Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations
Congressional research reportOct 2, 2023
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Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations
Updated October 2, 2023
Congressional Research Service
https://crsreports.congress.gov
RL33533
SUMMARY
Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations
The kingdom of Saudi Arabia, ruled by the Al Saud family since its founding in 1932,
wields global influence through its administration of the birthplace of the Islamic faith
and by virtue of its large oil reserves (17.2% of global total) and its role as a major oil
exporter. Since acceding to the throne in 2015, King Salman bin Abd al Aziz (age 87)
has empowered his son, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (age 38), as heir
apparent, Prime Minister, and the central figure in Saudi policymaking. Under the
leadership of the Crown Prince, the kingdom has pursued dynamic domestic and foreign
policies while taking steps to reassert and confront challenges to rulers’ authority.
RL33533
October 2, 2023
Christopher M. Blanchard
Specialist in Middle
Eastern Affairs
Saudi leaders’ top priority at home appears to remain their Vision 2030 initiative, through which the kingdom is
attempting to transform its economy, public finances, and social contract. Abroad, Saudi officials conduct a
multidirectional foreign policy that embraces parallel partnerships with the United States and U.S. strategic
competitors, such as Russia and China. Saudi policy toward the Middle East region currently appears to prioritize
détente; in March 2023, the kingdom reestablished diplomatic relations with Iran in an agreement facilitated in
part by China. Lower regional tensions may contribute to Saudi government efforts to market the kingdom as an
attractive hub for investment, commerce, and tourism—all central to the Vision 2030 initiative. Continued Saudi
cooperation with Russia on oil output decisions bolsters revenue for both countries.
While directing the implementation of far-reaching economic and social changes, the Crown Prince has
centralized control over security forces, sidelined potential political rivals (including some royal family members
and religious conservatives), and cracked down on public dissent. The state has recognized some women’s rights
and now actively promotes women’s participation in the economy. Many young Saudis have embraced these
changes, but citizens’ views vary. Strict controls on public expression, arrests of activists and potential critics, and
reported Saudi state involvement in transnational repression limit foreign observers’ ability to understand Saudi
social, economic, and political dynamics. The Saudi government rejects international scrutiny and criticism of its
human rights practices as interference in Saudi domestic affairs.
During the Biden Administration, the U.S.-Saudi relationship at times has appeared strained, but public comments
in 2022 and 2023 from both countries have highlighted ongoing cooperation and new collaborative opportunities.
During a June 2023 visit to Saudi Arabia, Secretary of State Antony Blinken noted ongoing U.S.-Saudi
counterterrorism and regional security cooperation and promoted emergent U.S.-Saudi collaboration on global
infrastructure financing, digital communications technology development, and clean energy adoption initiatives.
The Biden Administration supports the kingdom’s economic and social reform initiatives, praises Saudi efforts to
deescalate regional conflicts, and describes potential Saudi diplomatic normalization with Israel as “a declared
national security interest of the United States.” Various sources suggest that Saudi Arabia may condition future
normalization-related choices on Israel’s approach to the Palestinians, U.S. security commitments, and/or changes
to U.S. policy on the kingdom’s nuclear energy program. Press reports citing unnamed U.S. officials suggest that
as part of its push for Saudi-Israel normalization, the Biden Administration has discussed a possible mutual
defense agreement with Saudi Arabia. A defense treaty would require the advice and consent of the Senate.
As of June 2023, nearly 2,700 U.S. military personnel were deployed in the kingdom “to protect U.S. forces and
interests in the region against hostile action by Iran and Iran-backed groups.” These forces are in addition to
hundreds of U.S. personnel supporting long-running U.S.-Saudi security cooperation programs for military and
internal security forces. Officials also renewed a bilateral agreement for internal security force training in 2023.
In the 118th Congress, the Senate version of a Fiscal Year 2024 (FY2024) National Defense Authorization Act (S.
2226) would identify Saudi Arabia as a “major security partner” and make Saudi foreign military sale purchase
orders eligible for priority production and delivery consideration. The House-passed and Senate committee
versions of FY2024 foreign assistance appropriations bills (H.R. 4665, S. 2438) would place nonproliferation
related conditions on the use of certain funds to support possible U.S. nuclear exports to Saudi Arabia. S.Res. 109
would direct the Department of State to report in detail on Saudi human rights practices.
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Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations
Contents
Overview ......................................................................................................................................... 1
Potential Saudi-Israel Normalization .............................................................................................. 4
Selected Domestic and Foreign Policy Issues ................................................................................. 7
Selected Domestic Developments and Issues ........................................................................... 7
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman as Principal Decisionmaker .................................. 7
Vision 2030 and Economic Reform .................................................................................... 9
Human Rights ................................................................................................................... 13
Women’s Rights and Social Change ................................................................................. 15
Selected Saudi Foreign Policy Issues ...................................................................................... 16
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Russia .......................................................... 16
Iran .................................................................................................................................... 18
Gulf Neighbor Relations ................................................................................................... 18
Yemen ............................................................................................................................... 19
Syria .................................................................................................................................. 20
Sudan ................................................................................................................................ 20
U.S.-Saudi Relations ..................................................................................................................... 21
Security Cooperation and Arms Sales ..................................................................................... 21
U.S. Foreign Assistance to Saudi Arabia................................................................................. 24
U.S.-Saudi Trade and Investment............................................................................................ 24
Legislation in the 118th Congress .................................................................................................. 25
National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for Fiscal Year 2024 (H.R. 2670, S.
