Lebanon: The Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah Conflict

Congressional research reportSep 15, 2006

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Lebanon: The Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah

Conflict

(name redacted), Coordinator

Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs

September 15, 2006

Congressional Research Service

7-....

www.crs.gov

RL33566

CRS Report for Congress

Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress

Lebanon: The Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah Conflict

Summary

This report analyzes the conflict between Israel and two U.S. State Department-designated

Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs), the Lebanese Shiite Muslim group Hezbollah and the

radical Palestinian Hamas organization. On July 12, 2006, what had been a localized conflict

between Israel and Palestinian militants in the Gaza Strip instantly became a regional

conflagration after Hezbollah captured two Israeli soldiers in a surprise attack along the IsraeliLebanese border. Israel responded by carrying out air strikes against suspected Hezbollah targets

in Lebanon, and Hezbollah countered with rocket attacks against cities and towns in northern

Israel. In order to push Hezbollah back from its border, Israel launched a full-scale ground

operation in Lebanon with the hopes of establishing a security zone free of Hezbollah militants.

Meanwhile, Israeli clashes with Hamas and other Palestinian militants have continued in the

Gaza Strip.

A United Nations-brokered cease-fire came into effect on August 14, 2006. Based on United

Nations Security Council Resolution 1701 passed a few days earlier, the cease-fire is intended to

be monitored by the Lebanese Armed Forces in conjunction with an expanded U.N. peacekeeping

force in Lebanon. The international community initially hesitated to contribute troops, though it

appears now that enough countries have stepped forward to significantly expand the existing U.N.

force (UNIFIL).

On July 18, 2006, the Senate passed S.Res. 534, which, among other things, calls for the release

of Israeli soldiers who are being held captive by Hezbollah or Hamas; condemns the governments

of Iran and Syria for their continued support for Hezbollah and Hamas; urges all sides to protect

innocent civilian life and infrastructure; and strongly supports the use of all diplomatic means

available to free the captured Israeli soldiers. On July 20, 2006, the House passed H.Res. 921,

which also condemns Hezbollah’s attack on Israel and urges the President to bring sanctions

against the governments of Syria and Iran for their alleged sponsorship of Hezbollah.

The extension of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into the Lebanese arena created a multifaceted

crisis that cut across a number of U.S. policy issues in the Middle East. This report provides an

assessment of the month-long war and its implications for regional stability and other key U.S.

policy issues. This report will be updated periodically. A number of CRS analysts have

contributed to this report. For additional questions, please contact the individual specialist listed

under each section of the report. For more information on the major countries in the current

conflict, please see CRS Report RL33476, Israel: Background and Relations with the United

States, by (name redacted); CRS Report RL33509, Lebanon; CRS Report RL33487, Syria:

Background and U.S. Relations, by (name redacted); CRS Report RL32048, Iran: U.S. Concerns

and Policy Responses, by (name redacted); and CRS Report RL33530, Israeli-Arab

Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy, by (name redacted).

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Contents

Introduction ................................................................................................................................1

A Multi-Dimensional Conflict ...............................................................................................1

The “Root Causes” of the Conflict ........................................................................................1

The Cease-Fire............................................................................................................................2

U.N. Security Council Resolution 1701.................................................................................2

An Expanded UNIFIL.....................................................................................................3

Lebanese Armed Forces ..................................................................................................3

Unresolved Issues .................................................................................................................4

The Difficulty of Disarming Hezbollah ...........................................................................4

Release of Prisoners ........................................................................................................4

Continued Fighting in Gaza.............................................................................................5

Shib’a (Shebaa) Farms ....................................................................................................6

The War’s Aftermath...................................................................................................................8

Assessing Hezbollah .............................................................................................................8

Debate Within Israel..............................................................................................................9

Domestic Political Repercussions in Israel .................................................................... 10

The Race to Rebuild Lebanon ............................................................................................. 11

The War’s Impact on Lebanese Internal Politics .................................................................. 13

Issues for U.S. Policy and Congress .......................................................................................... 15

U.S. Foreign Assistance to the Middle East ......................................................................... 15

Israel’s Loan Guarantees ............................................................................................... 15

Lebanon........................................................................................................................ 16

Humanitarian Issues............................................................................................................ 17

Condemning Hezbollah................................................................................................. 17

Israel’s Use of Cluster Weapons .................................................................................... 17

Israeli Reaction ............................................................................................................. 18

Administration Response .............................................................................................. 18

Congressional Responses .............................................................................................. 19

U.S. Efforts and Other Efforts to Combat Hezbollah............................................................ 20

U.S. Terrorism Designations and Related Effects........................................................... 20

Recent Al-Manar Related Activity in the United States .................................................. 20

U.S. and Israeli Action Against Hezbollah Finances ...................................................... 21

Al-Manar: Hezbollah’s Satellite Television Station........................................................ 21

Islam, Al Qaeda, and the Global War on Terrorism .............................................................. 22

Conclusion................................................................................................................................ 23

Tables

Table 1. International Contributions to UNIFIL Peacekeeping Force............................................3

Table 2. International Contributions to Rebuilding Lebanon ...................................................... 12

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Appendixes

Appendix A. Prelude to the Crisis.............................................................................................. 26

Appendix B. Chronology of Conflict on the Israeli-Lebanese-Syrian Border ............................. 31

Appendix C. Recent Legislation................................................................................................ 32

Appendix D. U.S. Sanctions...................................................................................................... 35

Contacts

Author Contact Information ...................................................................................................... 38

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Introduction

A Multi-Dimensional Conflict1

Hezbollah’s2 July 12, 2006, attack in northern Israel, in which two Israeli soldiers were

kidnapped, elicited an Israeli military response that again embroiled the region in a multidimensional conflict. The month-long war touched upon an array of critical U.S. foreign policy

issues in the Middle East, ranging from the continued instability arising from the lack of a

comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli peace process, to the preservation of Lebanon’s

sovereignty and independence which remains hampered by the inability to disarm Hezbollah.

Though the primary combatants were part of a triangular dynamic in which Israel was (and still

is) at war with Hezbollah in Lebanon and with Palestinian militants, including Hamas, in the

Gaza Strip, there were secondary players who added additional layers of complexity to the

conflict, namely Iran and Syria.3 Both countries have played significant roles in arming, training,

and financing Hezbollah (and to a lesser extent Hamas) and have used the Lebanese Shiite

organization as a proxy to further their own goals in the region. Iran may have aspirations to

become the dominant power in the Middle East, and many in the international community are

closely focused on its potential weapons of mass destruction capability. In this light, the fighting

in southern Lebanon was viewed by some as a contest between two of the Middle East’s most

bitter rivals and most powerful actors, Israel and Iran (via Hezbollah by proxy), and it could be a

harbinger of future indirect confrontations between two possibly nuclear-armed nations.

The “Root Causes” of the Conflict

Hezbollah’s July 2006 attack inside Israeli territory and repeated Israeli-Palestinian clashes in the

Gaza Strip and West Bank illustrated not only the risk posed by terrorist groups operating along

Israel’s borders, but more importantly, the risk to regional security in the absence of

comprehensive peace agreements between Israel and the Palestinians, Lebanon, and Syria.

Particularly along Israel’s northern front, achieving peace between the major parties has been an

elusive goal. The task has grown even more complex with the rising influence of non-state

political movements/terrorist organizations, such as Hezbollah and Hamas, on Lebanon’s

southern border. Neither organization recognizes Israel’s right to exist as a nation-state.

The 2006 war in Lebanon is the latest manifestation of conflict along the Israeli-Lebanese-Syrian

border, the final demarcation of which has long been in dispute and is exacerbated by the

technical/formal state of war (not active) that exists between Israel and its two northern

neighbors. On the Lebanese side of the border, historically weak, usually Christian/Sunni-led

governments paid scant attention to the southern portion of the country, a predominately Shiite

area. Without much of an economy or government military presence in the south, the region was

prone to penetration by outside groups (mainly Palestinian) opposed to Israel until the Shiites

residing there formed their own militias. Since the earliest days of Jewish settlement in what was

Prepared by (name redacted), Analyst in Middle East Policy.

For the purposes of this report, “Hezbollah” is used in referring to the Lebanese Shiite Muslim group. Common

alternate spellings include Hizballah, Hizbullah, and Hizb`allah.

There also are tertiary actors with an interest in the war in Lebanon. The European Union, other Arab states, and the

United Nations all have been closely involved in trying to resolve the crisis.

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then the British-controlled Palestine-Mandate, militants could operate with impunity over a

porous border. Before Hezbollah came on the scene, the Palestinian Liberation Organization

(PLO) used Lebanon as a base to wage a guerrilla war against Israel. Repeated PLO-Israeli

clashes in Lebanon helped ignite the 15-year long Lebanese civil war. To eliminate the PLO

threat from its border, Israel occupied a buffer zone in southern Lebanon for 18 years, a policy

which many observers believe accelerated the politicization of Lebanese Shiites there and, with

significant assistance from Iran, led to the creation of Hezbollah. 4

Today, with the PLO long expelled from Lebanon and the Syrian armed forces no longer in

Lebanon and at a major technological disadvantage vis-à-vis Israel’s conventional forces, it is

Hezbollah that has stepped in to fill the power vacuum in southern Lebanon and continue to

threaten Israel with the full support of its foreign patrons - Syria and Iran. Syria seeks the return

of the Golan Height which it lost to Israel in the June 1967 Six Day War and finds non-state

groups like Hezbollah and other Palestinian terrorist organizations based in Damascus as useful

proxies. Most analysts believe the Israeli-Lebanese-Syrian tri-border area will remain a tinderbox

that could spark future conflicts so long as territorial disputes remain unresolved. While Syria and

Israel have at times come close to an agreement, most recently in 1999, significant differences

between the two sides remain, notably control over the shores of the Sea of Galilee, a critical

source of fresh water with symbolic importance as well for both countries.

The Cease-Fire

U.N. Security Council Resolution 17015

After more than four weeks of fighting between Israel and the Lebanese Shiite Muslim militia

Hezbollah, on August 11, 2006 the U.N. Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1701,

calling for a “full cessation of hostilities based upon, in particular, the immediate cessation by

Hezbollah of all attacks and the immediate cessation by Israel of all offensive military

operations.” The resolution provides: expansion of the existing U.N. Interim Force in Lebanon

(UNIFIL) from 2,000 to a maximum of 15,000; deployment of UNIFIL plus a Lebanese Army

force6 to southern Lebanon to monitor the cease-fire; withdrawal of Israeli forces in southern

Lebanon “in parallel” with the deployment of U.N. and Lebanese forces to the south; a ban on

delivery of weapons to “any entity or individual” in Lebanon, except the Lebanese Army. The

resolution requested the U.N. Secretary General to develop proposals within 30 days for

delineation of Lebanon’s international borders, including the disputed Shib’a Farms enclave

located near the Lebanese-Syrian-Israeli tri-border area. The resolution’s preamble also

emphasizes the need to address the issue of prisoners on both sides The resolution also calls upon

the international community to extend financial and humanitarian assistance to the Lebanese

people, including facilitating safe return of displaced persons.

The agreement entered into force on August 14. Factors critical to the effectiveness of the

peacekeeping measures adopted by Resolution 1701 and the likelihood of a sustainable cease-fire

For an account of the creation of Hezbollah and the role of Iran see, Magnus Ranstorp, Hizbollah in Lebanon, St.

Martin’s Press, 1997, pp. 30-40.

Prepared by Alfred Prados, Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs.

The Lebanese Prime Minister offered to deploy 15,000 military personnel. (See below.)

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include acceptance of the arrangements by Israel, Hezbollah, and the Lebanese population;

training and motivation of peacekeeping forces; rules of engagement that allow for a military

response to challenges; and cooperation among the various organizations involved in

peacekeeping under Resolution 1701.

An Expanded UNIFIL

The U.N. Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), created in 1978 initially to monitor an earlier

Israeli withdrawal, has fluctuated in size over the years, comprising approximately 2,000 military

personnel as of mid-2006. As noted above, Resolution 1701 envisions increasing UNIFIL to a

maximum of 15,000, of which approximately 7,000 would come from Italy, France, Spain, and

other European countries. Turkey and Qatar have agreed to participate, thus providing

Arab/Muslim representation and Indonesia has been approached as well. U.N. planners are

hopeful that more Arab or at least other Muslim forces may participate as well to broaden support

for UNIFIL. There has been talk of deploying the the expanded UNIFIL not only in southern

Lebanon but also along the Syrian-Lebanese border. Syria objects to this proposal as a hostile act.

(See below.)

Table 1. International Contributions to UNIFIL Peacekeeping Force

Country

Troop Pledges

Italy

3,000

Germany

2,400 (exclusively for naval patrol)

France

1,800-2,200

Spain

1,000-1,200

Turkey

1,000

Indonesia

500-1,000

Poland

500

Belgium

300

Qatar

250-300

Finland

250

aOthers ( Sweden, Greece, Denmark, Britain)

Offered ships, naval assets, engineers, and aircraft

Totals:

11,000-12,150 est.

W/ Existing UNIFIL Force (2,000)

13,000-14,150 est.

Source: Troop figures are only estimates based on media reports; not all of these are firm commitments.

Some countries, such as Russia, are sending troops and rebuilding teams to Lebanon independent of the

U.N. peacekeeping mission there.

Lebanese Armed Forces

Resolution 1701 also welcomes a decision by the Lebanese Government to deploy 15,000

personnel from the Lebanese Armed Forces to southern Lebanon as the Israeli forces withdraw.

There are questions, however, about the likely effectiveness of Lebanese troops in maintaining

stability. The 70,000-member Lebanese Armed Forces have limited capabilities and largely

obsolescent equipment. Moreover, they are divided along religious sectarian lines, although

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Lebanon’s leaders have tried in recent years to build a professional and more integrated force.

Although the government does not release figures on the sectarian composition of the Lebanese

Armed Forces, according to former Lebanese army general Elias Hanna, the army’s officer corps

is predominantly Christian and Sunni Muslim while the rank and file is about 70% Shiite.7

Deployment of Lebanese military contingents could help break the deadlock over monitoring the

Lebanese-Syrian border, however, since the various parties have not objected to the presence of

Lebanese troops.

