínka Níkashinga, ‘Earth People’

also Maⁿyínka Gáxe, ‘Earth Maker(s)*’ or

‘Earth-Lodge Maker(s)*’

* No distinction is made between singular and plural nouns

in Kanza.

This clan was responsible for announcing the breaking of

camp before moves, and was allowed to camp first at the new

location. As a trade off, they were last in the tribe to eat roasted

corn. As the earth lodge was so important to the plains lifestyle, it

is not surprising that there are clans of the same name in the Osage,

Omaha, and Quapaw tribes.

The Earth Clan was closely associated with Óphaⁿ

Níkashinga, ‘Elk People.’ Both are members of the same singing

group. The two clans sit on opposite sides of the avenue at the

entry into the camp. There is some comparative evidence of the

linking of these two clans in the Osage tradition, as well. In an

Osage creation myth, the elk is euphemized as ‘Big Earth Maker.’

In addition, both clans are members of the same subdivision, the

Osage equivalent to the Kanza wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ.

Also included in the singing group with Earth People and

Elk People is Wanáⁿγe Níkashinga, ‘Ghost People.’

Subclans:

Maⁿyínka Tánga, ‘Large Earth’

Maⁿyínka Zhínga, ‘Small Earth’

(2ii)

Ta Níkashinga, ‘Deer People’

also Wazházhe, ‘Osage’

This clan was responsible for relaying messages and

heralding news. At different times there were two such herald

officials, a camp crier called wajíphaⁿyiⁿ, and later a spokesperson

or speaker called íekìye. While the former was a hereditary title,

passed primarily through the Deer Clan, this was not always the

case with the latter. In fact, of the first two íekìye, one was of the

Kaáⁿze Níkashinga, or Kanza Clan. Deer Clan members were also

part of the group responsible for deciding the band’s moves to new

locations, along with the Earth People and the Buffalo People.

This clan is alternately called Osage, the name of a related

tribe. In fact, there are three clans known by the names of Dhegiha

tribes—Osage, Ponca, and Kanza. But this is not a unique feature

of the Kanza clan system. These clans or their names appear in

some form or another among most of the five Dhegiha tribes. It

has been theorized that these names are very old, and belong to a

tradition dating back to before the five separated. Perhaps the

names refer to early divisions of the older pre-separation group.

The Deer or Osage Clan is in the same singing group as

Mínk’iⁿ Níkashinga, ‘Sun Carrier People’ and Čedónga

Níkashinga, ‘Buffalo (Bull) People.’

Subclans:

Táxči, ‘Real Deer’

Ta Yačházhi, ‘Eats no Deer’

also Ta Ts’éye, ‘Kills Deer’

also Wajúta Ts’eye, ‘Kills Animals’

(3iii) Pánka (or Pónka) Níkashinga, ‘Ponca People’

Like Osage and Kanza, this clan is named after a tribe of

the Dhegiha group. It is also found as a clan among the Ponca, and

the Osage tribes. The corresponding clan in the Osage tradition is

called Ponca Peacemakers. There is a strong possibility that this

clan is or once was a peacemaking clan among the Kanza, as well.

There is one established Kanza peacemaking clan, Čízho

Washtáge Níkashinga, ‘Čízho Peacemaker People.’

The

untranslated term Čízho refers to one of the moieties in the Osage

tribe (the Osage moieties are hcížo and hą́ka, rendered as Čízho

and Hánga in Kaw), though it seems not to refer to any known

institution of the Kanza tribe other than the Peacemaker Clan.

However, Hánga does show up in three names of Kanza clans. It

also shows up in the name of one of the Omaha moieties.

It could be that the general ‘right-side’ and ‘left-side’

moiety terms Ishtónga and Yáta may once have been Čízho and

Hánga. The fact that there is a Čízho peacemaking clan would

lead one to believe there was once a peacemaking clan on the other

side of the avenue, as well. If this is true, there is a strong

possibility that the Ponca People were the peacemaker clan on the

side opposite the Čízho Washtáge Níkashinga. In other words, the

Ponca People may once have been the designated Hánga

peacemaker clan, if one did in fact exist.

Ponca People are in the same wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ as Kaáⁿze

Níkashinga, ‘Kanza People,’ and Wasábe Níkashinga, ‘Black Bear

People.’ Note that two of the three clans bearing the names of

Dhegiha tribes are members of the same singing group.

Subclans:

Pank Oníkashinga, ‘Ponca People’

This subclan is spelled differently than the clan in

the Dorsey account, yet the translations would be

roughly the same. This could have been a misprint, or

it could be that the clan and the subclan simply have an

identical or similar name.

Xoⁿjálaⁿ, ‘Wear Red Cedar Fronds on Their Heads’

The translated name of this subclan can be

somewhat misleading. The Kanza word for cedar (or

red cedar) is xóⁿje, and álan refers to putting something

on something else. Both combine to form one word,

xoⁿjálaⁿ, a straight translation of which simply amounts

to putting cedar on something. This is one of the many

occasions in which the cultural context must be known

for the word to make sense.