2226) .............................................................................................................................. 26
Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPS)
Appropriations Act, 2024 (H.R. 4665, S. 2438) ............................................................ 26
Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 2024 (H.R. 4365) ........................................ 27
A resolution requesting information on Saudi Arabia's human rights practices
pursuant to section 502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act (FAA) of 1961
(S.Res. 109) ................................................................................................................... 27
Outlook .......................................................................................................................................... 27
Figures
Figure 1. Saudi Arabia: Crude Oil Production .............................................................................. 10
Figure 2. Saudi Arabia: Selected Fiscal Data ................................................................................ 12
Tables
Table 1. Saudi Arabia Map and Country Data ................................................................................. 3
Table A-1. Proposed Major U.S. Foreign Military Sales to Saudi Arabia ..................................... 30
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Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations
Appendixes
Appendix A. Proposed Major U.S. Foreign Military Sales to Saudi Arabia ................................. 30
Contacts
Author Information........................................................................................................................ 32
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Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations
Overview
The Biden Administration is pursuing a policy of reengagement with Saudi Arabia after a period
of reevaluation, limited retrenchment, and apparent strain in the bilateral relationship. Close
U.S.-Saudi security ties built on decades of arms sales, training, and advisory support anchored
the relationship through recent difficulties, and, as of 2023, senior U.S. and Saudi officials
remain in regular contact. U.S. officials report that they are discussing new collaborative
opportunities with Saudi counterparts, including a potential mutual defense agreement.1
Congressional and executive branch concern about Saudi human rights practices and Saudi
conduct in the war in Yemen have contributed to tension between the longstanding partners since
2015, and some Saudi nationals have questioned U.S. support for Saudi security. President Joe
Biden’s July 2022 visit to Saudi Arabia, and his meeting with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed
bin Salman (often informally referred to by the initials MBS), appeared to close a chapter during
which U.S. engagement with the Crown Prince reportedly was limited following Saudi officials’
2018 murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
Under the leadership of King Salman bin Abd al Aziz Al Saud (age 87) and his son, the Crown
Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman (age 38), Saudi Arabia is pursuing an
economic and social transformation agenda at home and a multifaceted foreign policy involving
complex relationships with the United States, U.S. rivals, other G-20 economies, and the
developing world. These initiatives suggest Saudi leaders are attempting to leverage the
kingdom’s potential and resources to retain and expand Saudi influence in a world shaped by
great power competition and expectations of global energy transition and reduced fossil fuel
consumption.2 China’s facilitation of Saudi-Iran diplomatic reengagement in 2023 drew new
attention to China’s evolving role in the Middle East. Saudi energy policy coordination with
Moscow and oil sales to Beijing bolster Saudi oil revenues, supporting Vision 2030 investments.
The Biden Administration has praised Saudi efforts since 2021 to de-escalate tensions with Qatar
and the Houthis in Yemen, and has shared Saudi leaders’ accept-but-verify approach to SaudiIran détente.3 From the Saudi government’s perspective, lower regional tensions may contribute
to its efforts to market the kingdom as an attractive hub for investment, commerce, and
tourism—all central to its Vision 2030 plans.4
The Administration is actively pursuing Saudi-Israeli normalization as a “a declared national
security interest of the United States,”5 and is discussing related questions with Congress.
Various reports suggest that Saudi Arabia may condition normalization-related choices on
Israel’s approach to the Palestinians, formal U.S. security commitments, and/or changes to U.S.
policy on the kingdom’s nuclear energy program.6
1 See U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al
Saud at a Joint Press Availability,” press release, June 8, 2023; and, The White House, “Readout of National Security
Advisor Jake Sullivan’s Trip to Saudi Arabia,” July 27, 2023.
2 King Salman has health challenges. A leadership transition could occur at any time.
3 The White House, “Readout of National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan’s Call with Saudi Crown Prince and Prime
Minister Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud,” April 11, 2023.
4 An unnamed senior Saudi official said, “Our domestic success is linked to stability in the region,” and the kingdom
intends to use its political, economic, and convening power to be more active in regional diplomacy. Samer Al Atrush
and Andrew England, “Saudi Arabia’s journey from troublemaker to diplomat,” Financial Times, May 6, 2023.
5 “Keynote Address by National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, May 4,
2023.
6 See, for example, Michael Crowley, Vivian Nereim, and Patrick Kingsley, “Saudi Arabia Offers Its Price to
Normalize Relations with Israel,” New York Times, March 11, 2023.