Unresolved Issues

The Difficulty of Disarming Hezbollah

Some analysts believe that Resolution 1701, while it may succeed in creating a temporary calm

and end to the fighting, will probably fail to change the fundamental political and military

dynamics on the ground that started the war in the first place—the presence of a well-armed

Hezbollah militia on Israel’s borders. Although Resolution 1701 calls for an expanded UNIFIL, it

will not be operating in accordance with Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which allows the

Security Council to “take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain

or restore international peace and security.” According to U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza

Rice, “I don’t think there is an expectation that this [UN] force is going to physically disarm

Hezbollah.... I think it’s a little bit of a misreading about how you disarm a militia. You have to

have a plan, first of all, for the disarmament of the militia, and then the hope is that some people

lay down their arms voluntarily.”

While Israel has demanded that peacekeepers be deployed along the Lebanese-Syrian border to

prevent Hezbollah’s re-armament by Syria and Iran, Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Siniora

stated on August 28, 2006 that the Lebanese Armed Forces have already been deployed along the

border and that there is no need for an international presence there. Syria’s President Bashar alAsad had threatened earlier to close the border should peacekeepers take up positions close to

Syria. In an interview with Dubai television, Asad stated that a possible peacekeeping force along

the border “is an infringement on Lebanese sovereignty and a hostile position.” Most analysts

believe that the Lebanese army can do little to prevent the smuggling of arms to Hezbollah.

Release of Prisoners8

International mediators have been working through diplomatic channels to free the Israeli

corporal kidnapped by the Hamas military wing and two other groups on June 25 almost from

that date. The kidnappers and their supporters have insisted that the Israeli soldier be exchanged

for some of the thousands of Palestinian prisoners being held by Israel. Although the kidnappers

initially and specifically demanded the release of women and minors in Israeli custody, their

subsequent demands have been less precise. The mediators’ efforts have been hampered by

Hamas’s demand (specifically Damascus-based Hamas Political Bureau Chief Khalid alMish’al’s demand) for a simultaneous prisoner swap and by Israel’s reluctance to agree to any

actions that would appear to be an exchange or a concession to the “blackmail” of kidnapings.

“Lebanese Armed Forces May Play Bigger Role in War,” USA Today, August 2, 2006.

Prepared by (name redacted), Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs.

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Egyptian officials are said to be mediating and there are unconfirmed reports that a prisoner

exchange is in the works. According to these reports, the soldier would be released and,

subsequently, Palestinian prisoners would be released in three groups, totaling about 800.9 The

Egyptians’ interlocutor is not known. Neither Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas nor Prime

Minister Ismail Haniyah of Hamas is in control of the kidnapped Israeli soldier. The Hamas

military wing may answer to Mish’al, who in turn may need the approval of his Syrian hosts or

Iranian supporters for any deal.

U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan announced on September 5 that Israel and Hezbollah had

agreed to have him mediate an exchange of prisoners for the release of the two Israeli soldiers

kidnapped on the northern border of Israel by Hezbollah on July 12 and that he would appoint an

envoy to conduct “secret” negotiations. Israeli officials immediately reacted by saying that they

would not negotiate a prisoner release, but they have taken actions which contradict their

statements and indicate that they expect an exchange. In addition to holding several Lebanese

prisoners, one of whom has been in jail as a convicted murderer since 1979, Israeli forces

reportedly captured about a dozen Hezbollah fighters and brought the corpses of others to Israel

during the recent war specifically in order to exchange them for the captured soldiers after the

war.10 Israel has exchanged many Hezbollah prisoners for a few Israeli captives and corpses via

third party mediators on past occasions. While the current Israeli government would prefer not to

follow that precedent and apparently launched the recent war partly to end it, the captives’

families and much of the Israeli public demand the return of the abductees, which appears to

require an exchange.

Continued Fighting in Gaza11

While fighting continues in the Gaza Strip, it has abated somewhat in Lebanon since August as

rockets have been launched less frequently. The Israeli Defense Forces have taken over some

former settlements in Gaza and deployed just beyond the Gaza border in order to make sporadic

incursions into Palestinian areas to attack terrorists, rocket launching sites, and tunnels used to

smuggle arms into Gaza. However, their use of air and artillery strikes appears to have been

curtailed somewhat. This may have been due to a shifting of regular Israeli forces and resources

to the northern front against Lebanon and their replacement by reservists. It is not yet clear if

hostilities will re-escalate in Gaza with the cessation of hostilities in Lebanon. Some 200

Palestinians have been killed since these operations began after the June 25 kidnaping of an

Israeli soldier. A prisoner exchange might continue to constrain the fighting.

Much of the fighting in Gaza is intramural, i.e., between supporters and opponents of the Hamasled government. The well-armed Palestinian security forces, manned largely by Fatah opponents

of the government, have repeatedly confronted the Hamas military wing and other armed groups

loyal to government. Crime rates also reportedly have risen.12 Violence also may be attributed to

the dire economic straits into which Gaza has fallen since the international community and Israel

“Israeli Sources Confirm Prisoner Exchange Contacts, PM Office Denies Knowledge,” Yedi’ot Aharonot, September

3, 2006, Open Source Center Document GMP20060903741001. Before the kidnaping, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud

Olmert reportedly had been considering the release of a substantial number of Palestinian prisoners as a good-will

gesture toward Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas.

Eliot Jager, “For the Good of the Many,” Jerusalem Post, September 5, 2006.

Prepared by (name redacted), Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs.

Doug Struck, “Israel Siege Leaves Gaza Isolated and Desperate,” The Washington Post, August 28, 2006.

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cut the transfer of funds to the Palestinian Authority (PA) after Hamas assumed leadership of the

PA government in March. Palestinian security forces and other government employees hold the

Hamas-led government responsible for the resulting non-payment of salaries. Israel also has

sealed off the Gaza Strip, only allowing in sufficient humanitarian aid shipments to stave off a

disaster. Thus, the domestic climate is considered chaotic and highly combustible.

As a result, pressure was exerted on Hamas to accept President Mahmud Abbas to form a national

unity government in order to allow foreign aid to flow again. Hamas was reluctant to concede the

premiership and insisted that ministries be distributed in proportion to a party’s strength in

parliament, ensuring continued Hamas domination in the cabinet. It has also firmly resisted the

idea of a government of technocrats. Moreover, Hamas will not accede to the January 2006

demand of the “Quartet” (United States, United Nations, European Union, and Russia) that it

accept principles of non-violence, recognize Israel, and prior agreements and obligations,

including the Road Map to a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. If Hamas is not

in a position to compromise, the conditions which produced the international pressure will not

change and violence will likely continue.

Shib’a (Shebaa) Farms13

A small 10-square-mile enclave near the Lebanon-Syria-Israel tri-border area known as the Shib’a

Farms continues to exacerbate tensions in southern Lebanon and complicate implementation of

cease-fire terms. Earlier, the withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon in May 2000 left

several small but sensitive border issues unresolved, including the Shib’a Farms. Israel did not

evacuate this enclave, arguing that it is not Lebanese territory but rather is part of the Syrian

Golan Heights, which Israel occupied in 1967. Lebanon, supported by Syria, asserted that this

territory is part of Lebanon and should have been evacuated by Israel when the latter abandoned

its self-declared security zone in southern Lebanon in 2000. On June 16, 2000, the U.N. Secretary

General informed the Security Council that the requirement for Israel to withdraw from southern

Lebanon had been met, thereby implying that the Shib’a Farms are not part of Lebanon.14 The

Secretary General did point out, however, that the U.N. determination does not prejudice the

rights of Syria and Lebanon to agree on an international boundary in the future.

Leaders of Hezbollah immediately seized upon the Shib’a Farms issue as justifying Hezbollah’s

refusal to relinquish its weapons, arguing that the weapons were needed to confront Israel while

the latter continued to occupy the Shib’a Farms. Hizbollah also argued that it was justified in

continuing to launch periodic rocket attacks on Israeli military units in or near the Shib’a Farms

area to counter alleged threats posed by Israeli forces in the area. For the next half-decade, this

area remained a focal point for violence and border violations. Among the more serious incidents

was the seizure by Hezbollah guerrillas in October 2000 of three Israeli soldiers, whose bodies

were handed over to Israel in return for the release of a group of Hezbollah prisoners in January

2004. This incident, which anticipated the July 2006 kidnaping that triggered the recent IsraeliHezbollah fighting, was followed by further unrest, including border violations, Hezbollah attacks

Prepared by Alfred Prados, Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs.

The U.N. Secretary General noted that the Shib’a Farms comes under the mandate of the U.N. Disengagement

Observer Force (UNDOF), which is monitors the Israeli-occupied Syrian Golan Heights. UNDOF has no role in

Lebanon. For more information, see CRS Report RL31078, The Shib’a Farms Dispute and Its Implications, by (name r

edacted) .

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by fire (e.g., rocket and mortar attacks), occasional Israeli air strikes, and frequent Israeli

overflights of Lebanon.

The situation is made more complex by the fact that Syria and Lebanon have never demarcated a

common border nor established formal diplomatic relations. The two countries, which were twin

protectorates under a French “mandate” (trusteeship) between World Wars I and II, never

established diplomatic structures or agreed boundaries upon graining independence in 1943. This

was due in part to the influence of some factions in both Syria and Lebanon who regarded the two

as properly constituting a single country. Advocates of a “Greater Syria” in particular were

reluctant to establish diplomatic relations and boundaries, fearing that such steps would imply

formal recognition of the separate status of the two states.

The Shib’a Farms emerged into the limelight once again after political upheavals in Lebanon in

2005 and the fighting that erupted in July 2006. As government leaders and diplomats sought to

find ways to end the fighting and pursue more lasting peace efforts, it became obvious that the

status of the Shib’a Farms territory would likely arise. At an inconclusive international conference

on Lebanon held in Rome on July 26, Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Siniora presented a sevenpoint proposal which called, among other things, for placing the Shib’a Farms and some adjacent

areas under U.N. jurisdiction “until border delineation and Lebanese sovereignty over them are

fully settled.” The proposal also provided that the Shib’a Farms would be open to property

owners during the period of U.N. custody.

U.N. Security Council Resolution 1701 of August 11, 2006, which brought about a cessation of

active hostilities, did not specifically endorse the seven-point plan and its proposals for dealing

with the Shib’a Farms question. However, in preambular language, the resolution referred to “the

proposals made in the seven point plan regarding the Shebaa (variant spelling) farms area.” Later

on, in paragraph 10, the resolution requested the U.N. Secretary-General to develop proposals to

implement terms of various agreements including, “delineation of the international borders of

Lebanon, especially in those areas where the border is disputed or uncertain, including by dealing

with the Shebaa farms area [emphasis added], and to present to the Security Council those

proposals within thirty days.” On September 1, 2006, during a follow-on trip to the region,

Secretary-General Annan said Syrian President Bashar al-Asad informed him that “Syria is

prepared to go ahead with the delineation of its border with Lebanon.” According to the press

article that reported the meeting, the process of delineation could include the Shib’a Farms area.15

At the same time, President Asad ruled out formal demarcation (as distinguished from

delineation) of the Shib’a Farms’ boundaries pending Israeli withdrawal from the area.16

The status of the Shib’a Farms could be an important factor, not only in the stability of Lebanon

but also in any future agreements involving Israel, Lebanon, and Syria. If the Shib’a Farms area

forms part of Lebanese territory occupied by Israel in 1982, it would come under the provisions

of U.N. Resolutions 425 and 426, which addressed Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon. If it forms a

part of the Syrian Golan Heights territory occupied by Israel in 1967, it would come under the

provisions of other U.N. resolutions (242 and 338), which address the Golan territory and other

broader aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict. In the latter case, the issue would be moot as long as

Israel remains in occupation of the Golan Heights. For more background information on the

“Annan says Assad [variant spelling] will respect Hezbollah arms embargo,” AFP News Wire, September 1, 2006.

Interview with Syrian President Bashar al-Asad carried by Dubai TV on August 23, 2006.

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Shib’a Farms issue, see CRS Report RL31078, The Shib’a Farms Dispute and Its Implications,

by (name redacted).

The War’s Aftermath

Assessing Hezbollah17

The relative success of Hezbollah in the recent conflict can be credited to a variety of factors. In

the six years since the Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon, Hezbollah devoted considerable

efforts to constructing an extensive defensive infrastructure, providing substantial training to its

personnel, establishing distributed stockpiles of supplies throughout the area, and preparing

operational plans. All of these activities are reported to have received a very high level of support

from Iran in the form of funds, equipment, and personnel. 18

Perhaps the most significant factor in Hezbollah’s ability to withstand the Israeli Defense Forces

(IDF) is an the extensive network of fortified sites and underground facilities. These provided

protection for both personnel and equipment against repeated Israeli air attacks, forcing the IDF

to move to ground operations. Fighting from prepared positions and very well equipped with a

range of modern weaponry that included antitank and anti-ship missiles, night vision equipment,

and computer assisted targeting, relatively small Hezbollah units were able to maintain stiffer

resistance than expected. Hezbollah’s stockpiled supplies and local support significantly

mitigated the Israeli interdiction efforts. Though isolated by the IDF air and ground offensive,

Hezbollah units were often sufficiently provisioned to continue fighting without immediate need

for re-supply. Close familiarity with their area of operations, widespread support among the

population, and effective communication networks enhanced Hezbollah’s ability to slow Israeli

advances, often conducting ambushes and rapidly withdrawing in classic guerrilla style warfare.

Though Hezbollah units did attempt limited incursions into Israeli territory, they were all

successfully repulsed. Nevertheless, throughout the conflict Hezbollah was able to maintain its

campaign of rocket attacks on Israeli territory. An estimated 4,000-5,000 rockets were fired;

however, this represents only a third of Hezbollah’s estimated rocket/missile arsenal.19 Though

Israeli retaliation against rocket launch sites came in a matter of minutes in some cases, the

mobility of the rocket launchers continued to make them difficult targets. The rockets/missiles

supplied to Hezbollah by both Iran and Syria carried a variety of conventional warheads and had

ranges of up to 120 miles. Though most are of relatively low accuracy by modern standards, they

remain effective terror weapons against urban populations.