(4iii) Kaáⁿze Níkashinga, ‘Kanza People’

also Číhashiⁿ, ‘Lodge in the Rear (of the Camp)’

or ‘Last Lodge’

This clan bears the same name of the tribe. Furthermore,

not only are Kanza clans found among the Omaha and Osage, but

the dialectical equivalent of the alternate clan name Číhashiⁿ is

actually the name of a subdivision or kinship group among the

Osage—but not the one that contains the Kanza Clan! Such a

degree of intertribal usage would tend to make one think that the

word kaáⁿze or its equivalent is very old indeed. This is true of the

words pánka and wazházhe, as well.

The popular thinking is that the word kaáⁿze has something

to do with the wind, more specifically with the south wind.

Unfortunately, neither ‘wind’ nor ‘south wind’ is a particularly

good translation of the word kaáⁿze. Instead, it is more likely to

assume that the wind reference is only especially valid within the

original cultural context of the usage. It is important also to note

that both ‘wind’ and ‘south wind’ are represented by the relatively

undisputed Kanza words táje and ák’a, respectively.

The lodges for the Kanza Clan are located on one of the

cardinal directions of the camping circle of a band, positioned most

generally due south. This is most likely why the clan is known as

living in the ‘last lodges,’ or the ‘lodges in the rear’ of the camp.

Kanza Clan is in the same wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ as the Ponca Clan

and Wasábe Níkashinga, ‘Black Bear People.’

Subclans:

Táje Oníkashinga, ‘Wind People’

also Ák’a Oníkashinga, ‘South-Wind

People’

also Číhashiⁿxči, ‘Real Číhashiⁿ,’ or ‘Camp

Behind All’

Notice that while the first subclan name reiterates

the connection to the wind in general, the second

specifically relates to the south wind. The different

translations of the third arise from the use of the suffix

—xči, meaning ‘real, principal.’ As číhashiⁿ refers to

the last lodge, a ‘real číhashiⁿ’ would camp behind the

entire tribe.

Táje Zhínga, ‘Small Wind’

also Maⁿnáhije, ‘Makes a Breeze near the

Ground’

Note again the connection to the wind. Dorsey also

mentions a wawéshkaje, or ‘conjurer’ subclan for Kanza

People, but provides no further information.

(5iii) Wasábe Níkashinga, ‘Black Bear People’

There are two well-known words for bears in Kanza.

Wasábe literally means ‘something black.’ It is opposed to míⁿčho,

specifically referring to grizzly bears or any lightly colored—even

white—bears of greater size.

This clan name, or a derivative thereof, appears in all of the

Dhegiha tribes. It is probably a very old social division. Among

the Omaha, members of the black bear-oriented subclan of the

tribe gathered with those of another clan at ceremonies involving

the first thunder of springtime. The Osage members of the Black

Bear Keepers kept a war lodge with members of another clan.

Members of the Black Bear Clan within the Ponca tribe were

closely associated with both thunder and war. Black Bear People

in the Kanza tribe had a special privilege on the warpath involving

the touching of fallen enemies.

The Black Bear Clan is part of the same wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ as the

Ponca People and the Kanza People. It is the only clan in this

group not named after a tribe.

Subclans:

Wasábexči, ‘Real Black Bear’

also Sakáⁿ Wayáčhe, ‘Eats Raw Food’

Síⁿjale, ‘Wears Tails (Locks of Hair) on the Head’

This subclan is wholly separate from the Black Bear

People within the Osage tribe, to the point of the two

even being part of different subdivisions or kinship

groups.

(6i)

Wanáⁿγe Níkashinga, ‘Ghost People’

This clan was once associated with rituals involving the

recently deceased. Members generally prepared a meal for the

grieving family, and could lead the burial procession. Their

services often required the gift of a horse. Ironically, in the most

detailed account of a Kanza mourning ceremony—which occurred

after removal to Indian Territory—there were no Ghost People

present for the any of the documented rituals. It could be that the

clan’s role in the lengthy and multifaceted ceremony was simply

not explained. Furthermore, some tribal members considered

excessive dealings with the Ghost Clan to be bad luck (especially

if there were any sick or injured persons within the household). It

could be that the role of the Ghost Clan was simply not mentioned.

This clan was part of the same singing group as the Earth

Clan and the Elk Clan. If any subclans were associated with the

Ghost Clan, they were never recorded.

(7iv)

Ke K’iⁿ Níkashinga, ‘Carries a Turtle on His Back

People’ or ‘Carries Turtle’ or ‘Turtle Carrier’

Turtle groups are found in the Quapaw, Omaha, and Osage

traditions, as well. This clan is unique in that it is the only member

of its singing group. If there were any subclans associated with

this clan, they were never recorded.