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Saudi Arabia: Background and U.S. Relations
Background: Strains and Change in U.S.-Saudi Relations, 1990-2022
U.S.-Saudi ties deepened during the Cold War, rooted in common interests in securing Saudi oil resources and
shared official antipathy toward the Soviet Union and communism. Arab-Israeli wars limited U.S.-Saudi partnership,
but successive U.S. Administrations expanded U.S.-Saudi defense cooperation in the wake of the 1973 Arab-Israeli
war and Saudi-led oil embargo, in spite of some congressional opposition. The U.S. defense of Saudi Arabia and
neighboring Kuwait from Iraqi forces in 1990 and 1991 saw hundreds of thousands of U.S. military forces deploy
to the kingdom, with thousands remaining through the 1990s at the invitation of Saudi leaders. The U.S. presence
drew condemnation from some Saudi Islamists, nationalists, and extremists, some of whom also voiced opposition
to the Al Saud family’s rule. Terrorists attacked facilities hosting U.S. government personnel in the kingdom in
November 1995 and June 1996, killing and injuring U.S. civilian and military personnel.
Some Saudi nationals’ leadership and participation in the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in the United States
and some Saudis’ support for transnational Islamist extremism led many Americans to scrutinize U.S.-Saudi ties
during President George W. Bush’s Administration. Saudi leaders and some Saudi citizens similarly reexamined the
bilateral relationship in light of the U.S. decision to invade Iraq in 2003 and U.S. support to Israel in the context of
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. U.S.-Saudi counterterrorism cooperation under Presidents Bush and Obama helped
Saudi Arabia defeat a years-long campaign of insurgent terrorism and contributed to U.S. and coalition efforts to
undermine transnational terrorist threats and prevent attacks by Al Qaeda and the Islamic State organization.
During President Barack Obama’s tenure, the United States and Saudi leaders responded dissimilarly to popular
unrest in the Middle East. Saudi leaders grew critical of U.S. policy toward Iran and opposed the Joint
Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear agreement. At Saudi Arabia’s request, the Obama Administration
in March 2015 initiated U.S. military support to Saudi-led coalition military operations in Yemen against the Houthi
movement, including the provision of aerial refueling, intelligence, and military advice. President Obama reduced
some U.S. support after Saudi-led coalition operations continued to cause civilian casualties.
President Donald Trump was explicit about his desire to strengthen ties to Saudi leaders, and the Trump
Administration opposed various congressional proposals to limit U.S. arms sales to the kingdom or to end U.S.
military support to Saudi-led coalition operations in Yemen. As congressional opposition to U.S. support for Saudi
operations in Yemen grew, the Trump Administration halted U.S. refueling of Saudi-led coalition aircraft and
pressed Saudi counterparts to respect the law of armed conflict and allow greater humanitarian access to Yemen.
Following Saudi officials’ October 2018 murder of Saudi journalist and U.S. O-visa holder Jamal Khashoggi in the
Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey, Trump Administration officials reiterated U.S. concerns about human rights
issues, imposed sanctions on some Saudi officials, and pledged continued investigation and advocacy on cases of
human rights concern. Some proposals in Congress have called for more tangible changes to the U.S.-Saudi
relationship and for specific consequences for Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman after the U.S. Director of
National Intelligence reported to Congress in February 2021 that the Crown Prince “approved” an operation “to
capture or kill” Khashoggi.7 Saudi officials disputed the report’s conclusions.
The Trump Administration engaged Saudi officials in civil nuclear cooperation talks and insisted that the kingdom
forgo acquisition of nuclear fuel cycle technologies that could increase nuclear weapons proliferation concerns. In
2019, President Trump deployed U.S. military personnel and assets to Saudi Arabia in response to escalating crossborder attacks on Saudi infrastructure by Iran and Iran-backed groups. These attacks and the U.S. response
reportedly influenced Saudi and other Arab Gulf leaders’ views on U.S. security commitment to the region. Trump
Administration officials reportedly sought to convince Saudi leaders to normalize relations Israel.
After a presidential campaign in 2020 during which President Joe Biden criticized Saudi Arabia’s human rights
record, Biden Administration officials stated their intent to recalibrate rather than rupture the U.S.-Saudi
relationship while bolstering U.S. support for Saudi efforts to defend Saudi territory. President Biden ceased U.S.
military support for Saudi offensive military operations in Yemen, and in 2021, the Biden Administration reviewed
U.S. arms sales to Saudi Arabia before suspending two munitions sales, approving several defensive system sales,
and altering the deployment of U.S. military platforms and personnel in the kingdom. Russia’s 2022 invasion of
Ukraine arguably increased the strategic importance to the United States of Saudi decisions concerning oil
production and the kingdom’s relations with Russia. Press reports have suggested that President Biden withheld
personal engagement with the Crown Prince until July 2022, when the President travelled to Saudi Arabia, and
Administration officials announced some new bilateral initiatives. Since mid-2022, Saudi and U.S. officials have
emphasized the potential for continued bilateral cooperation, as independent observers differ in their prognoses
and prescriptions for U.S.-Saudi relations.
7 Office of the Director for National Intelligence, “Assessing the Saudi Government's Role in the Killing of Jamal
Khashoggi,” February 11, 2021.