This section was prepared by (name redacted), Specialist in National Defense.

“Arming of Hezbollah Reveals U.S. and Israeli Blindspots,” The New York Times, July 19, 2006; “Best Guerrilla

Force in the World,” The Washington Post, “The Iranian Connection,” Aviation Week and Space Technology, August

14, 2006. Other sources include Robin Hughes, “Iran answers Hizbullah call for SAM systems,” Jane’s Defence

Weekly, August 9, 2006; Alon Ben-David, “Iran ‘supplied Zelzal-2 rockets to Hizbullah,’” Jane’s Defence Weekly,

August 16, 2006; Jane’s Terrorism & Security Monitor, “Hizbullah’s Islamic Resistance,” September 13, 1006.

“Israeli Commandos Raid Tyre,” USA Today, August 5, 2006; “Hezbollah Launches Rocket Barrage,” BBC News,

August 6, 2006. More recent source: Interview with Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns,

“Assessing Hezbollah’s Post-Conflict Power,” National Public Radio: Morning Edition, August 18, 2006.

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Though Hezbollah’s military capabilities may have been substantially reduced, and re-supply

from Syria and Iran could be hampered by the presence of international peacekeepers in Lebanon,

Hezbollah’s long-term potential as a guerrilla movement appears to remain intact. Observers note

that Hezbollah’s leaders have been able to claim a level of “victory” simply by virtue of not

having decisively “lost.”

Debate Within Israel20

Israelis overwhelmingly supported the war as a legitimate response to an attack on sovereign

Israeli territory and as a long overdue and decisive reaction to six years of Hezbollah rocket

attacks against northern Israel. As the conflict progressed, however, the public and media

increasingly questioned the government’s and the military commanders’ prosecution of the war.

After the war, critics noted that the kidnapped soldiers had not been freed and that Hezbollah had

retained its arms and may have been strengthened politically; and they found fault with a

government that had produced what they viewed as poor results. The charges levied against the

government and the military leaders include hesitant decision-making; excessive reliance on air

power; delayed launch of a ground offensive, which, once begun, was seen as deficient;

launching an unnecessary and costly final ground action during the weekend after the U.N. passed

the cease-fire resolution; poor intelligence concerning Hezbollah locations, arms, tactics, and

capabilities; deficient training and equipment for mobilized reservists; tactics unsuitable for

terrain and enemy; ill-prepared home front defenses, which left many poor and elderly who were

unable to escape in the north; an inadequate presentation of the Israeli view to international

audiences; and harm to future Israeli deterrence.

The government counters that the war succeeded in forcing Hezbollah from the border and in

degrading its arms, particularly in eliminating a substantial number of its long- and mid-range

missiles. It also sees success in forcing the Lebanese government, aided by international forces, to

assert control over the south, which had been an unfilled demand made by Israel since it

withdrew from the region in 2000. Most notably, Israeli officials took Hezbollah leader Sheikh

Hassan Nasrallah’s admission that he would not have authorized the July 12 action if he had

known how strongly Israel would react as confirmation that Hezbollah has been weakened and

that Israel’s deterrence has been strengthened. 21

Public opinion polls indicate that support for the government has fallen sharply and that a much

of the public favors the resignations of Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, Defense Minister Amir

Peretz, and Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) Chief of Staff Gen. Dan Halutz.22 Critics claim that

Olmert and Peretz’s lack of military command experience make them unqualified to head the

state during a war. Both had held only low-level positions during required military service, and

neither had served beyond that time. Some critics blame Gen. Halutz, a former head of the air

force, for having made too many appointments to the general staff from the air force and for

ignoring reportedly well-developed plans for a ground campaign. The revelation that Halutz had

engaged in personal stock market transactions in the early hours of the war sparked additional

Prepared by (name redacted), Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs, September 6, 2006.

Nasrallah’s August 27, 2006 interview with Lebanon television, cited by Joshua Mitnick, “Hezbollah Says Its War

with Israel Was a Mistake,” Washington Times, August 28, 2006.

Dahaf poll results published in “Israel: Majority Favor Inquiry Commission,” Yedi’ot Aharonot, August 16, 2006,

Open Source Center Document GMP 20060816738001.

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questions about his priorities. 23 Reservists and families of those killed in action have been in the

forefront of demonstrations demanding accountability.

However, Prime Minister Olmert rejected demands for an independent state commission of

inquiry, such as were headed by Supreme Court justices after past controversial conflicts, saying

it would take too long and paralyze the military when it needs to attend to more vital tasks.

Instead, he at first named former Mossad (Institute for Intelligence and Special Operations)

Director Nahum Admoni to head a government investigatory committee to examine wartime

decision-making. This move failed to satisfy critics, who charge that a government-appointed

committee would lack independence and produce a white-wash; and they continued to demand a

state inquiry. Attorney-General Menahem Mazuz then disqualified two of the Admoni

committee’s five members due to conflicts of interests. Olmert also approved Defense Minister

Peretz’s appointment of former Chief of Staff Gen. (Res.) Ammon Lipkin-Shahak to head a

committee to investigate how the military and the Defense Ministry had performed during the

war. Accusations of lack of independence and white-wash also were made against Lipkin-Shahak,

who had advised Peretz during the war. Lipkin-Shahak suspended his activities and Peretz later

came out in support of a state commission of inquiry. Despite these developments, Olmert

persisted in his efforts to avoid a state commission. On September11, he announced that, instead

of Admoni, retired judge Eliahu Winograd would head a committee to examine the conduct of

both political and military leaders during the war. It will have two civilian and two retired

military members and the power to subpoena witnesses and grant immunity for testimony. In

addition, State Comptroller Micha Lindenstrausse will probe failings in home front

preparedness. 24

Domestic Political Repercussions in Israel

Politically, support for Olmert’s Kadima and Peretz’s Labor parties, the two main coalition

partners, has plummeted, while that for the rightist Likud and Yisrael Beiteinu parties and their

respective leaders, Benjamin Netanyahu and Avigdor Lieberman, has increased. There has been

some speculation that the governing coalition might be reconfigured to bring in one or both of

these larger opposition parties, although Olmert professes to have no interest in change.

Lieberman disavows interest in joining the government, claiming that it will be short-lived.

Netanyahu has been less categorical. Few in parliament, save Lieberman, appear to favor bringing

down the government immediately and in sparking an early election as they have been in their

seats only a few months. Likud has already struck a deal with the government to support the 2007

budget and budget votes have been used as vehicles for producing no-confidence votes and

bringing down a government. Netanyahu may not believe that he has sufficiently repaired his

public image from that of a Finance Minister whose policies harmed the aged and the poor to

contest another election at this time. Such allegations contributed to Likud’s poor showing in the

March 2006 election.

Many Kadima Members of the Knesset (MKs) know that their political fate is tied to Olmert’s

and have a vested interest in his political survival. Hence, he does not face an imminent challenge

Halutz claims that the stock sale was made before he learned of the kidnapings in northern Israel. Halutz interview

by Sima Qadmon, “Clipped Wings,” Yedi’ot Aharonot, August 18, 2006, Open Source Center Document GMP

20060818738004.

Aluf Ben and Yuval Yo’az, “Ex-judge Winograd Tapped to Head Government War Probe,” Ha’aretz, September 12,

2006.

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to his party leadership, although polls indicate that Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni is more popular.

Kadima had been formed in late 2005 in order to pursue unilateral disengagement from the West

Bank. Many Israelis now believe that unilateral withdrawals from south Lebanon in 2000 and

from Gaza in 2005 had transformed those regions into terrorist bases, and neither the public nor

Kadima still supports disengagement from the West Bank. As a result, some observers say the

party lacks a raison d’etre. Olmert has said that rebuilding a north devastated by the war is his

highest priority, but few would consider this goal to be a new platform for the party.

Amir Peretz is facing greater challenges from within Labor. Since the government was formed, a

block of party dissidents who did not receive cabinet portfolios have taken every opportunity to

criticize their party leader and his actions. They are led by former Ben Gurion University

President Avishay Braverman and former head of Shin Bet (Israeli counterintelligence and

internal security service) Ami Ayalon, two strong personalities, and their voices have grown

louder since the war. At the present time, the budget process is providing them with ammunition.

Budget cuts to pay for the war are subordinating Labor’s social and economic agenda; and the

proposed 2007 budget contains more of the same. Defense Minister Peretz is in the awkward

position of having to support the military’s demands, while conceding championship of social

causes to his intra-party opposition. As a former successful union leader who wrested control of

Labor from an entrenched old guard, Peretz’s abilities as an infighter should not be

underestimated.

Most Israeli governments last less than two years. The current government is not threatened by

imminent demise, but many believe it will not survive two years.

The Race to Rebuild Lebanon

While fighting has come to a halt, Iran and Hezbollah are vying with the United States and its

international and Arab partners over which side can help rebuild southern Lebanon the fastest and

win the “hearts and minds” of many distraught Lebanese civilians who have lost homes and

businesses due to the war. Hezbollah militants and party members, perhaps as an implicit

acknowledgment that the war they began brought much suffering to Lebanon, reportedly have

been handing out $12,000 in cash payments to anyone who lost their home during the war. The

money is meant to pay for rent and furniture while Hezbollah builds new homes for the displaced.

Reportedly, the bulk of Hezbollah’s largesse comes from Iran, which may have allocated

hundreds of millions in aid to be channeled through Hezbollah to Lebanon.25 According to the

governor of Lebanon’s Central Bank, Hezbollah was distributing banknotes that had not gone

through the formal banking system implying that they may have been transported across the

border by land. According to Time, Hezbollah has pledged to rebuild apartment buildings and

entire villages within three years and has sent civil-affairs teams wearing hats that read Jihad For

Reconstruction. 26 Lebanon’s Prime Minister Fouad Siniora is reportedly offering a government

compensation package of $33,000 for Lebanese whose homes were destroyed in the fighting

between Hezbollah and Israel. At this time, it is unclear whether the Lebanese government will be

able to follow through on such a commitment. Overall, the Lebanese government estimates that

damage to the country’s infrastructure from the war is approximately $3.5 billion to $4 billion.

David R. Sands, “Hezbollah takes lead in rebuilding,” The New York Times, August 17, 2006; and Daniel Steinvorth,

“The Footrace to Rebuild Lebanon,” The New York Times, September 4, 2006.

“The War for Hearts and Minds, Time, August 27, 2006.

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To counter Hezbollah’s efforts, President Bush announced on August 21, 2006 that the United

States would provide $230 million to Lebanon (an additional $175 million on top of an earlier

pledge of $55 million). According to the U.S. State Department, the President’s initial $55 million

pledge came from various re-programmed FY2006 foreign aid funds, including $24 million from

the International Famine and Disaster Assistance account, $21 million from the Emergency

Refugee and Migration Account (ERMA), $10 million from the P.L. 480 fund (food aid), and

$420,000 from the Non-proliferation, Anti-terrorism, De-mining, and Related Programs account

(NADR). At this time, it is unclear where the second tranche of $175 million will come from.

According to Director of U.S. Foreign Assistance Ambassador Randall Tobias, U.S. aid to

Lebanon will be focused on the following projects:

•

Reconstructing the Fidar Bridge in Jbeil, a key link in Lebanon’s coastal highway

between Beirut and the northern city of Tripoli;

•

Removing debris from the southern road between Marjeyoun and Nabatyeh;

•

Procuring materials and hiring local workers to repair damaged homes;

•

Cleaning and repairing schools in preparation for the coming school year;

•

Providing new nets, hooks and other trade material to fishermen whose

equipment was damaged; and

•

Supporting local fishermen working to clean up the oil slick that now pollutes 90

miles of the Lebanese coastline. 27

The international community also has recognized Lebanon’s urgent need for reconstruction

assistance, and on August 31, 2006, donors convened in Stockholm, Sweden for a conference to

raise reconstruction funds for Lebanon. A total of $940 million in early reconstruction aid was

committed and earmarked for rebuilding. Some observers contend that countries opposed to

Iranian influence in Lebanon have already fallen behind due to the slow pace of international

financial and security commitments and the lack of adequate personnel on the ground to

dispense aid.

Table 2. International Contributions to Rebuilding Lebanon

Country

Pledge (Grants only)

Saudi Arabia

$500 million (also provided $1 billion in loans to Lebanon’s Central Bank)

Kuwait

$300 million (also provided $500 million in loans to Lebanon’s Central Bank)

Qatar

$300 million

United States

$230 million

European Union

$117 million

International Monetary Fund (IMF)

$112 million

United Arab Emirates

$50 million

United Kingdom

$40 million

Italy

$38 million

David Shelby, “United States Extends Loan Guarantees to Israel,” Washington File, August 31, 2006.

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Country

Pledge (Grants only)

Spain

$34 million

Germany

$28 million

France

$25 million

Canada

$22 million

Switzerland

$20 million

Sweden

$20 million

Australia

$10.5 million

Turkey

$10 million

Japan

$1.9 million

Totals

$ 1.8584 billion (est.)

Sources: Estimates based on various media reports and U.S. State Department figures.

The War’s Impact on Lebanese Internal Politics

For almost 30 years prior to 2005, Lebanon’s internal politics were dominated by Syria, which

maintained a large military presence in Lebanon ostensibly as part of an Arab League

peacekeeping force. Though supported by some Lebanese, including much of the Shiite Muslim

community, the Syrian presence was increasingly resented by other elements of the Lebanese

population including Maronite Christians, Sunni Muslims, and Druze (followers of a small sect

derived from Islam). The assassination in February 2005 of former Lebanese Prime Minister

Rafiq Hariri, widely blamed on Syrian agents because of Hariri’s opposition to Syrian policies,

led to a dramatic chain of events that profoundly altered the Lebanese political scene. Under

heavy domestic and international pressure, Syria withdrew its forces from Lebanon in April 2005;

relatively free parliamentary elections were held in May and June without direct Syrian

interference in the balloting process; a cabinet headed by a member of the anti-Syrian bloc was

installed; and the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 1595, which established an

independent commission to investigate the circumstances of Hariri’s murder. Initial reports of the

commission seemed to implicate Syria or pro-Syrian Lebanese but findings remain inconclusive

so far.