(8v)

Mínk’iⁿ Níkashinga, ‘Carries the Sun on His Back

People,’ ‘Carries Sun’ or ‘Sun Carrier’

The words for ‘sun,’ and ‘moon,’ are the same in Kanza,

míⁿomba or míomba, often shortened to just míⁿ or mi. This

contraction happens to be the same word for ‘blanket’ as well as

the indefinite singular article equivalent to the English ‘a (an).’

There is a possible connection here to an idiom found in the Black

Shoulder Clan among the Omahas. The term ‘black shoulder’ is

said to be indicative of the wooly shoulder of the buffalo bull, an

area from where blankets were derived. It may be that the term

mínk’iⁿ is not ‘carries the sun on his back’ but possibly ‘carries a

blanket on his back,’ which would be referential to the buffalo

bull. This is reinforced by the fact clan was occasionally known

by the name Buffalo Hide Carriers. There are related clan and/or

subclan names found among the Osage and the Quapaw.

Mínkiⁿ Níkashinga is a member of the same singing group

as the Čízho Washtáge Níkashinga, ‘Čizho Peacemaker Clan.’

Curiously, these are alternate names of the same clan in the Osage

tradition. No subclans of the Kanza Sun Carrier Clan were

recorded.

(9i)

Óphaⁿ Níkashinga, ‘Elk People’

The Elk People and the Earth (Maker) People sat opposite

one another at the entrance to the camping circle. The historical

bond between these two clans is great (see above), and they are

part of the same singing group, along with Ghost Clan.

Subclans:

Óphaⁿxči, ‘Real Elk’

also Máⁿsaⁿha, referring to the color of the elk’s fur.

Sáⁿhange, meaning unknown.

(10vi) Xuyá Oníkashinga, ‘(White) Eagle People’

This is one of two Kanza clans associated with the eagle.

Although it is generally known as White Eagle People to

THE EARTH LODGE

The earth lodge (or bark

house) was one of the

principal dwellings of the

Kanza. These semi-permanent

circular structures were

constructed using a sturdy

timber skeleton supporting

layers of thatching, sod, and

bark. The dirt floors were

tamped down, soaked, and

then burned dry. This created

a very hard surface that could

be swept clean. Some of these

homes were large enough to

house several families. Shown

here are Nómpewaye (Inspires

Fear), chief of the Gaxóliⁿ

Band, and his wife Pah-KahShu-Tsa (meaning unknown)

in front of their lodge near the

former site of Washunga,

Oklahoma, several years prior

to statehood. Photo courtesy

of National Anthropological

Archives, Smithsonian

Institution / 54875

distinguish it from Hánga Tánga Níkashinga, ‘Black Eagle

People,’ the word xuyá is generally taken to mean ‘golden eagle’

or simply ‘eagle.’ There is a clan bearing a similar name found

among the Osages. The Eagle Clan shares a wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ with Haⁿ

Níkashinga, ‘Night People.’

Subclans:

Húsada, ‘Legs Stretched Out Stiff’

also Xuyá Oníkashinga, ‘White Eagle People’

A subclan similar to Húsada exists within the Ponca

tradition. The word is said to refer both to legs

outstretched while running and the stiffened legs of a

dead animal.

The words Níkashinga and Oníkashinga are both

found in the names of clans and subclans. At first

glance, the former resembles ‘little man’ or ‘little one,’

but is actually used to mean ‘man,’ ‘person,’ ‘people,’

or even ‘clan.’ The latter is indicative of that which

makes a group of people into a clan. In other words,

the white eagle is the thing that makes this group of

people into a bona fide clan or subclan.

Wabíⁿ Izhóphe, ‘Wade in Blood’

also Wabíⁿ Oníkashinga, ‘Blood People’

(11vi) Haⁿ Níkashinga, ‘Night People’

Night Clans are found in both the Kanza and Osage

traditions. From the names of the subclans in the two tribes, it can

be seen that this clan has a strong connection to the stars, perhaps

most importantly with Mikák’e Tánga, the ‘Large Star.’ The Large

Star—actually the planet Venus—was traditionally thought of as a

Wakáⁿda, or deity. In Kanza mourning and war ceremonies

involving the use of the Prayer Chart, Venus and its ceremonial

songs are symbolized as a circle with a cross inside it ⊕.

The Night People are part of the same wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ as the

White Eagle People.

Subclans:

Haⁿ Níkashinga, ‘Night People’

Dákaⁿ Máⁿyiⁿ, ‘Walks Shining’ (Star People?)

The word dákaⁿ refers to light. Máⁿyiⁿ means

‘walk(ing),’ ‘he/she/it walks,’ or simply ‘walker.’ This

‘walking light’ is perhaps referential to the stars.

Dorsey took this subclan name to be the Kanza

equivalent of ‘Star People.’ There are such star clans or

subclans among most of the Dhegiha tribes.