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Table 1. Saudi Arabia Map and Country Data
Land: Area, 2.15 million sq. km. (more than 20% the size of the United States); Boundaries, 4,431 km. (~40%
more than U.S.-Mexico border); Coastline, 2,640 km. (more than 25% longer than U.S. west coast)
Population: 35.9 million (2023 U.S. est.); ~18.8 million nationals (KSA est.); < 30 years of age: 63% (KSA est.)
GDP (PPP): $1.594 trillion (2021 est.)
GDP per capita, PPP: $44,300 (2021 est.)
Budget (revenues; expenditure; balance): $340.53 billion; $312.80 billion; $27.73 billion surplus (2022)
2023 Budget (revenues; expenditure; balance): $314.7 billion; $336.5 billion; $21.9 billion deficit (est.)
Unemployment Rates (Q1 2023): 8.5% (Saudi nationals), 16.1% (Saudi females), 4.6% (Saudi males)
Crude Oil and Natural Gas Reserves: 258.6 billion barrels (2021 est.); 9.423 trillion cubic meters (2021 est.)
Public Debt: $262 billion, ~25% GDP (2022 est.)
Net Foreign Assets: ~$440.5 billion (2022 est.)
Sources: CRS using U.S. Department of State, Esri, and Google Maps data (all 2013), CIA World Factbook
estimates (March 2023), International Monetary Fund (IMF) 2023 Article IV Consultation Report (September
2023), and Saudi Ministry of Finance and General Authority for Statistics projections and data (March and
September 2023).
Note: According to the U.S. executive branch: (1) The West Bank is Israeli occupied with current status
subject to the 1995 Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement; permanent status to be determined through further
negotiation. (2) The status of the Gaza Strip is a final status issue to be resolved through negotiations. (3) The
United States recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital in 2017 without taking a position on the specific
boundaries of Israeli sovereignty. (4) Boundary representation is not necessarily authoritative. Additionally, the
United States recognized the Golan Heights as part of Israel in 2019; however, U.N. Security Council
Resolution 497, adopted on December 17, 1981, held that the area of the Golan Heights controlled by Israel's
military is occupied territory belonging to Syria. The current U.S. executive branch map of Israel is available at
https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/israel/map.
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Potential Saudi-Israel Normalization
The Biden Administration views the prospect of Israeli-Saudi normalization as a potentially
transformative change that could contribute to the stability of the Middle East region and
encourage governments of other predominantly Muslim countries to follow suit.8 The Saudi
government has maintained a conditional approach to recognition of and formal engagement with
Israel, while also supporting other Arab states’ burgeoning ties to Israel in line with U.S. goals.
Saudi Arabia publicly supports key Palestinian demands,9 while Saudi leaders have engaged
quietly with Israel based on shared security concerns about Iran. Saudi Arabia granted Israel
flyover rights within its airspace to facilitate direct Israeli airline travel to the United Arab
Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain, and in July 2022, the White House welcomed Saudi Arabia’s
decision to open its airspace to all civilian air traffic bound to or departing from Israel.10 The Biden
Administration in July 2022 announced changes to the U.S. military observer presence on the Red
Sea island of Tiran in conjunction with the island’s transfer to Saudi control under a SaudiEgyptian agreement endorsed by Israel.11
Saudi officials have not publicly revised the kingdom’s commitment to the Saudi-sponsored
2002 Arab Peace Initiative—which calls for the creation of a Palestinian state with a capital in
East Jerusalem—as a reference point for the kingdom’s conditions on normalization with Israel.
Saudi Arabia recognized the Palestinian declaration of statehood in November 1988. In August
2023, the kingdom named its Ambassador to Jordan as nonresident Ambassador to “the State of
Palestine and consul general in the city of Jerusalem.”12 Saudi officials’ comments on the
relationship between normalization with Israel and Palestinian statehood have varied since 2022.
•
•
•
In an interview published in March 2022, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman
said, “We look at Israel as a potential ally but before that it should solve its
problems with the Palestinians.”13
In January 2023, the Saudi Foreign Minister stated, “We have said consistently
that we believe normalization with Israel is something that is very much in the
interest of the region. However, true normalization and true stability will only
come through giving the Palestinians hope, through giving the Palestinians
dignity. That requires giving the Palestinians a state, and that’s the priority.”14
In a June 2023 press conference with Secretary Blinken, the Saudi Foreign
Minister said normalization “would bring significant benefits to all. But without
8 U.S. Department of State, Secretary Antony J. Blinken with The Atlantic’s Jeffrey Goldberg at The Atlantic Festival,
September 28, 2023.
9 King Salman has reiterated the kingdom’s commitment to the terms of the peace initiative put forward by his
predecessor King Abdullah under the auspices of the Arab League in 2002. This initiative calls for normalization of
Arab relations with Israel following the conclusion of a comprehensive Israeli-Palestinian peace accord, the
establishment of a Palestinian state with a capital in East Jerusalem, and a “just solution” for Palestinian refugees.