At the time, many observers interpreted Syria’s unexpectedly rapid withdrawal and the

subsequent election of an anti-Syrian majority in the Lebanese parliament as a major setback for

Syria’s ambitions in the region, and some even predicted that the regime of Syrian President

Bashar al-Asad had been seriously weakened. However, Syria maintained significant assets in

Lebanon: a mixed government in Lebanon comprising both pro- and anti-Syrian elements (see

below); a possible residual presence of Syrian intelligence assets in Lebanon;28 and Hezbollah,

In an interview with Lally Weymouth published in the May 1, 2006 edition of Newsweek, Prime Minister Siniora

“Syria has its men and people in the country: supporters, some politicians and quite a number of Syrian intelligence.”

According to the U.N. Secretary-General, a U.N. team attempting to verify the withdrawal of all foreign armies from

Lebanon under Security Council Resolution 1559 noted that the government of Lebanon “is confident that, by and

large, Syrian intelligence has withdrawn,” but allegations of “ongoing Syrian intelligence activity in Lebanon have

continued to surface on occasion.” United Nations Security Council, Document S/2006/248, Letter dated 18 April 2006

from the Secretary-General addressed to the President of the Security Council, Paragraph 19.

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which has refused so far to relinquish its arms and apparently continued to support Syria’s agenda

by periodically attacking Israeli military positions near the Israeli-Syrian border.

The Lebanese government itself is far from monolithic. On one hand, parliamentary elections

gave a majority (72 out of 128 seats) to a large anti-Syrian bloc headed by the late Prime

Minister’s son; on the other hand, the Lebanese Shiite Hezbollah leads a 33-seat minority bloc,

and a third 21-seat bloc headed by an independent former army officer is cooperating with the

Hezbollah bloc on some issues. President Emile Lahoud was elected with strong support from

Syria and currently enjoys the support of Hezbollah as well; he refuses to retire before his term

ends in 2007. Prime Minister Fouad Siniora, though a member of the anti-Syrian bloc,

nonetheless heads a mixed cabinet which, for the first time in Lebanese history, contains two

members of Hezbollah. Disputes over disarmament of Hezbollah, the status of President Lahoud,

and relations with Syria have already created several cabinet crises and severely limited the

ability of the government to deal with domestic and regional issues.

The 34-day military confrontation between Hezbollah and the Israeli Defense Force in July and

August 2006 greatly enhanced the prestige of Hezbollah at the expense of the Lebanese

government. Hezbollah’s leader Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah acquired a folk-hero status as his

organization was widely hailed both for its military prowess in the conflict with Israel and for its

perceived ability to initiate disaster relief projects far more quickly and efficiently than the

regular governmental organizations. Even those Lebanese who might be inclined to criticize

Hezbollah for precipitating a crisis that devastated much of southern Lebanon have been muted,

at least temporarily, by Nasrallah’s soaring popularity and Hezbollah’s success in delivering aid to

large numbers of displaced persons and other homeless or destitute Lebanese. 29 Similarly, he

finds himself in a strong position to withstand pressures to disarm Hezbollah. Syria too, as a

major sponsor of Hezbollah, finds that it has more maneuver room in dealing with Lebanese

issues. Notably, the earlier enthusiasm among some Lebanese to pursue investigations designed to

uncover a possible Syrian role in the Hariri assassination has dissipated, to a considerable extent.

The inevitable comparisons being drawn between Hezbollah effectiveness and Lebanese

government ineptitude raise questions about the future of the Siniora government and its ability to

withstand domestic criticism over its leadership during the current crisis. To some extent, the

answers to these questions depend on the interaction of Lebanon’s diverse religious sectarian and

political groups. Lebanon is the most religiously diverse country in the Middle East and its

political system is based on a careful distribution of governmental posts by religious sect. Shiite

Muslims constitute a plurality, though not a majority, of the population, and in recent years they

have increased their influence in the Lebanese body politic as their numbers have continued to

grow. While not all Lebanese Shiites support Hezbollah, many observers believe Sheikh

Nasrallah is likely to be heeded to a greater degree in the post conflict environment in Lebanon;

he benefits from his ability to play multiple roles including military leader, reconstruction czar,

and political participant. Despite his currently favorable image, however, Nasrallah may prefer to

enhance his role in the present government including participation by Hezbollah (albeit at a junior

level) in the cabinet and leadership of a strong parliamentary bloc rather than to mount an

uncertain challenge that could galvanize currently dormant opposition to the Shiite leadership in

Lebanon.

Sharon Behn, ‘U.S., Hezbollah vie to rebuild for Lebanese; Hope to win public opinion,” The Washington Times,

August 18, 2006; Paul Richter, “Cease-Fire in the Middle East,” Los Angeles Times, August 17, 2006.

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In the meantime, the interaction of government offices and agencies in Lebanon remains

somewhat awkward, complicating the national decision-making process. For example, Prime

Minister Siniora, who maintains a dialogue with the United States and the international

community, has not had direct dealings with Hezbollah, which the United States lists as a foreign

terrorist organization, since the war began. Rather, Siniora and Nasrallah have communicated

through the speaker of parliament, Nabih Berri, who is aligned with the Hezbollah-led bloc, but is

a member of the more moderate Shiite faction known as Amal.30 At the same time, Siniora has

gained some stature by negotiating some of the wording to Lebanon’s advantage in the final

version of Resolution 1701. Realignments within the three somewhat amorphous blocs in

parliament are also possible, if not likely, as the political situation continues to evolve in the

aftermath of the July-August fighting.

Issues for U.S. Policy and Congress

U.S. Foreign Assistance to the Middle East31

As a result of the Israeli-Lebanon/Hezbollah conflict, the United States has pledged $230 million

in humanitarian and reconstruction assistance to Lebanon. While some parts of Israel were also

affected by the war, no additional assistance has been announced with the exception of an

extension of existing loan guarantees.32 The United States has longstanding aid programs to

countries in the Middle East,33 including both Israel and Lebanon. Foreign assistance has been

used to promote the peace process, spur economic development, and in the case of Israel, to

strengthen its defense capabilities through military assistance.

Israel’s Loan Guarantees

Loan guarantees are a form of indirect U.S. assistance to Israel, since they enable Israel to borrow

from commercial sources at lower rates and not from the United States government. Congress

directs that appropriated or other funds be set aside in a U.S. Treasury account for possible

default. These funds, which are a percentage of the total loan (based in part on the credit rating of

the borrowing country), come from the U.S. or the Israeli government. Israel has never defaulted

on a U.S.-backed loan guarantee, as it needs to maintain its good credit rating in order to secure

financing to offset annual budget deficits.

P.L. 108-11, the FY2003 Emergency Wartime Supplemental Appropriations Act, authorized $9

billion in loan guarantees over three years for Israel. P.L. 108-11 stated that the proceeds from the

loan guarantees could be used only within Israel’s pre-June 1967 borders, that the annual loan

guarantees could be reduced by an amount equal to the amount Israel spends on settlements in the

occupied territories, that Israel would pay all fees and subsidies, and that the President would

Edward Cody, “Italian Troops Land in Southern Lebanon,” The Washington Post, September 3, 2006, p. A15.

Prepared by (name redacted), Analyst in Foreign Policy.

Herb Keinon, “U.S. to Israel: No Financial Aid for War,” The Jerusalem Post, August 22, 2006, and “Finance

Minister: U.S. Loan Guarantee Extension Shows ‘Faith’ in Israeli Economy,” Tel Aviv Ynetnews, August 20, 2006.

For more information, see CRS Report RL33222, U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel, by (name redacted). And CRS Report

RL32260, U.S. Foreign Assistance to the Middle East: Historical Background, Recent Trends, and the FY2009

Request, by (name redacted).

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consider Israel’s economic reforms when determining terms and conditions for the loan

guarantees. On November 26, 2003, the Department of State announced that the $3 billion loan

guarantees for FY2003 were reduced by $289.5 million because Israel continued to build

settlements in the occupied territories and continued construction of the security barrier

separating the Israelis and Palestinians.

The Bush Administration reportedly plans to submit a request to Congress to extend the

authorization of Israel’s loan guarantees through FY201034. To date, Israel has $4.6 billion in

U.S.-backed commercial credit left to draw on.

Lebanon35

The United States provides modest amounts of assistance to Lebanon, including economic (ESF)

and military assistance (FMF),36 and humanitarian de-mining funds (NADR). Annual funding for

Lebanon has been maintained at roughly $35 to $40 million since FY2001 with the objectives of

promoting economic growth, strengthening democracy and good governance, and protecting the

environment.

In addition, Lebanon may be eligible for $10 million in Department of Defense funds under

Section 1206 of the FY2006 National Defense Authorization Act (PL 109-163), which authorizes

funds for the training and equipping of foreign military forces conducting counter-terrorist

operations. Reportedly, this aid would help modernize the Lebanese Armed forces (LAF) by

providing funds for the procurement of spare parts to upgrade and repair the LAFs 5-ton military

trucks, M113 armored personnel carriers, and UH-1H utility helicopters. The Pentagon may

attach conditions to the $10 million aid package if appropriated, requiring the LAF to use the

equipment provided to contain Hezbollah’s militia.37

As stated earlier, the United States has pledged $230 million in aid to Lebanon for reconstruction.

Of the total U.S. pledge, $55 million has been committed and re-programmed from various

FY2006 foreign operations accounts. The makeup of the remaining $175 million pledge had not

been announced as of September 2006, but it is expected that the Administration will send a

request to Congress to reprogram existing FY2006 funds for at least part of the total.

On September 14, 2006, the Washington Post reported that Representative Tom Lantos, ranking

Minority Member of the House International Relations Committee, put a hold on any assistance

to Lebanon until the Lebanese Armed Forces and international peacekeepers deploy along the

Lebanese-Syrian border. At this point, it is unclear how long the delivery of aid will be

suspended.

“United States Extends Loan Guarantees to Israel,” Jerusalem Post, August 22, 2006.

See also CRS Report RL33509, Lebanon, by (name redacted).

FMF to Lebanon has moderately increased since the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon. U.S. officials would

like to improve the capabilities of Lebanon’s Internal Security Forces and the Lebanese Armed Forces which protect

the country from external threats. See, “U.S. Pledges More Aid to Lebanon in ‘07,” DefenseNews.com, July 10, 2006.

“Pentagon Aid Package For Lebanon Designed To Counter Hezbollah,”Inside the Pentagon, August 31, 2006.

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Humanitarian Issues38

During the war, partisans on both sides of the conflict and some independent human rights

activists alleged that the warring parties were targeting each other’s civilian populations by

employing inaccurate munitions that are designed to saturate wide areas with shrapnel or

explosive sub-munitions.

Condemning Hezbollah

Observers have condemned Hezbollah’s indiscriminate firing of rockets into northern Israeli

towns and cities in order to terrorize the population and cause extensive damage to infrastructure.

According to the Jerusalem Post, many of the rockets fired contained anti-personnel munitions

such as steel ball bearings.39 Israeli civil defense agencies continue to identify, disarm, and

remove unexploded ordnance (UXO) fired by Hezbollah into northern Israel during the conflict.

On September 14, 2006, Amnesty International accused Hezbollah militants of war crimes and

“serious violations of international humanitarian law” during the Lebanon war. In a report that

attempted to balance earlier accusations against Israel’s bombing of civilian areas in Lebanon,

Amnesty noted that Hezbollah’s Katyusha rockets “cannot be aimed with accuracy, especially at

long distances, and are therefore indiscriminate.”40

Israel’s Use of Cluster Weapons

Observers have decried Israel’s use of cluster weapons to counter Hezbollah’s rockets attacks.

Since the United States is a major provider of military aid to Israel, the cluster weapons issue

received media attention during and since the war and has reportedly become the subject of an

Administration investigation.

Field and press reports suggest that large numbers of cluster weapon sub-munitions (commonly

referred to as “cluster bombs”) remain scattered across areas of southern Lebanon in the

aftermath of fighting between Hezbollah and the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). The sub-munitions

in southern Lebanon are the unexploded remnants of a range of Israeli ground- and air-launched

cluster weapons, including bombs, artillery shells, and rockets. The United States apparently

supplied some of the cluster weapons that Israel used in the conflict.41 Officials from the United

Nations, non-governmental organizations, and foreign governments have criticized Israel for its

use of cluster weapons in populated areas because of the known high rate of failure for the cluster

weapons’ sub-munitions and the potential for these so-called “bomblets” to kill and injure

Prepared by (name redacted), Middle East Policy Analyst.

“Expert Views Effect, Breakdown of Hizballah Rocket Attacks on Northern Israel,” Jerusalem Post, September 6,

2006.

“Amnesty International Says Hezbollah Committed War Crimes,” New York Times, September 14, 2006.

David S. Cloud, “Inquiry Opened Into Israeli Use Of U.S. Bombs,” New York Times August 25, 2006. An August 26,

2006, presentation by United Nations Mine Action Coordination Center (UNMAS) South Lebanon office catalogued

the following numbers of U.S.-manufactured cluster weapon sub-munitions during surveys in southern Lebanon

(source weapons in parentheses): 715 M-42’s (105-millimeter artillery shells), 820 M-77’s (M-26 rockets), and 5 BLU63’s (CBU-26 cluster bombs). The UNMAS teams also reported 631 M-85 Israeli-produced sub-munitions had been

found. See, UNMAS South Lebanon, “Cluster Bomb Situation - South Lebanon July/August 2006,” August 26, 2006.

Available at http://www.stopclustermunitions.org/files/CB%20South%20Lebanon.pdf.