As a curious aside, in the Osage Night Clan, there is

a birth name referring to walking at night, Hámą∂į

(compare to Kanza Haⁿ Máⁿyiⁿ), from which the town

of Hominy, Oklahoma, takes its name. This name is

given to the first-born son within an Osage Night Clan

family. Little information exists on the Kanza birthnames, but it is possible that the same name or a similar

one was used in the Kanza Night Clan.

(12vii) Íbačhe Níkashinga, ‘Holds the Firebrand to Sacred

Pipes People’

also Hánga Zhínga, ‘Small Hánga’

This clan name is somewhat misleading. As mentioned

above, the word íbačhe is not translated as ‘holds the firebrand to

the sacred pipes,’ but probably relates to a coming together or a

stoking of the fire. This clan is also known as Hánga Zhínga, a

name appearing in all of the cognate tribes except the Ponca. A

quick translation of this word can be given as ‘chicken hawk,’ but

it means so much more than just that.

There are three instances of hánga as the name of a clan.

Besides this one, there is Hánga Tánga and its alternate name

Hánga Otánaⁿje, meaning ‘Large Hánga’ and ‘Separate Hánga,’

respectively. These same distinctions are present in the Osage clan

structure, too. But what does this word mean? It has been

theorized that at one time the various Dhegiha tribes called

themselves Honga or some derivative thereof. It is possible that

the name of the original group that spawned the Dhegiha tribes

was called Honga. Furthermore, the word can mean ‘first,’

‘leader,’ or ‘world,’ and can also refer to eagles. In this case,

hánga zhínga most immediately refers to a smaller bird resembling

an eagle, such as the chicken hawk, but clearly connotes the others,

as well.

Both of the Hánga clans are part of the same singing group,

and similar subdivisions exist in the Osage, Omaha, and Quapaw

traditions.

Subclans:

Xuyégohinga, Hawk that Has a Tail Like a ‘King

Eagle’ or ‘Little One Like an Eagle.’

Again, the bird referenced here is most likely a

chicken hawk.

Miká Oníkashinga, ‘Raccoon People’

also Miká Xla Zhínga, ‘Small Lean Raccoon’

(13vii) Hánga Tánga Níkashinga, ‘Large Hánga People’ or

‘Black Eagle People’

also Hánga Otánaⁿje, ‘Hánga Apart from the

Rest,’ or ‘Isolated (or Separate) Hánga’

also Ta Síⁿje Xáje, ‘Stiff Deer Tail’

The word hánga tánga refers to a black mottled eagle with

dark spots. Again, the word hánga means much more. Like the

Kanza, the Osage and Omaha tribes are divided into clear moieties.

In these other tribes, some derivative of the word hánga is used to

refer to the moiety associated with the earth. The name of the

other moiety is different in these two tribes, but has some relation

to the sky in both instances. Among the Osage, the word is a

cognate of the Kanza word čízho, found in the name of one of the

clans. As was previously mentioned, it is quite possible that the

names Ishtónga and Yáta were once Čizho and Hánga.

Both the members of the Hánga wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ figure

prominently in the latter day mourning ritual recorded by Dorsey.

Both of these clans took their seat at the back of a specially

constructed lodge in which elaborate ceremonies were conducted

following the death of a tribesman. If there were any subclans,

they were not recorded.

(14ii) Čedónga Níkashinga, ‘Buffalo (Bull) People’

also Si Tánga, ‘Big Feet’

Though the word čedónga refers specifically to the bull

buffalo, it can also be used to mean simply ‘buffalo.’ This has

caused some confusion as to the possible existence of another clan,

Če Níkashinga, ‘Buffalo People,’ discussed below. Due to the

importance of the bison in the plains, it is no surprise that all of the

Dhegiha tribes have clans associated in some way with the animal.

FIRST HUD HOME?

Government-built homes like this one near Council Grove, KS, were so small that they were used as livestock barns. Families opted to build

traditional lodges on the property for their private dwellings instead! Photo courtesy of The Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas.

The term ‘Big Feet’ is most likely a euphemism referring again to

the buffalo.

The Buffalo Bull People are part of the same singing group

as the Deer or Osage People and Lo Níkashinga, ‘Thunder People.’

Subclans:

Čedónga, ‘Buffalo (With Dark Hair)’

Yóxe, ‘Reddish-Yellow Buffalo’

Both of the subclans refer to different varieties of

bison. Though translations of the names are rendered in

terms of color, the distinctions are more cultural than

linguistic, as no word for ‘dark hair’ or ‘reddishyellow’ is actually present in the Kanza equivalents.

The word yóxe appears in Ponca as núxe, in Osage as

∂óxe, and Quapaw ttúxe. This word is often translated

as ‘ice,’ presumably because of similarities in the two

words arising in the cognate languages. In Kanza, it is

easy to distinguish náⁿγe (or náγe), meaning ‘ice,’ from

yóxe, meaning ‘reddish-yellow buffalo.’