10 Previously, in 2020, Saudi Arabia granted Israel flyover rights within its airspace to facilitate direct Israeli airline
travel to the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. The kingdom expanded those flyover rights in July 2022.
11 Barak Ravid, “Scoop: Jake Sullivan discussed Saudi-Israel normalization with MBS,” Axios, October 20, 2021.
12 Saudi Press Agency, “Ambassador Al-Sudairi delivers a copy of his credentials as Non-Resident Ambassador
Extraordinary to the State of Palestine and Consul General in the city of Jerusalem to the Advisor to the Palestinian
President,” August 12, 2023.
13 Al Arabiya, “Saudi Arabia open to full ties with Israel, on condition of Palestine state: Saudi FM,” December 5,
2020.
14 Saudi Foreign Minister comments in Davos, Switzerland, reported in Abeer Abu Omar and Manus Cranny, “Saudi
Arabia Says a Palestinian State Is Key to Ties With Israel,” January 19, 2023.
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•
•
finding a pathway to peace for the Palestinian people, without addressing that
challenge, any normalization will have limited benefits. And therefore, I think
we should continue to focus on finding a pathway towards a two-state solution,
on finding a pathway towards giving the Palestinians dignity and justice.”15
In a September 2023 interview, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman declined
to specify what Palestinian-related terms Saudi Arabia would insist on as part of
a potential normalization agreement saying, that he did not want to affect
ongoing negotiations with the Biden Administration. The Crown Prince called
the Palestinian issue “very important” and said, “We need to solve that path.
...we hope that it will reach a place that will ease the life of the Palestinians.”16
In a September 2023 speech to the U.N. General Assembly, the Saudi Foreign
Minister said, “The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia emphasizes that the security of
the Middle East region requires swiftly finding a just, comprehensive solution to
the Palestinian issue; this solution must be based on legitimate international
resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative in a way that guarantees the right of the
Palestinian people to establish their independent state on the 1967 borders with
its capital in East Jerusalem.”17
Some analysts, including two former U.S. officials, have speculated that Saudi Arabia seeks
additional commitments from Israel and the U.S. government in conjunction with potential
normalization.18 These accounts suggest that Saudi Arabia—in addition to any Palestinianrelated requirements—may seek Israeli support for the kingdom’s reported priorities in the U.S.Saudi relationship. These may include formal U.S. commitments on the defense of Saudi Arabia;
“a congressionally endorsed affirmation of the U.S.-Saudi alliance”; continued U.S. arms
supplies with “NATO-like” terms for the kingdom; a U.S. sale of F-35 fighter aircraft to the
kingdom; and/or a relaxation of U.S. insistence that Saudi Arabia accept restrictions on its
nuclear program related to uranium enrichment.19 Saudi officials have not publicly specified
conditions or requests.
Depending on the content and form of any commitments or initiatives pursued by the Biden
Administration related to Saudi-Israeli normalization, Congress may consider various tools and
legislative approaches for shaping and conducting oversight of U.S. policy. A defense or security
agreement or treaty, a U.S. civil nuclear cooperation agreement, and/or arms sales related steps
each could require congressional action or review.
U.S. and Saudi officials have made varying statements about the nature of their discussions and
how close they are to reaching related agreements. In a July 2023 CNN interview, President
Biden said that “We’re a long way” from an Israel-Saudi normalization deal that could partly
depend on what Saudi Arabia might ask of the United States.20 In August 2023, National
15 U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Antony J. Blinken and Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al
Saud at a Joint Press Availability,” June 8, 2023.
16 “Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman,” interview by Bret Baier, Special Report, Fox News, September 20, 2023.
17 Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan, Remarks before the U.N. General Assembly, at UN News, “Saudi
Foreign Minister outlines plans for better, greener Middle East,” September 23, 2023.
18 Dion Nissenbaum, Dov Lieber, and Steven Kalin, “Saudi Arabia Seeks U.S. Security Pledges, Nuclear Help for
Peace With Israel,” Wall Street Journal, March 9, 2023; John Hannah, “Israel Can Normalize Ties with Saudi Arabia
– with Biden’s Help,” Jerusalem Post, January 4, 2023; and Robert Satloff and David Schenker, “Inside Saudi Arabia:
A Trip Report,” Washington Institute for Near East Policy, November 4, 2022.