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civilians. Israel reportedly fired many of the cluster weapons in question during the final days of

the conflict.42 As of September 7, the United Nations had catalogued 12 deaths and 61 reported

injuries from UXO in Lebanon, all but five of which were linked to cluster sub-munitions. Up to

448 cluster weapon strike sites from the recent conflict have been identified, and U.N. experts

estimated that 12 to 15 months will be needed to clear the sites of cluster sub-munitions. 43

According to Human Rights Watch, 57 countries maintain stockpiles of cluster weapons, and nine

countries have used them in combat, including the United States in Iraq and Afghanistan.44

Israeli Reaction

Israeli officials maintain that the IDF carefully considered the potential for civilian casualties

both during and following their military operations, and that IDF use of cluster weapons, as well

as the IDF’s broader methods during the southern Lebanon campaign, “are legal under

international law and their use conforms with international standards.”45 Israel has identified

Hezbollah’s use of civilian homes for rocket launching and munitions storage as the primary

explanation for IDF targeting of some populated areas during the conflict. IDF sources reported

during the conflict that the predominant targets for their cluster weapons were Hezbollah-manned

Katyusha rocket launch sites in open areas. Following the conclusion of the cease-fire agreement,

the IDF transferred maps to UNIFIL forces showing likely locations for UXO and distributed

warning notices to residents in conflict zones advising them to delay their return to their villages

and homes until UXO had been cleared.46

Administration Response

The U.S. Department of State’s Office of Weapons Removal and Abatement has announced plans

to expand an ongoing landmine and unexploded ordnance (UXO) humanitarian clearance

program in Lebanon in the aftermath of the Israel-Hezbollah conflict. The expansion of the

program will consist of an emergency grant of $420,000 in reprogrammed FY2006 funds to a

non-governmental UXO removal organization and greater support for the United Nations Joint

Logistics Center UXO data collection and mapping operations in Lebanon.47 The Department of

Agence France Presse, “Israel Spewed Cluster Bombs over Lebanon in Last Days of War: UN,” August 30, 2006.

UNMAS, “Lebanon Unexploded Ordnance Fact Sheet, September 7, 2006.” Response to CRS Inquiry.

See Human Rights Watch, “Memorandum to Delegates to the Convention on Conventional Weapons Group of

Governmental Experts On Explosive Remnants of War,” March 2003; and, Paul Wiseman, “Cluster Bombs Kill in Iraq,

Even After Shooting Ends,” USA Today, December 11, 2003. According to the U.S. Defense Department, the U.S.

military used air and ground launched cluster weapons during Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan and

Operation Iraqi Freedom, including in urban combat during the fall of Baghdad. Civilian casualties have been reported

from unexploded U.S. cluster weapon sub-munitions in both countries.

Agence France Presse, “Israel Says Arms Used in Lebanon Keep by International Law,” August 31, 2006. No treaty

or international convention specifically governs the deployment or use of cluster munitions in war. However,

unexploded ordnance (UXO) removal specialists and advocates for moratoria and bans on the use of cluster munitions

argue that the articles of the Geneva Conventions relating to the differentiation and protection of civilian populations

prohibit the use of cluster munitions in civilian areas. For example, this view is advanced by the Cluster Munition

Coalition, an anti-cluster weapon network that advocates on behalf of sub-munition victims and campaigns to ban use

of the weapons.

See Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, “Behind the Headlines: Legal and operational aspects of the use of cluster

bombs,” September 5, 2006; and, Meron Rapoport, “IDF: No Prohibition on Cluster Bombs,” Ha’aretz (Tel Aviv),

September 8, 2006.

The United Nations Joint Logistics Center (UNJLC) works in partnership with the Vietnam Veterans of America

Foundation. For more information, see UNJLC, “Mine-UXO in Lebanon,” August 2006. Available at

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State also is seeking congressional approval for the allocation of up to $2 million to continue

UXO clearing activity in Lebanon during FY2007.48

Munitions Shipment Hold and Investigation

According to press reports citing unnamed Administration officials, the Department of State has

held up a shipment of M-26 cluster munitions to Israel and initiated an investigation of the Israel

Defense Force’s use of cluster munitions during the recent fighting. In early August, Israel

reportedly requested that a pre-ordered shipment of U.S. M-26 rockets be expedited for IDF use

in Multiple Launch Rocket System (MLRS) counterfire strikes against Hezbollah rocket launch

sites in southern Lebanon. Initial reports suggested the shipment was delayed out of concern over

the weapons’ potential use, and subsequent press reports suggest the shipment has been placed on

hold. 49 In addition to this reported hold, the Department of State’s Directorate of Defense Trade

Controls also reportedly is conducting an investigation focused on whether Israel violated

confidential agreements with the United States that restrict Israel’s use of U.S.-supplied cluster

munitions to certain military targets in non-civilian areas.50 Administration officials have declined

to comment specifically on these reports. President Bush repeatedly characterized Israel’s military

actions as “self-defense” during the conflict. The Arms Export Control Act requires that U.S.supplied weapons can be used only in “legitimate self-defense.”

Congressional Responses

In Congress, Senators Feinstein and Leahy introduced an amendment to the FY2007 Department

of Defense Appropriations bill (S.Amdt. 4882 to H.R. 5631) that would have prevented FY2007

funds from being spent “to acquire, utilize, sell, or transfer any cluster munition unless the rules

of engagement applicable to the cluster munition ensure that the cluster munition will not be used

in or near any concentrated population of civilians, whether permanent or temporary, including

inhabited parts of cities or villages, camps or columns of refugees or evacuees, or camps or

groups of nomads.”51 The amendment failed to pass during Senate floor consideration on

September 6, 2006 by a vote of 30 to 70 (Vote No. 232). Some opponents of the amendment

argued that its language would unduly restrict the options available to U.S. military commanders

in battle. Others called for hearings to further discuss the subject.52

(...continued)

http://www.unjlc.org/lebanon/infosheets/mine/index_html/view.

The grants will support the activities of the Mines Advisory Group (MAG). U.S. Department of State - Office of the

Spokesman, Fact sheet: “United States Emergency Aid to Lebanon to Clear Explosive Remnants of War,” August 23,

2006. Available at http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2006/71047.htm.

David S. Cloud, “Israel Asks U.S. to Ship Rockets With Wide Blast,” New York Times, August 11, 2006.

David S. Cloud, “Inquiry Opened Into Israeli Use Of U.S. Bombs,” New York Times August 25, 2006.

S.Amdt. 4882 to H.R. 5631; and Office of Senator Dianne Feinstein, Press Release: “Senators Feinstein and Leahy

Call for New Policy on Use of Cluster Bombs,” September 5, 2006.

See Congressional Record, Senate, September 6, 2006, Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 2007 pp. S8992S8996.

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U.S. Efforts and Other Efforts to Combat Hezbollah

U.S. Terrorism Designations and Related Effects

In December 2004, the U.S. State Department added Al-Manar to the Terrorist Exclusion List

(TEL). Applicable criteria for adding Al-Manar to the TEL included inciting to commit a terrorist

act and providing material support to further terrorist activity. The effects of an entity being

placed on the TEL could include the possible deportation and exclusion from the United States of

individuals found belonging to or supporting the TEL designated organization. Concurrent with

the State Department’s placement of Al-Manar on the TEL, the organization was no longer

allowed a satellite feed into the United States. Though Al-Manar is banned from broadcasting its

satellite signal into the United States, the station does upload its television programs and other

like material on its website, which is accessible to any individual with an internet connection.53

On March 23, 2006, the Department of the Treasury designated Al-Manar as a Specially

Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT) entity. In making this designation, Stuart Levey, Treasury

Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, stated, “Any entity maintained by a

terrorist group—whether masquerading as a charity, a business, or a media outlet—is as culpable

as the terrorist group itself.”54 The effects of an entity being designated as a SDGT include the

blocking of access to all assets under U.S. jurisdiction by the organization, its parent companies,

and individuals who have materially supported the entity’s terrorist activities. Future transactions

between U.S. persons or corporations and Al-Manar are also prohibited consistent with the

provisions of the SDGT.

Recent Al-Manar Related Activity in the United States

In December 2002, Salim Boughader, an owner of a Lebanese restaurant in Mexico, was arrested

by Mexican authorities on human-smuggling charges, as he is suspected of trafficking up to 200

Lebanese nationals into the United States. During post arrest questioning, Mr. Boughader

reportedly admitted to knowingly providing assistance to an employee of Al-Manar in gaining

unlawful entrance into the United States. Mr. Boughader also stated that he assisted individuals

with ties to Hezbollah, as he and other Lebanese people “did not see Hezbollah as terrorists.”55

On August 23, 2006, Javed Iqbal was arrested on charges of offering live broadcasts of Al-Manar

programming to potential customers in New York. Through selling equipment from his home and

his Brooklyn-based company, HDTV Ltd., Mr. Iqbal is suspected of offering customers access to

the Al-Manar signal. It is reported that in the instances Mr. Iqbal installed the necessary

equipment and attempted to retrieve the Al-Manar transmission, he ultimately was not successful

in obtaining the desired signal. 56

Lebanese Communications Group - Al-Manar TV. Available online at http://www.manartv.com.lb/NewsSite/

News.aspx?language=en.

U.S. Designates Al-Manar as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist Entity Television Station is Arm of Hizballah

Terrorist Network, 23 March, 2006, The Department of Treasury website http://www.treas.gov/press/releases/

js4134.htm.

“Terror Linked Migrants Channeled Into U.S.,” Fox News, July 03, 2005, http://www.foxnews.com/story/

0,2933,161473,00.html.

Walter Pincus, “New Yorker Arrested for Providing Hezbollah TV Channel,” The Washington Post, August 25,

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U.S. and Israeli Action Against Hezbollah Finances57

On August 29, 2006, the U.S. Department of the Treasury designated the Islamic Resistance

Support Organization (IRSO) of Lebanon as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist entity for

serving as “a key Hezbollah fund-raising organization.”58 According to Treasury officials, the

organization openly raised funds for Hezbollah via direct solicitation and advertisements on

Hezbollah’s Al Manar television network. The IRSO reportedly allowed its donors to specify

whether or not they wished their funds to be used for military equipment or weapons purchases,

in addition to a range of other services. As a result of the designation, the IRSO is prohibited from

operating in the United States, and any of its assets under U.S. jurisdiction were frozen.

The action against IRSO has been followed by two actions against Lebanese and Iranian financial

entities suspected of providing support to Hezbollah. On September 7, 2006, Treasury’s Under

Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence (TFI) Stuart Levey announced the designation

of Bayt al-Mal and the Yousser Company for Finance and Investment of Lebanon for serving “as

Hezbollah’s unofficial treasury, holding and investing its assets and serving as intermediaries

between the terrorist group and mainstream banks.” Bayt al-Mal director Husayn al-Shami also

was designated.59 On September 8, 2006, Treasury officials announced that Iran’s Bank Saderat

would be prohibited from conducting direct or indirect financial transactions with the U.S.

financial system, in part because the Government of Iran has used the bank to fund Hezbollah and

other terrorist organizations. 60 Prior to the U.S. legal action, Israel reportedly conducted a series

of military strikes during July 2006 on Hezbollah financial centers and banks in Lebanon alleged

to conduct business for Hezbollah operatives. Brigadier General Dani Arditi, advisor to the Israeli

Prime Minister for Counterterrorism, confirmed that the strikes were meant to serve as a message

“for all the Lebanese banks.... Assistance to Hezbollah is direct assistance to terrorist

organizations.”61

Al-Manar: Hezbollah’s Satellite Television Station62

Al-Manar, a satellite television station controlled by Hezbollah, broadcasts into most areas of the

world. Al-Manar refers to itself as the “station of resistance” and has a stated mission of

conducting “psychological warfare against the Zionist enemy.”63 The station, with a reported

budget of $20 million, 64started transmitting limited programming in June 1991.

(...continued)

2006.

Prepared by (name redacted), Middle East Policy Analyst.

U.S. Department of the Treasury, “HP-73: Treasury Designates Key Hizballah Fundraising Organization,” August

29, 2006.

U.S. Department of the Treasury, “HP-83:Treasury Designation Targets Hizballah’s Bank,” September 7, 2006.

U.S. Department of the Treasury, “HP-87: Treasury Cuts Iran’s Bank Saderat Off From U.S. Financial System,”

September 8, 2006.

Adam Ciralsky and Lisa Myers, “Hezbollah Banks Under Attack in Lebanon” MSNBC News, July 25, 2006.

This section was prepared by John Rollins, Specialist in Terrorism and International Crime.

Al-Manar TV on the web at http://web.manartv.org/html/about.html.

“Hizbullah’s Al Manar TV Budget More than Israeĺs PR Outlay,” Arutz Sheeva, 28 August, 2006.

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On two occasions during the recent conflict, Israel bombed the main Al-Manar facility located in

southern Beirut. Though buildings on the complex caught fire, transmission satellite antennas

were destroyed, and the station’s signal went through brief periods of intermittent transmission,

the network returned to broadcasting at full capacity shortly after these attacks.65 Al-Manar’s

public relations chief Ibrahim Farhat stated that the organization developed contingency plans to

allow for broadcasting from remote locations after the U.S. designated it a terrorist organization

in December 2004.66

Islam, Al Qaeda, and the Global War on Terrorism67

The conflict in Lebanon challenged many Sunni Islamists, including jihadist Al Qaeda leaders

such as Ayman Al Zawahiri, to reconcile their documented animosity toward Shiite Muslims with

their desire to appear to be in solidarity with anti-Israeli and anti-American sentiment and activity

that emerged around the Islamic world in response to the crisis. During the fighting, debate over

the legitimacy of providing support for Hezbollah, a Shiite Lebanese militia, was particularly

pointed on many extremist Internet fora and in a series of public statements issued by

conservative Sunni Islamic leaders. Some condemned Hezbollah’s actions as part of a Shiite

conspiracy to gain regional power or a leadership bid by Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah,

while others argued that Sunni and Shiite Muslims should have united to confront Israel and its

supporters.68 To the extent that these debates may have inspired unity or division within and

across religious and political communities in the Arab world and beyond, they may have

important implications for the success of U.S. foreign policy initiatives in the region, and for U.S.

counterterrorism policy objectives in particular.