(15v) Čízho Washtáge Níkashinga, ‘Čízho Peacemaker People’

or ‘Peacemaker People’

Dorsey believed this clan to be alternately called Red Hawk

People, though he gave no translation of this form. Skinner

translates the name as Never Do Wrong People. Still, the popular

translation is Peacemaker People. As the name implies, this clan

probably had much to do with peacemaking, an important activity

among the Kanza.

In fact, there were seven dedicated

peacemaking chiefs of the tribe at any one time. Although there

were fewer peace chiefs than the twelve dedicated war chiefs, the

fact that so many great minds shared the responsibility of making

and keeping the peace stands as a testament to its importance

within the tribal worldview.

There is also a Čízho Peacemaker Clan among the Osages.

The untranslated word Čízho is the probable name of one of the

two Kanza moieties earlier in history. The Osage equivalent of

this word is said to refer to the sky in contrast with the earth.

This clan is part of the same wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ as the Sun

Carrier People. Interestingly, these are alternate names of the same

clan in the Osage tradition. No subclan information was recorded.

(16ii) Lo Níkashinga, ‘Thunder Being People’

also Ledáⁿ Oníkashinga, ‘Gray Hawk People’

There is some confusion about the name of this clan, due in

no small part to a lack of agreement of names and competition

between forms of the word ‘thunder’ in Kanza. Let’s have a closer

look. Dorsey lists the clan name as one word, Loníkashinga, and

translates it as ‘Thunder-Being People.’ Skinner lists it as

Loníkashana Níkashinga, translated as ‘Thunder People.’ Not only

do the names differ, but also their translations. So what is the

Kanza word for ‘thunder?’ ‘Thunder’ can be either lo or the

slightly longer lo hótaⁿ. As we shall see, this is just as tricky.

The word lo may be used in this instance simply for

‘thunder,’ making the name of the clan Thunder People in the Lo

Níkashinga, example. But this seems to contradict Dorsey. A

curious feature of the alternate ‘thunder’ word lo hotaⁿ is that the

hótaⁿ component generally refers to the characteristic sound of

something. For example, shóhinga hótaⁿ (where shóhinga means

‘dog’) could be translated as ‘bark.’ Lo hótaⁿ then may be

indicative of the characteristic thundering sound of a ‘thunderbeing’ simply called lo. In that case, the name Lo Níkashinga

might be Thunder-Being People. Or perhaps the ‘thunder-being’ is

called Loníkashana, as in the Skinner example. Whatever the case,

it is clear that the name of the clan refers to thunder. However, at

least one of the possible meanings may have deeper connotations

of cultural understanding.

To complicate matters further, Skinner counts Thunder

People and Gray Hawk People as two separate clans, a distinction

Dorsey does not make. The clan is totally absent from Fletcher/La

Flesche. Some tribal members know this clan by several other

names, such as Weather, Lightning, Storm, or Big Cloud People.

This clan is part of the same singing group as the Deer Clan

and the Buffalo Bull Clan. If subclans once existed, they were

never recorded.

Could other clans have existed?

The simple answer is yes. The comparison of the Kanza

clan system to those of the other Dhegiha tribes show that many of

these clans exist across the board, while many are exclusively one

tribe’s or another’s. Clearly there is great flux within the Kanza

clan structure, even historically. Thus, there is no way to deny the

possibility of other clans. But due to the small number of reliable

sources of information, there is no way to confirm their existence.

That said, several reports include one or two more clans,

among these are Wazhínga Níkashinga, ‘Bird People,’ and Če

Níkashinga, ‘Buffalo People.’ Both of these clans are attested in

rituals and clans within other Dhegiha tribes, and both are very

plausible additions to the clan structure. Although it would be

great to confirm these testimonies, more helpful information is

needed regarding the nature and existence of these groups,

including their arrangement in the clan circle, connections to

singing groups, clan tasks and responsibilities, possible taboos,

names of various members, etc.

Remember that knowledge of the Kanza clan structure was

passed by oral tradition and through voluntary practice, as was the

custom in earlier times. Once tribal members no longer practiced

certain traditions, fewer and fewer details of these were passed by

word of mouth to younger generations. Furthermore, reliance on

oral testimony also declined along with other cultural practices.

Despite this fact, the oral tradition is responsible for preserving

much of what could have been lost. In fact, all cultural features

that can be remembered were preserved in this manner. Thus, the

collective memory of the tribe is probably still the best record of

all for such questions.

What makes collective memory so useful? Individual

human minds are susceptible to suggestion and forgetfulness.

Despite the best of intentions, memories can become distorted over

time, especially if they are not reinforced. Thus, the oral record

when removed from its cultural environment has at least the

potential for yielding misleading or even incorrect information.