19 Ibid. Quotes from Satloff and Schenker, “Inside Saudi Arabia.”
20 Transcript: Interview with U.S. President Joe Biden, CNN, July 9, 2023.
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Security Advisor Jake Sullivan described Saudi-Israeli normalization as something that “would
benefit the United States of America in a fundamental way,” and that “it’s something we
continue to work on in close consultation with both the Saudis and the Israelis.”21
In September 2023, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken shared his view that such
normalization would be “a transformative event in the Middle East and well beyond” and
“singularly positive,” and said that it remains a “possible” but “difficult proposition.”22 Secretary
Blinken also said that as part of any U.S.-facilitated agreement, the United States “would expect
progress on a number of issues in a number of areas that clearly are in our interests.” In light of
the major issues in the bilateral relationship since 2021, these areas could include energy policy,
technology transfer, nuclear nonproliferation, global infrastructure investment, Saudi relations
with Russia and China, military access and transit, and/or mutual contributions to security and
development in the Middle East region. In a September 2023, interview the Saudi Crown Prince
denied reports that the talks had been suspended and said “every day we get closer.”23
September 2023 press reports citing unnamed U.S. officials said that U.S. and Saudi officials
have discussed the prospect of a mutual security agreement, including a possible treaty akin to
U.S. treaties with Japan and South Korea, and the prospect of U.S.-administered uranium
enrichment under a U.S.-Saudi nuclear cooperation agreement.24 Respective U.S. treaties with
Japan and South Korea each state that the treaty parties would consider an attack on the treaty
parties in geographic areas defined in the treaties to be dangerous to their security and commit
the treaty parties to acting to meet the common danger, consistent with their constitutional
provisions and processes.25 A comparable U.S.-Saudi treaty would require the advice and
consent to ratification by a two-thirds majority of the Senate.26
Several extant bilateral executive agreements provide for U.S.-Saudi security cooperation,
including agreements setting terms for decades-long training and advisory programs. At times,
past U.S. administrations have offered discrete security assurances to Saudi Arabia in private
correspondence with Saudi leaders, but the United States has, with the exception of the 1990-
21 The White House, “Press Gaggle by National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan,” August 22, 2023.
22 U.S. Department of State, Remarks, “Secretary Antony J. Blinken and German Foreign Minister Annalena
Baerbock at a Joint Press Availability,” Washington, D.C., September 15, 2023.
23 “Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman,” interview by Bret Baier, Special Report, Fox News, September 20, 2023.
24 Edward Wong and Mark Mazzetti, “Biden Aides and Saudis Explore Defense Treaty Modeled After Asian Pacts,”
New York Times, September 19, 2023; and, Dion Nissenbaum and Dov Lieber, “Saudi Uranium Enrichment Floated
Under Possible Israel Deal,” Wall Street Journal, September 21, 2023.
25 See United States Treaties and Other International Agreements (TIAS): Volume 5, Part 3 (1954) and Volume 11,
Part 2 (1960). Article III of the U.S.-Republic of Korea Mutual Defense Treaty (TIAS 3097) states: “Each Party
recognizes that an armed attack in the Pacific area on either of the Parties in territories now under their respective
administrative control, or hereafter recognized by one of the Parties as lawfully brought under the administrative
control of the other, would be dangerous to its own peace and safety and declares that it would act to meet the
common danger in accordance with its constitutional processes.” Article V of the 1960 U.S.-Japan Mutual Security
and Cooperation Treaty (TIAS 4509) states: “Each Party recognizes that an armed attack against either Party in the
territories under the administration of Japan would be dangerous to its own peace and safety and declares that it would
act to meet the common danger in accordance with its constitutional provisions and processes.”
26 For more information on U.S. treaties, executive agreements, their effect on U.S. law, congressional influence, and
transparency measures, see CRS Report RL32528, International Law and Agreements: Their Effect upon U.S. Law;
CRS Legal Sidebar LSB11048, International Agreements (Part I): Overview and Agreement-Making Process; CRS
Legal Sidebar LSB11049, International Agreements (Part II): Examining Tools for Congressional Influence Over
International Instruments; and, CRS Legal Sidebar LSB11050, International Agreements (Part III): Transparency
Measures, by Stephen P. Mulligan.
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1991 Gulf War, generally refrained from making binding public commitments to directly defend
Saudi Arabia.27
Congress and successive presidential administrations have sought the kingdom's commitment to
forgo the most proliferation-sensitive nuclear facilities—those for enriching uranium or
reprocessing spent nuclear fuel to obtain plutonium—and Saudi Arabia’s acceptance of enhanced
international safeguards on its nuclear program.28 Previous administrations linked prospects for a
U.S.-Saudi nuclear cooperation agreement to these conditions, and Congress has limited the use
of certain funds to support possible U.S. nuclear exports to Saudi Arabia unless the kingdom
makes such commitments. Depending on its nature and extent, possible future U.S.-Saudi
nuclear cooperation may require Department of Energy (DOE) authorizations and/or
congressional approval of U.S.-Saudi agreements.
Selected Domestic and Foreign Policy Issues
The kingdom faces considerable challenges and opportunities at home and abroad. The central
dynamics in Saudi Arabia in recent years have been the rise to dominance of Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Salman, his divergence from previous patterns of Saudi leadership, and the
domestic and foreign policy changes he has introduced.