The airing of diverse perspectives toward the crisis across the Arab and wider Islamic worlds

brought the competing religious and political priorities of some important figures and groups into

contrast and conflict. Conservative Sunni Islamic leaders, such as Qatar-based cleric and

international Muslim Brotherhood figure Yusuf Al Qaradawi argued that Muslims should support

the activities of Hezbollah and Hamas as legitimate “resistance” activities, based on Quranic

injunctions to defend Muslim territory invaded by outsiders.69 Similarly, Egypt’s Grand Mufti Ali

Gomaa stated that Hezbollah was “defending its country” and its actions were “not terrorism.”70

Saudi sheikh Salman Al Awda called for Sunnis to set aside their “fundamental and deep

disagreement” with Hezbollah and Shiites in order to confront “the criminal Jews and Zionists.”71

While many of the strongest statements that were issued appeared to primarily serve rhetorical

purposes, they may have continuing political implications: many religious figures sought to

distance themselves from the more nuanced positions of Arab political leaders during the crisis,

“Hizbollah Rockets Hit Haifa”, Reuters UK, July 16, 2006.

“Hezbollah’s al-Manar TV survived attacks”, Examiner, August 25, 2006.

This section was prepared by Christopher Blanchard, Middle East Policy Analyst.

For discussions of these competing views, see Bernard Haykel, “The Enemy of My Enemy Is Still My Enemy,” New

York Times, July 26, 2006; and, Annia Ciezadlo, “Sheikh Up,” New Republic, August 7, 2006.

“Islamic Cleric Al-Qaradawi Supports Hizballah, HAMAS,” Al-Jazirah Television (Doha), OSC Document

GMP20060730638004, July 30, 2006.

Reuters, “Egypt’s Mufti Defends Hizbollah Operations,” July 28, 2006.

Sheikh Abdallah Bin-Jibrin, “Is It Permissible to Support the So-Called Rafidi [Shiite] Hizballah?” Nur al-Islam

(website), OSC Document GMP20060721827005, July 19, 2006; and, Abdallah al-Rashid, “Al-Awdah: We Disagree

with Hizballah, But We Reject Israel’s Aggression,” Islam Today (Riyadh), OSC Document GMP20060724837002,

July 24, 2006.

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some of whom have otherwise been characterized as detached from public opinion and vulnerable

to revolt. Moreover, groups or individuals may utilize religious figures’ judgments and statements

to justify future attacks on the interests or personnel of Israel, the United States, or their own

governments should the crisis flare up again.

Disagreements also emerged among violent Sunni Islamist extremists, including Al Qaeda and its

affiliates. In a July 31 Internet posting, an Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula representative

seemingly rejected any unitarian sentiment between violent Sunni groups and Hezbollah by

characterizing Hezbollah as “the head of the Iranian spear in the Arab region,” and arguing that

“any support to Hezbollah in Lebanon is indirect support for the Iranian objectives.”72 The view

of Al Qaeda leadership figures, as expressed by Ayman Al Zawahiri first in a video released on

July 27, and again on September 11, remains somewhat ambiguous with regard to sectarian

issues. On July 27, Al Zawahiri stated that “our nation will get together to fight [Israel and its

allies],” but he refrained from directly urging Sunni-Shiite unity or advocating direct Sunni

support for Hezbollah. 73 A Hezbollah official interviewed on Al Jazeera television following the

release of Al Zawahiri’s July tape stated that Al Zawahiri’s statement should have been “clearer in

its reference to the ideological and political dimensions of unity among Muslims, and that, in the

future, “there should be clear and direct references to Hizballah and Shiites in a positive sense.”74

In September, Zawahiri addressed his advice and urgings to “Muslims” around the world and in

Lebanon rather than addressing the sectarian questions raised by Hezbollah and others. He

specifically called on “the Muslim nation” to aid “its Muslim brothers in Lebanon and Gaza,” and

urged Lebanese Muslims “to reject international resolutions, particularly the recent Security

Council Resolution 1701.”75 Any resolution of the ongoing Sunni jihadist debate regarding the

appropriate stance toward Shiites will likely have broader implications for any potential

intervention in future conflict involving Shiites by Sunni jihadist cells and others who look to Al

Qaeda leaders for guidance.

Conclusion

There are many divergent interpretations of the July-August war in Lebanon and its implications

for U.S. policy in the Middle East. On the one hand, some consider this conflict to be just the

latest battle in a global war on terror pitting the democracies of the West and Israel against

terrorist organizations backed by radical regimes. Others view the war less in terms of an overall

effort against Islamic extremism and more of a battle between powerful nation-states, seeing

Lebanon as the battleground in an “opening round” of an Iranian-Israeli struggle for regional

preeminence. Still, some observers assert that the war is simply another chapter in a long history

of localized Arab-Israeli violence spurred by the lack of any discernable progress in a peace

process. In reality, there may be elements of truth within all of these perspectives.

“Al-Qa’ida in Saudi Arabia Urges Countering Hizballah,” OSC Document - FEA20060802025964 August 2, 2006.

“Al-Zawahiri Comments on Lebanon, Gaza” OSC Document - FEA20060727025705, July 27, 2006.

Interview with Hezbollah Political Council member, Hasan Hudruj, “Al-Jazirah TV: Hizballah Official Comments

on Al-Zawahiri’s New Videotape,” Al-Jazirah Television (Doha), OSC Document - GMP20060727648002, July 27,

2006.

“Jihadist Website Posts Al-Zawahiri 9/11 Anniversary Video,” OSC Document - FEA20060912027565, September

11, 2006.

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The conflict has posed its own set of challenges for U.S. policy toward Lebanon. In a broader

sense, the war has jeopardized not only the long-term stability of Lebanon but has presented the

Bush Administration with a basic dilemma. On one hand, the Administration is sympathetic to

Israeli military action against a terrorist organization; President Bush has spoken in favor of

Israel’s right of self-defense. On the other hand, the fighting dealt a setback to Administration

efforts to support the rebuilding of democratic institutions in Lebanon. One commentator

suggested “the two major agendas of his [Bush’s] presidency—anti-terrorism and the promotion

of democracy—are in danger of colliding with each other in Lebanon.”76

If Lebanon disintegrates through a return to communal civil strife or becomes closely aligned

with Syria or Iran, U.S. goals could be seriously affected. The United States would lose a

promising example of a modernizing pluralist state moving toward a resumption of democratic

life and economic reform and quite possibly face a return to the chaos that prevailed in Lebanon

during the 15-year civil war. Such conditions would be likely to foster terrorism, unrest on

Israel’s border, and other forms of regional instability. Moreover, the growth of Syrian or Iranian

influence or some combination of the two could strengthen regional voices supporting extremist

and likely anti-Western views associated with clerical regimes (Iran), totalitarian models (Syria),

or a militant stance toward Israel. A viable cease-fire, on the other hand, could be an initial step

toward further progress in the long quest for regional peace.

With Hezbollah deeply ingrained in Lebanese Shiite society, the movement has become a fixture

in the political system, though whether or not its militia and terrorist wings can be disarmed

remains to be seen. Many Israelis remain deeply skeptical over international efforts to disarm

Hezbollah, as the real work of preventing re-armament over land, sea, and air will take place

behind the scenes in the months ahead. Israeli sources are already reporting the renewal of Syrian

and Iranian shipments to Hezbollah though such reports are difficult to confirm.

A key aspect of Hezbollah’s possible re-armament is the role of Syria. Many questions remain

concerning Syria: the willingness of the United States and Israel to bring Syria into the diplomatic

mix, Syria’s influence over Hezbollah in a Lebanon free of Syria’s military occupation, and what

demands Syria may make in exchange for its possible cooperation. Some observers suggest a

variety of theoretical incentives that the West could provide Syria, including the end of its

isolation by the United States and the removal of Syria from the State Department’s terrorism list

and the relaxation of economic sanctions; the tacit recognition of its influence in Lebanese

politics; the ratification of the EU Association Agreement with Syria that provides it with certain

trade benefits; diminished international pressure regarding the U.N.-led investigation into the

murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri; increased financial support, possibly

from Arab Gulf states; and finally (though less likely), a resumption of negotiations over the

Israeli-occupied Golan Heights - a longstanding Syrian goal since its defeat in the June 1967 SixDay War. Others believe that U.S. refusal to reward Syria for its intransigence should continue

and that any U.S. engagement would undermine Western efforts to strengthen Lebanese

independence and sovereignty, even if the unspoken reality is one in which Syria’s special role in

Lebanese affairs is widely recognized. After the recent attack on the U.S. embassy in Damascus,

some observers have asserted that the United States and Syria share an interest in combating

Islamic extremism and should renew limited security cooperation and intelligence sharing.

Michael Hirsh, “The Legacy On the Line,” Newsweek, July 24, 2006, p. 30.

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Finally, speculation over the winners and losers of the war will most likely be debated for some

time. Israeli officials believe that their overwhelming response to Hezbollah’s provocation caught

it and Iran off-guard and that Israel’s subsequent operations have eroded its opponents’ deterrent

capabilities along the Israeli-Lebanese borders. Nevertheless, there are many Israelis both in and

out of the government who believe that the war was poorly managed, did not achieve its goals, or

was simply ill-conceived. Hezbollah claimed that by merely surviving, it gained a symbolic

victory over the more powerful Israeli army and that it continued to threaten Israel with rocket

attacks after weeks of Israeli attempts to destroy its arsenal. Iran may believe that it achieved an

ideological victory against Israel, seeing the conflict as producing increased Arab and Muslim

support for Lebanese Shiites and for overall Iranian opposition to Israel. Analysts caution that

increased Arab and Muslim support for Hezbollah may simply be a temporary phenomenon in

response to solidarity with the Lebanese people and sympathy for Lebanese civilian casualties.

Others see increasing domestic political pressure in moderate Arab states and elsewhere, such as

Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, and even Turkey to condemn Israel and hold the United States

partially responsible for civilian casualties in Lebanon as a way to deal with popular anger and

their own Islamists.

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Appendix A. Prelude to the Crisis

The following was originally the opening section of this report and has been included in the

Appendix for use a resource on background to the July-August war. It will not be updated.

Although Hezbollah’s July 12, 2006, kidnaping of two Israeli soldiers initiated the conflict in

southern Lebanon, tensions in the region had grown since the Hamas electoral victory in

Palestinian legislative elections in January 2006. Over the course of the next six months, IsraeliPalestinian relations deteriorated rapidly, culminating in renewed fighting in the Gaza Strip, only

months after Israel withdrew entirely from the territory and evacuated its settlements. Most

observers assert that Hezbollah used the clashes between Hamas and Israel as a pretext and

justification for its July 12 attack. The following sections provide background on how the region

was transformed over six months from one of relative calm to full-scale war.

Palestinian Elections and the Hamas-led PA Government77

On January 25, 2006, candidates of the “Change and Reform” party associated with the Islamic

Resistance Movement (Hamas)78 won a majority in Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC)

elections, defeating Fatah, the prior ruling party of the PLC and of Palestinian Authority President

(PA) Mahmoud Abbas. In response, the Quartet (i.e., the United States, European Union, United

Nations, and Russia) stated that “there is a fundamental contradiction between armed group and

militia activities and the building of a democratic state.”79 Subsequent Quartet statements

established clear principles for reviewing further engagement and assistance with the Hamas-led

Palestinian government, namely “that all members of a future Palestinian government must be

committed to non-violence, recognition of Israel, and acceptance of previous agreements and

obligations, including the Roadmap.”80 President Abbas endorsed Hamas’ platform and cabinet

candidates while expressing his demand that Hamas comply with the Quartet’s principles and

support his efforts to achieve a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.81 Since

January 2006, Hamas leaders have largely rejected and refused to discuss the Quartet principles,

arguing that while President Abbas may decide to negotiate with Israel, ultimately the Palestinian

people would decide what to accept.

The Isolation of Hamas and Internecine Palestinian Violence

The electoral victory of Hamas surprised many outside observers and created a series of policy

challenges for the Bush Administration, which had supported the election process as part of its

efforts to reform the Palestinian Authority and its broader Middle East democracy promotion

The following sections were prepared by Christopher Blanchard, Middle East Policy Analyst.

Hamas is an acronym for its full name in Arabic, Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyyah (the Islamic Resistance

Movement).

Quartet Statement on Palestinian Legislative Council Elections, January 26, 2006.

Quartet Statements released January 30, 2006, and March 30, 2006. “The Roadmap” refers to the Performance-Based

Roadmap to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, which was presented to Israel and the

Palestinian Authority on April 30, 2003, by the Quartet as a plan to achieve a comprehensive settlement of the conflict

in three phases by 2005.

The PLC approved the majority Hamas-bloc on March 28, 2006.

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agenda. Israel and members of the Quartet took steps to limit the provision of non-humanitarian

aid and financial resources to the Hamas-controlled Palestinian Authority based on Hamas

leaders’ refusal to accept the Quartet principles. Israel ceased its monthly transfers of

approximately $55 million in taxes and customs revenue collected monthly on behalf of the PA,

and two leading Israeli banks announced plans to sever their commercial relationships with

financial institutions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.82 The Bush Administration suspended

U.S.-funded development projects in the Palestinian territories and prohibited any and all U.S.

persons from engaging in any unauthorized transactions with the Palestinian Authority because of

its control by Hamas, a designated terrorist entity.83 The European Union—the PA’s largest

donor—also suspended its direct aid to the Palestinian Authority and, at the Quartet’s behest, has

subsequently spearheaded efforts to develop an international mechanism to deliver assistance to

the Palestinian people without transfers to or through Hamas or the elements of the PA under its

control.

The loss of customs revenue and direct foreign aid created crippling budgetary shortfalls for the

PA and significant derivative economic hardship for many Palestinian citizens. President Abbas

referred to the steps as a “siege,” and throughout April, May, and June 2006, tensions over unpaid

salaries and disagreements over command responsibilities flared between the Hamas-led

government and armed security force personnel loyal to Fatah. Palestinian leaders, including

President Abbas, engaged in several efforts to end the intra-Palestinian violence and bring closure

to open questions of official Palestinian support for the Quartet principles (see discussion of the

National Accord Document below). However, before these efforts could bear fruit, fresh violence

between Israel and Hamas erupted in the Gaza Strip and has escalated.