This fallible quality of human nature can lead some to question the

validity of relying on individual personal testimony. To counter

this potentially negative quality of the individual, it is best to

consider the collective memory of many individuals. That way,

collective strengths can work to minimize individual weaknesses.

This produces a much stronger overall oral record that can be

trusted for the transmission of important information with few

errors.

Again, written sources are very useful, but not without their

downfalls. People not fully practicing the Kaw way of life were

the ones who penned the few surviving written records. And as we

have seen, these sources can be contradictory. Thus, most of our

answers to questions like these must come from educated guesses

and scattered eyewitness reports. Furthermore, comparison to

related tribes can help, but cannot give us definitive answers. In

the end, the best that can be done is to present as much information

as possible and allow others to come to their own conclusions

based on the information.

How do I pronounce these names?

One of the surest ways to confuse a reader’s pronunciation

of unfamiliar words is to represent them in an alphabet that is

neither phonetic nor consistent. Phonetic alphabets are used to

reproduce the speech sounds used in the formation of words. For

example, phonetic alphabets make clear distinctions between

consonants that are formed in conjunction with a puff of air (called

aspiration) and those formed without it. The Kanza language has

both a ‘k’ sound with an aspiration, and one without an aspiration

(written as ‘k’). To preserve this distinction, it is probably best to

represent these two different ‘k’ sounds as differently. Thus, the

aspirated one is written as ‘kh,’ and the other is written as simply

‘k.’ This is a phonetic approach. With a consistent alphabet, a

word looks the same each time it is written. This makes a word

immediately recognizable upon subsequent readings. When using

an inconsistent alphabet, the various non-standard spellings of a

particular word can be difficult to identify as being representative

of just one word. For instance, the word for the Kanza tribe has

been written countless ways, from the somewhat identifiable Kah

or Kansies to the almost ridiculous Escanjaques!

Despite a fairly rigid standardization of word spellings, the

English alphabet as a whole is neither phonetic nor consistent. If

proof of this claim is needed, try to count all the ways the ‘ee’

sound (as in ‘bee’) can be spelled in English. Here are a few: e, ea,

ee, ei, eo, ey, i, ie, oe, y, etc. This shows inconsistency. Next, ask

what function or role each letter in the above example is serving in

order to produce the desired sound. This demonstrates a lack of

phonetic representation. It is easy to see very quickly why

THE LAST FULLBLOOD COUNCIL, 1916

BACK ROW:

Forrest Chouteau, A. R. Miller (Agent), Silas Conn, and Albert Taylor

FRONT ROW:

Little Jim, Jim Pepper, Jesse Mehojah, Sr., and Roy Munroe

———————

THE LAST KANZA FULLBLOODS

It is hard to imagine, but less than 80 years after this

photograph was taken, the number of Kanza fullbloods had

dwindled to just five. Of these, Edgar Pepper died in January

of 1994, then Clyde G. Monroe in October of 1995. Jesse

Mehojah, Jr., died less than three months later, followed by

Johnnie Ray McCauley in February of 1997. In April of 2000,

William A. Mehojah, Sr., passed away. He was the last

fullblood Kaw.

spellings of Kanza words should not be trusted to the English

alphabet.

To remedy this situation, the Kaw Nation has devised an

easy-to-learn alphabet that is both phonetic and consistent for the

express purpose of reproducing Kanza words. Most of the letters

of this alphabet are familiar to all English speakers, a group that

includes the target audience for this publication. (Notice here that

this book was written in English and not in Kaw). Careful study of

the letters and the descriptions of their sounds will lead to fairly

accurate pronunciation of the Kanza words used in this document.

For the Kanza alphabet and rules on its usage see pages 36 and 37.

Where can I learn more?

The W. A. Mehojah, Sr., Resource Building at Kaw Nation

tribal headquarters in Kaw City, Oklahoma, is a very good place to

begin deeper examination of these and other cultural issues. There

you will find a catalog of Kanza language CDs, a cultural literacy

library containing many interesting books and films, a

microfilm/microfiche reader with several sets of informative reels,

a computer workstation for viewing the Kanza language

multimedia lessons, and several knowledgeable employees with

helpful attitudes. The media room can support a classroom-style

environment for upwards of twenty students. Furthermore, the

Resource Building is adjacent to the Kanza Museum and tribal

administrative offices.

If the tribal headquarters is too far away, you might try

looking at the official website of the Kaw Nation,

http://www.kawnation.com. Not only is the site chock full of

useful information about the tribe today, it is also a very good

place to begin online study of the Kanza language and culture.

Furthermore, several resources may be available at your

local library. For a good list of books on the Kanza tribe and

Dhegiha culture in general, see the short bibliography at the end of

this publication. And please remember that elder family members

may have many memories and interesting perspectives on cultural

issues, as well.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Several of the following books and articles were used as sources in the

drafting of this document. Others are useful general reference aids that may be

helpful to anyone seeking a deeper understanding of the Kanza people and their

customs. More extensive Dhegiha-oriented bibliographies can be found in some

of the texts below, namely those of Burns and Unrau. The latter more

specifically pertains to the Kanza. The Koontz website is also very informative.