Selected Domestic Developments and Issues
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman as Principal Decisionmaker
In September 2022, King Salman via royal decree named the Crown Prince as Prime Minister
under an exception to the kingdom’s 1992 Basic Law, which states that the king holds that
position. Some observers saw the change as affirming the leadership role the Crown Prince plays
and a means to formalize existing arrangements while boosting the status afforded in diplomatic
settings to the Crown Prince and his brother Prince Khalid bin Salman (who the king promoted
27 In 1949, the Truman Administration communicated a series of “assurances” to then-King Abd al Aziz ibn Saud in
the context of discussions about the potential extension of U.S. access rights to a nascent military airfield at Dhahran
in eastern Saudi Arabia. At the time, the king and other Saudi officials had expressed concern about the potential
hostile intentions of neighboring monarchies in Jordan and Iraq ruled by the Hashemite family, from whom the Al
Saud had taken control of western Arabia, including Jedda, Mecca, and Medina, in the 1920s. In November and
December 1949, the U.S. government privately but formally expressed to the king its “concern for Saudi Arabia” and
“desire to insure (sic) its territorial integrity and political independence.” President Truman reaffirmed those
assurances in a 1950 letter to King Abd al Aziz. Following the Suez crisis of 1956, President Eisenhower in 1957
wrote to then-King Saud bin Abd al Aziz and said that, “Should Israel attempt to conquer any Arab state the United
States would, as it did last October, take action to prevent this. ...The United States stands fully prepared to meet
aggression against the free states of the Middle East.” See U.S. Department of State, Office of the Historian,
“President Truman to King Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud of Saudi Arabia,” October 31, 1950 in Foreign Relations of the
United States, 1950, The Near East, South Asia, and Africa, Volume V, 711.56386A/10–3050; and “Message From
President Eisenhower to King Saud.,” September 12, 1957 in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1955–1957,
Arab-Israeli Dispute, 1957, Volume XVII, 783.00/9–1157. In August 1990, President George H.W. Bush announced
the deployment of U.S. military personnel and equipment to Saudi Arabia at the request of the Saudi government
following Iraq’s invasion of neighboring Kuwait. President Bush said that “the sovereign independence of Saudi
Arabia is of vital interest to the United States,” and defined the U.S. forces’ mission as “to assist the Saudi Arabian
Government in the defense of its homeland,” and “to preserve the integrity of Saudi Arabia and to deter further Iraqi
aggression.” President Bush said U.S. forces would “defend themselves, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and other
friends in the Persian Gulf.” President George H.W. Bush, “Address to the Nation Announcing the Deployment of
United States Armed Forces to Saudi Arabia,” August 8, 1990.
28 See CRS In Focus IF10799, Prospects for U.S.-Saudi Nuclear Energy Cooperation, by Christopher M. Blanchard
and Paul K. Kerr.
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to Defense Minister).29 Others interpreted the change as related to judicial proceedings in the
United States and other jurisdictions where the Saudi government has sought or may seek to
assert sovereign immunity for the Crown Prince.30 The Biden Administration cited the Crown
Prince’s elevation to Prime Minister in a November 2022 “suggestion of immunity” to a U.S.
court; this action led to the December 2022 dismissal of a case against the Crown Prince that
alleged his responsibility for Saudi officials’ 2018 murder of Jamal Khashoggi.31
For decades, political decisionmaking in the kingdom reflected a process of consensus building
among a closed elite presided over by senior members of the Al Saud family. Since becoming
Crown Prince in 2017, Mohammed bin Salman has centralized decisionmaking in security and
economic affairs.32 Members of the conservative Salafist Sunni religious establishment long
shaped government decisions on social and legal issues, but their remaining influence appears
minimal. Some representatives of this community have endorsed swift and dramatic liberal
changes to some social policies since King Salman’s coronation in 2015, while authorities have
imprisoned others operating outside state structures for disfavored foreign ties and possibly for
opposing change.33 These shifts have occurred in the midst of what one long-time observer of
the kingdom’s politics has described as “an aggressive nationalist rebranding”34 of the state and
its vision of citizenship and identity.
Several long-time observers of Saudi affairs have noted that the apparent leadership
consolidation that has taken place since 2015 represents a departure from patterns and practices
among the Al Saud that had prevailed in the kingdom since the mid-1960s.35 Centralizing power
since 2015 may have enabled King Salman and his son to make domestically controversial
changes to some social, economic, and fiscal policies, but rival family members, disgruntled
religious conservatives, and other constituencies may harbor resentment over their lost influence.
As time goes on, these changes could remain durable and any remaining opposition could
diminish. Alternatively, opposition individuals or groups could make specific challenges or
maintain informal networks in hopes of preserving some influence. The Crown Prince’s rise
demonstrates how sudden changes in leadership may result in substantive changes in the
direction and efficacy of Saudi policy.
Political Structure, Succession, and Leadership
29 Zaid Sabah, “Saudi King Names Crown Prince Mohammed as Prime Minister,” Bloomberg, September 27, 2022.
30 Kareem Fahim and Amy B. Wang, “Judge asks U.S. if Saudi crown prince should be immune from suit,”
Washington Post, July 3, 2022; and Benjamin Barthe, “NGOs file suit in Paris against Saudi crown prince over
Khashoggi murder,” Le Monde, July 28, 2022.
31 Edward Wong, “U.S. Court Dismisses Suit Against Saudi Ruler in Khashoggi Killing,” New York Times, December
6, 2022. Specifically, the Department of State said it considers the Crown Prince “immune while in office.” Letter
from Richard C. Visek, Acting Legal Adviser, U.S. Department of State, to Brian M. Boynton, Principal Deputy
Assistant Attorney General, Civil Division, U.S. Department of Justice, November 17, 2022.