Israeli-Palestinian Fighting84

For many months prior to the late spring/summer 2006 outbreak of fighting, violence had been

somewhat subdued due to some self-imposed restraint by the major players involved. In March

2005, Hamas and 12 other Palestinian groups agreed to extend an informal truce or “calm”

(referred to in Arabic as a hudna) with Israel for one year. Some call the agreement a cease-fire

even though it was a unilateral Palestinian declaration to which Israel was not a party. Palestine

Islamic Jihad (PIJ) did not agree to the calm and was responsible for several suicide bombings

within Israel in the period that followed. Hamas, which had been responsible for many suicide

bombings during the second intifadah (Palestinian uprising against Israeli occupation) that had

begun in September 2000, refrained from such attacks after declaring the hudna. It did, however,

continue to fire mortars and rockets against Israeli settlements in the Gaza Strip before Israel’s

summer 2005 withdrawal from the region and into southern Israel after Israel’s withdrawal. Israel

usually responded with air and artillery strikes, but it also carried out what it terms targeted

killings of terrorists.

On June 9, 2006, a Palestinian family was killed on a Gaza beach. The Palestinians claimed that

the victims had been struck by Israeli artillery fire, but Israel denied responsibility for the deaths.

Press reports suggested that Israel’s Bank Discount and Bank Hapoalim have agreed to postpone their plans until

August 15, 2006. The proposals would directly affect Palestinian civilians by severely complicating or preventing most

Palestinian commercial financial transactions in Israeli shekels, the principal currency used in the West Bank and Gaza

Strip.

For more information see CRS Report RS22967, U.S. Foreign Aid to the Palestinians, by (name redacted).

The following sections were prepared by (name redacted), Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs, on August 3, 2006.

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Nonetheless, the incident provoked Hamas to call off its truce and intensify rocket fire into

southern Israel.

Also in June, Palestinian factions held an intense national dialogue in the West Bank and Gaza in

which they ultimately agreed on a National Accord Document (also known as the Prisoners’

Document because Hamas and Fatah leaders imprisoned by Israel had collaborated on the first

draft) to reconcile their positions and goals. Hamas leaders in Damascus, notably political bureau

chief Khalid Mish’al, reportedly did not agree with the National Accord Document because it

might be seen as suggesting that Hamas had moderated its views regarding Israel and the peace

process. On June 25, members of the Hamas military wing (Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades) and

two other groups attacked Israeli forces in Israel, just outside of Gaza, killing two Israeli soldiers,

wounding four, and kidnaping one. The perpetrators demanded the release of Palestinian women

and minors from Israeli prisons. Some analysts suggest that Mish’al was behind the attack in

order to assert his power over more “moderate” Hamas officials in the territories and to

undermine the National Accord.

On June 27, after unsuccessful diplomatic efforts to secure the kidnapped soldier’s release, Israeli

forces began a major operation which Israel explained as an effort to rescue the soldier, to deter

future Hamas attacks including rocket launches from Gaza into southern Israel, and to weaken,

bring down, or change the conduct of the Hamas-led Palestinian Authority government. Israeli

officials claimed that Hamas had crossed a “red line” with the kidnaping and attack within pre1967 Israel, but said that Israel did not intend to reoccupy Gaza.

On June 28, Hamas officials in the Palestinian Authority allied themselves with the kidnappers by

adopting their demands. Israeli officials responded by insisting on the unconditional release of the

soldier. On June 29, Israel forces arrested 64 Palestinian (Hamas) cabinet ministers,

parliamentarians, and other Hamas officials in the West Bank and Jerusalem in what the Foreign

Ministry described the action as a “normal legal procedure” targeting suspected terrorists.

In early military operations, Israeli planes bombed offices of PA ministries headed by Hamas,

weapons depots, training sites, and access roads; ground forces entered Gaza to locate tunnels and

explosives near the border and targeted Hamas offices in the West Bank. After Hamas militants

fired an upgraded rocket at the Israeli port city of Ashkelon on July 4, the Israeli cabinet approved

“prolonged” activities against Hamas; air and artillery strikes and ground incursions are still

occurring. Meanwhile, Palestinian militants continue to fire rockets into southern Israel.

International mediators have tried to calm the recent upsurge in violence. The Egyptians have

reportedly proposed a resolution in which Hamas would release the soldier in exchange for an

Israeli promise to release prisoners at a later date. On July 10, however, Khalid Mish’al insisted

on the mutual release or “swap” of prisoners. On the same day, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud

Olmert reportedly said that trading prisoners with Hamas would cause a lot of damage to the

future of the State of Israel, perhaps because it would continue a precedent that he seeks to

break.85 He later observed that negotiating with Hamas also would signal that moderates such as

Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas are not needed.

Abbas told a visiting U.N. team that he wanted to “de-link” the crisis in the Palestinian areas from

the crisis that developed subsequently between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon in order to

“Olmert Says No Deal With ‘Bloody’ Hamas,” FoxNews.com, July 10, 2006.

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Lebanon: The Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah Conflict

prevent non-Palestinian extremists (Hezbollah) from hijacking the leadership of the Palestinian

issue.86 Yet, neither President Abbas nor the Hamas-led PA government officials represent the

kidnappers and can bring about a resolution. Hamas leader Mish’al appears to be in control of key

elements in Hamas and emphasizes the importance of cooperation between Hamas and Hezbollah

and specifically calls for not separating the Palestinian and Lebanese issues.87

Enter Hezbollah

On July 12, under cover of massive shelling of a town in northern Israel, Hezbollah forces

crossed the international border from Lebanon into northwestern Israel and attacked two Israeli

vehicles, killing three soldiers and kidnaping two. Hezbollah thereby opened a second front

against Israel ostensibly in support of Hamas. Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s leader,

suggested that the Hezbollah operation might provide a way out of the crisis in Gaza because

Israel had negotiated with Hezbollah indirectly in the past even though it refuses to negotiate with

Hamas now. He said that the only way the soldiers would be returned would be through a prisoner

exchange.88 Although Hezbollah and Hamas are not organizationally linked, Hezbollah provides

military training as well as financial and moral support to the Palestinian group and has acted in

some ways as a mentor or role model for Hamas, which has sought to emulate the Lebanese

group’s political and media success. Hamas’s kidnaping of the Israeli soldier follows a different

Hezbollah example. Moreover, two groups share the goal of driving Israel from occupied

territories and ultimately eliminating it; both maintain close ties with Iran.

Possible Explanations for Hezbollah’s Attack

Nasrallah has publicly espoused an intention to kidnap Israelis to effectuate a prisoner exchange.

Hezbollah, however, has the capacity to decide to act on its own and could have done so in the

spirit of “Shi’a triumphalism” spurred by the Iraqi Shiites’ ascension to power and Iran’s pursuit

of nuclear weapons. It also may have acted in solidarity with the besieged Palestinians or with its

Syrian and Iranian supporters. Another explanation is that Hezbollah may have wanted to prevent

a resolution of the Gaza crisis. Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and Palestinian Authority

President Mahmud Abbas have claimed that an agreement for a prisoner exchange had almost

been reached, immediately before the Hezbollah attack, but Hezbollah’s action complicated or

prevented it.89

Some observers question Hezbollah’s autonomy and offer other explanations for the July 12

action. Much speculation focuses on whether Hezbollah acted at the behest of or with the

approval of Iran, its main sponsor, because Iran also supports Hamas or may have wanted to

divert international attention from the impasse over its nuclear program. If the latter is the case, it

gained only a limited time when the U.N. Security Council postponed consideration of the

nuclear issue due to the Lebanon situation because, on July 31, the Council approved a resolution

As reported to the U.N. Security Council, July 21, 2006, meeting record S/PV.5493.

Reported on Al-Jazirah Satellite Channel Television, July 31, 2006, Open Source Center Document

GMP20060731635002.

“Lebanon: Hezbollah Leader Holds News Conference on Captured Israeli Soldiers,” Al-Manar Television, J:uly 12,

2006, Open Source Center Document, GMP 20060712617001.

“PA’s Abbas Speaks to Journalists on Palestinian, Lebanese Develoopments,” Al-Hayah al-Jadidah, July 16, 2006,

Open Source Center Document, GMP 200607116620002.

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demanding that Iran suspend its uranium enrichment program by August 31 or face sanctions.

Others suggest that Syria may be using its Hezbollah allies to resurrect its influence in Lebanon,

from which it had been forced to withdraw in 2005.90

Other experts give a more nuanced appraisal. U.S. CENTCOM Commander General John

Abizaid observed that it is more likely that Syria and Iran are exploiting the situation created by

the kidnaping than that they ordered it.91 U.S. State Department Coordinator for Counterterrorism

Henry Crumpton reportedly asserted that Syria and Iran do not control Hezbollah, but added that

Hezbollah asks Iranian permission if its actions have broader international implications.92 In this

case, Hezbollah may not have foreseen the implications of its July 12 operation and expected “the

usual, limited” Israeli response characteristic of the period since 2000.93 Therefore, it may not

have asked permission from Teheran.

Syria already has benefitted somewhat from the conflict as the U.N. envoy investigating the assassination of former

Lebanese Rafiq Hariri, and possible Syrian involvement in that killing, was evacuated from Beirut.

Greg Myre and Jad Mouawad, “Israel: Build up at Lebanese Lines as Fight Rages,” The New York Times, July 22,

2006.

Sarah Baxter and Uzi Mahnaimi, “Iran’s President Recruits Terror Master,” Sunday Times (London), April 23, 2006.

Observation of Mahmoud Komati, an Hezbollah political official, quoted by Greg Myre and Helene Cooper, “Israel

to Occupy Area of Lebanon as a Security Zone,” New York Times, July 26, 2006.

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Lebanon: The Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah Conflict

Appendix B. Chronology of Conflict on the IsraeliLebanese-Syrian Border

December 1968

Israeli commandos destroy 13 passenger planes at the Beirut airport, in reprisal for

attack by Palestinian terrorists trained in Lebanon on an Israeli airliner in Athens.

March 1978

Israel invades south Lebanon and sets up a roughly 10-km (6-mile) occupation zone.

Most troops withdraw within weeks, leaving a security area held by Israel’s Lebanese

largely Christian allies, the South Lebanon Army (SLA).

January 1979

Israeli agents detonate a car bomb in west Beirut, killing Ali Hassan Salameh,

security chief of the Black September group. Salameh, known as Abu Hassan, was

one of the plotters of the Munich Olympics attack against Israeli athletes in 1972.

June 1982

Terrorist and rocket attacks by Lebanon-based Palestinian groups and Israeli

counter-strikes culminate in Israeli invasion of Lebanon. Syrian army ousted from

Beirut and thousands of Palestinian guerrillas under Yasser Arafat depart for Tunisia

by sea.

September 1982

Israel captures Beirut after pro-Israel Christian leader Bashir Gemayel, who had

been elected president, is assassinated. Hundreds of civilians in Palestinian refugee

camps of Sabra and Shatila are killed by Christian militiamen allied with Israel.

May 1983

Israel and Lebanon sign peace agreement under U.S. patronage. Syria opposes it, and

it is never ratified.

March 1984

Peace agreement with Israel is cancelled and Lebanese President Amin Gemayel

breaks with Israel under Syrian pressure.

June 1985

Israel pulls back to a self-declared 15-km (9-mile) border security zone in south

Lebanon controlled by Israeli forces and their Lebanese militia allies.

February 1992

Israeli helicopter gunships rocket car convoy in south Lebanon, killing Hezbollah

leader Sheikh Abbas Musawi, his wife and six-year-old son.

July 1993

Hezbollah launches rocket attacks on northern Israel. Israel unleashes “Operation

Accountability,” a week-long air, artillery and naval operation.

April 1996

After Hezbollah began shelling towns in northern Israel, Israel launched “Operation

Grapes of Wrath,” a 17-day campaign against Hezbollah positions in south Lebanon.

On April 18, Israeli artillery fire targeting Hezbollah rocket crews falls in and around

a U.N. refugee camp near the village of Qana, killing 91 civilians and sparking

international calls for an immediate ceasefire, achieved on April 26.

June 1999

The South Lebanon Army retreats from the Jezzine enclave north of the Israeli zone

it held for 14 years.

May 2000

Israel ends 18-year occupation of south Lebanon. On June 18, 2000, the U.N.

Security Council certifies Israel’s withdrawal in accordance with U.N. Security

Council Resolution 425 (1978). Lebanon and Syrian governments maintain that

withdrawal is not complete since it did not include the disputed Shib’a Farms

enclave.

October 2003

After a suicide bombing in Haifa killed 20 Israelis, Israel launches air strikes against

an alleged terrorist training camp at Ain Saheb, northwest of Damascus, Syria.

September 2004

Months before the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri,

which was widely blamed on Syrian agents, the U.N. Security Council passed

Resolution 1559 calling for withdrawal of “foreign forces” from Lebanon (Syria) and

disarming of militia, such as Hezbollah.

Source: Reuters, “Chronology - Israel’s interventions in Lebanon,” July 19, 2006.

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Lebanon: The Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah Conflict

Appendix C. Recent Legislation

Congressional Oversight

In response to the current crisis, Congress took swift steps to express its support of Israel and that

country’s “right to take appropriate action to deter aggression by terrorist groups and their state

sponsors,” and to urge “the President to continue fully supporting Israel as Israel exercises its

right of self-defense in Lebanon and Gaza.” Some Members of Congress called on the President

to appeal to all parties for an immediate cessation of violence, to commit to multi-party

negotiations, and expressed support for an international peacekeeping mission in southern

Lebanon. Others called for “the cessation of targeting...of infrastructure vital to non-combatants”;

establishment of “a secure humanitarian corridor” for purposes of evacuation and transporting of

food and medicine to the civilian population; an immediate cease-fire; and a “comprehensive and

just solution”. House Resolution 954 called on the President to appoint a Special Envoy for

Middle East Peace. A Senate resolution, S.Res. 548, called on Syria and Iran to end their support

for Hezbollah, for the warring parties to reach a cessation of hostilities, and for reconstruction to

find international support.94

Legislation Providing Oversight

(in order of introduction)

Bill or

Resolution

Primary

Sponsor

Introduced/

Referred

Intent

Status

S.Res. 53495

Frist

July 18, 2006

directly to floor

Congress’ support of Israel,

support of the President

Agreed to by voice

vote, July 18, 2006

H.Res. 921

Boehner

July 18, 2006

directly to floor

Similar to S.Res. 534

Agreed to by vote of

410—8 (with 4

voting “present”).