Burns, L. Osage Indian Bands and Clans (1984). Ciga

Press, Fallbrook, CA.

Dorsey, J. “Mourning and War Customs of the Kansas”

American Naturalist, Vol. XIX, No. 7 (July,

1885).

——

“Siouan Sociology” Fifteenth Annual Report of

the Bureau of American Ethnology to the

Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution (1893—

94).

Fletcher, A. & La Flesche, F. The Omaha Tribe, Vols.

I & II. –Bison book ed. (1992). University of

Nebraska Press, Lincoln, NE.

Reproduced from

Twenty-Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of

American Ethnology to the Secretary of the

Smithsonian Institution (1911).

Koontz, J. “Siouan Languages and Related Subjects,”

http://spot.colorado.edu/~koontz/default.htm,

found on the World Wide Web (May, 2002).

Rankin, R. Kansa-English, English-Kansa Lexicon, Mk

I, MS, University of Kansas (April, 1987).

Skinner, A. “Societies of the Iowa, Kansa, and Ponca

Indians” Anthropological Papers of the Museum

of Natural History, Vol. XI (1915).

Unrau, W. The Kansa Indians:

A History of the Wind

People 1673—1873 (1971). University of Oklahoma

Press, Norman, OK.

GLOSSARY

Band—semi-autonomous mobile camping division of the tribe

Clan—social structure made up of groups of extended families; lower level than moiety

Consistent—agreeing with oneself; having no contradictions, as in consistent alphabet

Če—buffalo (or bison); name of a possible clan, perhaps extinct

Čedónga—buffalo (or bison) bull or buffalo in general; name of a clan

Čízho—possible name of a Kanza moiety

Čízho Washtáge—Čízho Peacemaker or just Peacemaker; name of a clan

Dhegiha—Mississippi Valley Siouan branch; Quapaw, Omaha, Ponca, Osage and Kanza tribes

Gens—patrilineal social structure; replaced by CLAN in this work; see CLAN

Gaxóliⁿ—Creek Band of the tribe

Haⁿ—night; name of clan

Hánga—first; leader; world; eagle; possible name of a Kanza moiety

Hánga Tánga—black eagle with dark spots; name of a clan

Íbačhe—holds the firebrand to the sacred pipes; name of a clan also called HÁNGA ZHÍNGA

Ishtónga—right side; name of a Kanza moiety

Kaáⁿze—Kanza; Kaw; name of a clan; name of the Dhegiha tribe commonly called Wind People

Ke K’íⁿ—(s)he carries (or packs) turtle(s) on the back; name of a clan

Literary Tradition—transmission of information through written documents

Lo—thunder or thunder-being; name of a clan

Maⁿyínka—earth; name of a clan

Mínk’iⁿ—(s)he carries (or packs) sun (or moon or blanket) on the back; name of a clan

Moiety—social structure consisting of half of a tribe

Moⁿházoliⁿ—Kanza Yellow Cut-Bank Band

Níkashinga—man; person; clan; people; see ONÍKASHINGA

Oníkashinga—indicative of that which makes a group of persons into an organized people

Oral Tradition—transmission of information by word of mouth, practice, and collective memory

Óphaⁿ—elk; name of a clan

Pánka—Ponca; name of a clan; name of a Dhegiha tribe

Patrilineality—kinship system in which family/clan membership passes through the father’s line

Phonetic—specifically dealing with speech sounds, as in phonetic alphabet

Píkiu—Kanza borrowing of the name of a French coin; Kanza Picayune (or Nickel) Band

Subclan—social structure smaller than the clan consisting of a few extended families

Ta—deer; name of a clan, also called Wazházhe or Osage

Wanáⁿγe—ghost; name of a clan

Wasábe—black bear or bears in general; something black; name of a clan

Wáyoⁿmiⁿdaⁿ—sing together, (those who); social structure made up of one to three related clans

Wazhínga—bird; name of possible clan, perhaps extinct

Xuyá—golden eagle or eagles in general; name of a clan

Yáta—left side; name of a Kanza moiety

Photo courtesy of The Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas.

THE OLD KAW AGENCY AT COUNCIL GROVE, KANSAS, CIRCA 1920

THE KANZA ALPHABET

A, a

An, an

B, b

Č, č

Čh, čh

D, d

E, e

G, g

H, h

I, i

In, in

J, j

K, k

Kh, kh

K’, k’

L, l

M, m

N, n

O, o

On, on

P, p

Ph, ph

P’, p’

S, s

Sh, sh

T, t

T’, t’

Ts’, ts’

U, u

W, w

X, x

like a in father or like u in but

nasal a, a little like the aun in haunt, but the n is not pronounced fully†

like English b

like ch in roach*

like the ch h in beach house

like English d

like e in echo

like g in got

like h in hot

like i in piano

nasal i, a little like in in think, but the n is not pronounced fully†

like English j

a little like kk in bookkeeper or k g in look good, but not like k in kill*

like k h in look healthy

like k, but pronounced by itself, and followed by a catch in the throat○

like English l

like English m

like English n

a little like o in robe, or in British or, and sometimes like oo in pool

nasal o, a little like on in don’t, but the n is not pronounced fully†

a little like p p in soup pot or p b in jump back, but not like p in pill*

like p h in top hat

like p, but pronounced by itself, and followed by a catch in the throat○

like English s

like English sh

a little like t t in at times or t d in let down, but not like t in till*

like t, but pronounced by itself, and followed by a catch in the throat

like ts in cats, but run together and followed by a catch in the throat○

like u in pure, or like ee in feel, but with lips rounded for oo in fool

like w in wash

a little like h in hue, somewhat like clearing the throat

Y, y

Z, z

Zh, zh

γ, γ

like y in yes

like English z

like s in measure

like Kanza x, but softer and with gargling or rattling vocal cords

’, ’

like the pause between the syllables in uh-oh, catch in the throat○

To approximate, form and hold English k, then exhale very forcefully through the mouth.

To approximate, form and hold English g, then hum through the mouth.

NOTES ON USING THE KANZA ALPHABET

†

NASAL VOWELS: The vowels an, in, and on change slightly

depending on what letter immediately follows them. Before the letters g, k, kh,

and k’, the superscript n is written as a normal n. For example, in the word

ansčéje (‘I am tall’—an+sčéje) the vowel is written with a superscript n. But in

the word angóta (‘our’—an+g+ota), the vowel is written separate from the

normal n. Something else happens to the superscript n before the letters b, p, ph,

and p’. Here it becomes a normal m, as in the word zhómbe (‘you plural use’—

zhon+be). These phenomena occur because English speakers already produce

nasal vowels before English ng, nk, nx (think of as nk+s in English), mb, and mp.

So there is no need to mark the nasals in these cases. This is not to say that

writing the nasal in all cases is wrong. On the contrary, accuracy is preserved,

but reading ease may decline slightly, especially near other unfamiliar letters.

TENSE CONSONANTS: The consonants k, p, and t are not produced

the same in Kanza as they are in English. In Kanza, these three letters and the

letter č are made almost twice as long, without any accompanying puffs of air,

and with a little more voice. They come out sounding a little more like kg, pb,

and td, but run together. For example, itá, ‘egg,’ sounds almost like eat-dah.

The letter č sounds almost half way between the English ch and the English j.

○

GLOTTAL CONSONANTS: The ’ element in the consonants k’, p’,

t’, and ts’, which is simply the Kanza letter ’, can be thought of as just a slight

pause, or catch made in the throat. This can sometimes sound like silence, or

sometimes as just a tiny uh sound. In older texts, the ’ is sometimes written as a

question mark ?. For example, the k’ in the word ‘dice’ may appear as k?óse

instead of k’óse, both pronounced almost like k-oseh

Vowels receiving stress are marked with accent marks in most words of more

than one syllable. Primary stress is marked with an acute accent going up and to

the right, as in the word zhanní (‘sugar’). Secondarily stressed syllables are a

little less accented than those stressed primarily, and are marked with a grave

accent going up and to the left, as in the word nìskúwe (‘salt’). Most words of

more than one syllable have primary stress, but only a few have secondary stress

marked. Secondary stress can sometimes fall on a separate word in a common

phrase containing only one primary accent, such as in mokán sàbe (‘coffee’).

Some phrases of more than one word contain words with no particular stressed

marked, as in máⁿhiⁿ tanga (‘long knife’ or ‘American’). Vowels are

occasionally held twice as long in speech. These long vowels are written twice.

Any diacritics and/or nasalizations on a long vowel are written only on the last

one in the pair, such as in Kaánze (‘Kanza’). The underlined letters in this

example mark an ‘a’ that is long, stressed, and nasalized.

DISCLAIMER: The information presented herein is accurate given the research materials currently

available. As research continues and the information base expands, future editions as well as other

Kaw Nation publications may become necessary to preserve cultural and historical accuracy.

—Originally distributed to Kaw tribal members in Autumn 2002—

whatsoever without written permission from the Kaw Nation.

This document was made possible in part through a grant from the Administration for

Native Americans, compiled by the Kanza Language Project, and approved by the Kaw

Cultural Committee.

Kanza Language Project

Kaw Nation of Oklahoma

Drawer 50

Kaw City, OK 74641

Office: (580) 269-2552

Fax: (580) 269-2301

E-mail: language@kawnation.com

This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.