July 20, 2006

H.Res. 922

Ackerman

July 18, 2006

HIRC

Similar to S.Res. 534

No further action

H.Res. 923

Shaw

July 18, 2006

HIRC

Similar to S.Res. 534

No further action

H.Res. 926

Issa

July 19, 2006

HIRC

Similar to S.Res. 534

No further action

H.Con.Res. 450

Kucinich

July 19, 2006

HIRC

Support international peacekeeping

mission in Lebanon

No further action

H.Res. 945

Jackson-Lee

July 25, 2006

HIRC

Cease targeting infrastructure,

establish humanitarian corridor,

cease-fire

No further action

The following section was prepared by Dianne Rennack, Specialist in Foreign Policy Legislation.

It was reported that some Members drafted a resolution that would have cast Lebanon’s responsibility differently

than those resolutions agreed to, and would have called for restraint from all sides. See Flaherty, Anne Plummer.

“House on Track to Voice Support for Israel’s Military Campaign in Lebanon,” Associated Press, July 20, 2006. By

contrast, S.Res. 534 “urges all sides to protect innocent civilian life and infrastructure....” H.Res. 921 “recognizes

Israel’s longstanding commitment to minimizing civilian loss and welcomes Israel’s continued efforts to prevent

civilian casualties”.

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Lebanon: The Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah Conflict

Legislation Providing Oversight

(in order of introduction)

Bill or

Resolution

Primary

Sponsor

Introduced/

Referred

Intent

Status

H.Res. 954

Leach

July 26, 2006

HIRC

Establish envoy for Middle East

Peace

No further action

H.Res. 955

Farr

July 26, 2006

HIRC

Cease-fire, and recognize Israel’s

right to exist

No further action

S.Res. 548

Dodd

Aug. 3, 2006

directly to floor

Calls on Syria and Iran to end

support to Hezbollah; international

community to support lasting

solution and reconstruction

Agreed to by

Unanimous Consent,

Aug. 3, 2006

Evacuation Costs for U.S. Citizens

In the early stages of U.S. government-supported evacuations of Americans from Lebanon, the

State Department required evacuees to sign promissory notes to assume financial liability of the

costs of their evacuation. Several Members of Congress objected to this, noting that the law is

ambiguous at best, and called on the U.S. Secretary of State to waive the statutory requirements

for reimbursement.96 On July 18, 2006, after the Secretary of State consulted with some

Members, the State Department announced that such fees would be waived. Congress adopted

two measures increase funding available to the Social Security Administration to provide

temporary assistance to U.S. citizens returned from foreign countries (Public Law 109-250), to

authorize the Secretary of State to redistribute funds within the State Department’s budget to

cover the costs of evacuations, and to increase funding available to the State Department for such

evacuations (Public Law 109-268). Other legislation, as yet not enacted, proposed to change

permanently the statutory basis under which the State Department requests reimbursements, or

replenish funds in the budget of the Department of Health and Human Services that are expended

once evacuees have returned to the United States.

Legislation Relating to Evacuations

(in order of introduction)

Bill or

Resolution

Primary

Sponsor

Introduced/

Referred

Intent

Status

H.R. 5828

Dingell

July 18, 2006

HIRC

Amends the State Department

Basic Authorities Act of 1956 to

remove the reimbursement

requirement from permanent law.

No further action

S. 3690

Stabenow

July 19, 2006

SFRC

Authorizes the Secretary of State

to cover the costs of evacuation

related to the Israel-Hezbollah

crisis without amending the

underlying statute.

No further action

§ 4(b)(2)(A) of the State Department Basic Authorities Act of 1956, as amended (22 U.S.C. 2671), authorizes the

Secretary of State to expend funds to evacuate “U.S. citizens or third-country nationals, on a reimbursable basis to the

maximum extent practicable” “when their lives are endangered by war, civil unrest, or natural disaster”.

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Lebanon: The Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah Conflict

Legislation Relating to Evacuations

(in order of introduction)

Bill or

Resolution

Primary

Sponsor

Introduced/

Referred

Intent

Status

H.R. 5865

Thomas

July 24, 2006

Ways and Means

Amends the Social Security Act to

increase near-term funding for

assistance to newly evacuated U.S.

citizens.

P.L. 109-250

July 27, 2006

H.R. 5873

Smith

July 24, 2006

HIRC

Seeks to enact an amendment

similar to that in H.R. 5828.

No further action

H.R. 5869

McDermott

July 24, 2006

Ways and Means

Similar to H.R. 5865.

No further action

S. 3741

Lugar

July 26, 2006

Authorizes the Secretary of State

to move funds from one account

to another to cover the costs of

evacuations. Increases funding

available to the State Department

for evacuation expenses (Wolf

amendment).

P.L. 109-268

Aug. 4, 2006

H.Res. 972

Hastings

July 28, 2006

HIRC

Expresses the House’s appreciation

to Cyprus and Turkey for the roles

each played in sheltering evacuees.

No further action

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Appendix D. U.S. Sanctions97

Syria, Iran, Hamas, and Hezbollah—the states and entities that Congress has noted for aggression

against Israel, support for terrorism, or terrorist activities in the current crises—are currently

subject to fairly comprehensive U.S. economic sanctions. The Secretary of State designated Syria

and Iran as state sponsors of acts of international terrorism, in 1979 and 1984 respectively, thus

triggering a myriad of statutorily required restrictions and prohibitions on aid, non-emergency

agricultural aid, trade, support in the international banks, and other economic transactions.98 Such

a designation generally triggers a prohibition on all but the most basic of humanitarian

exchanges.99

Iran

Iran is also denied investment dollars intended for development of its petroleum industry under

the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996.100 Sanctions available under this Act, to be imposed on

those who engage in unlawful investment in Iran, include a prohibition on Export-Import Bank

funds, prohibition on exports, denial of loans from U.S. financial institutions, denial of rights to

financial institutions to participate as a dealer in U.S. debt instruments, denial of procurement

contracts, and any other transaction the President wishes to restrict if the authority to do so also is

stated under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). Petroleum-related

investments are restricted also by Executive Order, and all new investments, regardless of the

industry, are also restricted under the IEEPA.101

Prepared by Dianne Rennack, Specialist in Foreign Policy Legislation. For more on U.S. economic sanctions

imposed on Iran, see CRS Report RL32048, Iran: U.S. Concerns and Policy Responses, by (name redacted). For

Syria, see CRS Report RL33487, Syria: Background and U.S. Relations, by (name redacted).

§ 6(j) of the Export Administration Act of 1979 (P.L. 96-72; 50 U.S.C. 2405(j)), under which the state sponsor of acts of

international terrorism designation is made, authorizes the curtailment of commercial trade in dual-use goods and technology

to named countries. § 620A of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (P.L. 87-195; 22 U.S.C. 2371) prohibits most foreign aid,

non-emergency agricultural aid, Peace Corps programs, or Export-Import Bank funding to designated countries. § 40 of the

Arms Export Control Act (P.L. 90-629; 22 U.S.C. 2780) prohibits government sales or leases of defense goods or defense

services to named countries. § 505 of the International Security and Development Cooperation Act of 1985 (P.L. 99-83; 22

U.S.C. 2349aa-9) authorizes the President to ban the importation of goods and services from any state found to support acts

of international terrorism. § 1621 of the International Financial Institutions Act (P.L. 95-118; 22 U.S.C. 262p-4q), § 6 of the

Bretton Woods Agreements Act amendments, 1978 (P.L. 95-435; 22 U.S.C. 286e-11) each state similar prohibitions

relating to international bank programs. § 502(b)(2)(F) of the Trade Act of 1974 (P.L. 93-618; 19 U.S.C. 2462) requires the

withholding of favorable trade terms with cited countries. Annual foreign operations appropriations measures usually restrict

or prohibit most forms of aid to designated countries. Other legislation prohibits certain transactions with countries found to

be not cooperating with U.S. antiterrorism efforts, and still other legislation prohibits or curtails economic relations with

third countries that aid terrorist-designated states.

Some trade, albeit highly restricted, is allowed with Iran and Syria. U.S. exporters may, for example, market

agricultural commodities, medicines, and medical supplies to countries designated as supporters of international

terrorism under terms of the Trade Sanctions Reform Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-387; 22 U.S.C. 7201 et seq.). Suppliers

may provide spare parts related to civil air safety. U.S. persons may import and export informational material and

propaganda. And since 2000, in an attempt through trade diplomacy to open relations with Iran, one may import nuts,

dried fruit, caviar, and carpets from that country.

100

P.L. 104-172 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note). This Act no longer applies to Libya, following the President’s determination

that the country was in compliance with terms of the Act (Presidential Determination No. 2004-30; 69 F.R. 24907; May

5, 2004).

101

Petroleum-related investments in Executive Order 12957 (March 15, 1995; 60 F.R. 14615; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note);

other new investments in Executive Order 12959 (May 6, 1995; 60 F.R. 24757; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note); and a

(continued...)

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Lebanon: The Israel-Hamas-Hezbollah Conflict

Syria

Although Syria has been identified as a state sponsor of acts of international terrorism since 1979,

regulations that implement restrictions on trade and transactions with that country are less

restrictive than those that pertain to other designated countries, reportedly because Syria is

considered instrumental in the Middle East peace process. Congress took this into account when

it sent the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003 to the

President.102 The act, triggered by increasingly organized and forceful efforts in Lebanon to shed

itself of foreign forces, and reflecting recent statements from the Bush Administration targeting

Syria’s involvement with terrorism, development and trade of weapons of mass destruction, and

support of the insurgency in Iraq, requires the President to curtail trade and transactions until

certain conditions are met. The act requires the denial of export licenses for any item on the U.S.

Munitions List (USML) or Commerce Control List (CCL). The act also requires the President to

impose two or more of the following restrictions:103

•

prohibit export of all products (except food and medicine, as made exempt by the

Trade Sanctions Reform Act of 2000);

•

prohibit investment in Syria;

•

restrict travel of Syrian diplomats to only the environs of Washington, DC and

the United Nations in New York;

•

prohibit Syrian-owned air traffic in or over the United States;

•

reduce diplomatic contact; and

•

block transactions in property.

The President implemented terms of the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty

Restoration Act on May 11, 2004, by complying with the mandatory restrictions on USML and

CCL exports, and by prohibiting U.S. exports and restricting Syrian air traffic. 104

Lebanon

For FY2003 and each fiscal year thereafter, of any Economic Support Funds allocated or

obligated to Lebanon, $10 million shall be withheld:

unless and until the President certifies...that

(1) the armed forces of Lebanon have been deployed to the international recognized border

between Lebanon and Israel; and

(...continued)

consolidation of earlier orders in Executive Order 13059 (August 19, 1997; 62 F.R. 44531; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note).

102

P.L. 108-175 (22 U.S.C. 2151 note).

103

The act provides the President the authority to waive the application of sanctions if he finds it in the national security

interest of the United States to do so (§ 5(b)).

104

Executive Order 13338 (69 F.R. 26751; May 13, 2004). The Order also cited the National Emergencies Act and the

International Emergency Economic Powers Act as its underlying statutory basis.

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(2) the Government of Lebanon is effectively asserting its authority in the area in which such

armed forces have been deployed.105

To date, the President has not certified that these conditions have been met. Congress, however,

has ensured that the $10 million would be made available each year by overriding the restriction.

Annual foreign operations appropriations measures have provided assistance to Lebanon

“notwithstanding any other provision of law.”106

Hamas and Hezbollah

In 1995, the President identified Hamas and Hezbollah as Specially Designated Terrorists (SDT)

that threaten to disrupt the Middle East peace process and authorized the blocking of all assets

and of transactions with persons associated with either organization. 107 Subsequent legislative and

executive initiatives led to the creation of several other lists. Enactment of the Anti-Terrorism and

Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996, which also authorizes deportation or exclusion from entry

into the United States, generated the Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) list.108 The President

issued an executive order to create the Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGT) list in the

wake of events of September 11, 2001.109 All these lists were subsequently consolidated into one

Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons list (the “SDN list”), administered by the

Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control in 2002.110 Hamas and Hezbollah,

or individuals associated with each, are on each of the lists.

105

§ 1224 of the Security Assistance Act of 2002 (division B of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Year

2003; P.L. 107-228; 22 U.S.C. 2346 note).

106

Most recently, in sec. 534(a) of the Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and Related Programs Appropriations

Act, 2006 (P.L. 109-102).

107

Executive Order 12947 (January 23, 1995; 60 F.R. 5079; 50 U.S.C. 1701 note). Each of the executive orders cited in

this paragraph are issued under the authority vested in the President in the National Emergencies Act (P.L. 94-412; 50

U.S.C. 1601 et seq. ), and § 203 of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (P.L. 95-223; 50 U.S.C. 1702).

108

Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (P.L. 104-132), particularly as it amends the Immigration and

Nationality Act at § 219 (8 U.S.C. 1189).

109

Executive Order 13224 (September 23, 2001; 66 F.R. 49079).

110

Office of Foreign Assets Control SDN list: http://www.treas.gov/offices/enforcement/ofac/sdn/index.shtml.

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Author Contact Information

(name redacted), Coordinator

Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs

[redacted]@crs.loc.g

ov, 7-....

(name redacted)

Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs

[redacted]@crs.loc.gov, 7-....

(name redacted)

Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs

[redacted]@crs.loc.gov, 7-....

(name redacted)

Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs

[redacted]@crs.loc.gov, 7-....

(name redacted)

Specialist in Foreign Policy Legislation

[redacted]@crs.loc.gov, 7-....

John Rollins

Specialist in Terrorism and National Security

[redacted]@crs.loc.g

ov, 7-....

(name redacted)

Specialist in International Relations

[redacted]@crs.loc.gov, 7-....

(name redacted)

Congressional Research Service

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