32 Kristin Smith Diwan, “Saudi Arabia Reassigns Roles within a More Centralized Monarchy,” Arab Gulf States
Institute in Washington, January 22, 2019.
33 For an overview, see Raihan Ismail, “How is MBS’s consolidation of power affecting Saudi clerics in the
opposition?” Washington Post, June 4, 2019. For a detailed discussion, see Stéphane Lacroix, “Saudi Arabia and the
Limits of Religious Reform,” The Review of Faith & International Affairs, vol. 17, no. 2 (2019), pp. 97-101.
34 Vivian Nereim, “‘Traitor’ Is the New ‘Infidel’ as Nationalism Grips Saudi Arabia,” Bloomberg, March 3, 2019.
35 See, for example, Stig Stenslie, “The End of Elite Unity and the Stability of Saudi Arabia,” The Washington
Quarterly, vol. 41, no. 1 (2018), pp. 61-82; F. Gregory Gause III, “Fresh Prince: The Schemes and Dreams of Saudi
Arabia’s Next King,” Foreign Affairs, May/June 2018; and, Gause, “Why the U.S. Should Stay Out of Saudi Politics,”
Foreign Affairs, December 18, 2018.
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Saudi Arabia is a monarchy governed in accordance with a 1992 Basic Law, and its legal system is largely rooted
in the Hanbali school of Sunni Islamic law as interpreted and applied by state-appointed judges.36 The Basic Law
states that male descendants of the kingdom’s founder, the late King Abd al Aziz bin Abd al Rahman Al Saud (aka
Ibn Saud, 1875-1953), shall rule the country. An appointed, 150-member national Shura Council provides limited
oversight and advisory input on some government decisions, and municipal councils with both appointed and
elected members serve as fora for public input into local governance. An Allegiance Council of 34 senior princes
selects the king and crown prince. According to the Department of State “Only select members of the ruling
family have a voice in the choice of leaders, composition of the government, or changes to the political system.”37
The kingdom’s population is culturally diverse, and regional and tribal identities remain relevant in social and
political life. Official discrimination, Saudi government concerns about perceived Iranian efforts to destabilize the
kingdom by agitating Saudi Shia, and anti-Shia terrorism have complicated efforts to improve sectarian relations.
The Al Saud family has exercised sole control over state affairs since Ibn Saud and his allies conquered most of
the Arabian Peninsula during the early 20th century and founded the eponymous kingdom in the 1930s. King
Salman succeeded his late half-brother King Abdullah bin Abd al Aziz following the latter’s death in January 2015.
King Salman in 2015 and 2017 announced dramatic changes to succession arrangements left in place by King
Abdullah, surprising observers of the kingdom’s politics. These changes resulted in Crown Prince Mohammed bin
Salman being placed in line to succeed his father. The Crown Prince is a leading member of the generation of
grandsons of Ibn Saud; members of this generation have assumed political and economic leadership roles.
The internal politics of the ruling Al Saud family remain a subject of international speculation. Rumored
discontent among royal family members has not manifested in documented, public efforts to challenge or
undermine the Crown Prince’s agenda, but the reported detentions of some prominent princes since 2017
suggests that some discord among them exists.38 In November 2017, a number of prominent royal family
members and businessmen were detained for months in the Ritz Carlton hotel in Riyadh as part of a declared
anti-corruption campaign. In March 2020, former Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, Prince Ahmed bin Abd al
Aziz (the king’s full brother), and some other royal family members reportedly were detained on suspicion of
plotting a coup d’état.39
Vision 2030 and Economic Reform
The Crown Prince presides over the kingdom’s national economic transformation initiatives as
Prime Minister, head of the Council of Economic and Development Affairs, and chairman of the
board of the kingdom’s sovereign wealth fund—the Public Investment Fund (PIF). Growth in
state revenue, spending reductions, and borrowing have bolstered the kingdom’s ability to invest
in support of its Vision 2030 Vision Realization Programs,40 National Transformation Plan, and
Fiscal Balance Plan, which have set goals to expand employment opportunities for young Saudis
36 The kingdom’s Islamic legal system is based on the Quran and traditions (hadith) of the Prophet Mohammed,
supplemented by limited civil service and commercial codes. Marwa Rashad, “Saudi Arabia announces new judicial
reforms in a move towards codified law,” Reuters, February 8, 2021. For background, see Joseph A. Kéchichian,
Legal and Political Reforms in Saudi Arabia (New York: Routledge, 2013).
37 U.S. Department of State, “2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, Saudi Arabia,” March 20, 2023.
38 Some members of the royal family reportedly objected to some post-2015 changes in intra-family letters reported
after 2015, during meetings of the Allegiance Council, and through other channels. See David Ignatius, “A Cyclone
Brews over Saudi Arabia,” Washington Post, October 13, 2015; Hugh Miles, “Saudi Royal Calls for Regime Change
in Riyadh,” The Guardian, September 28, 2015; Vivian Nereim, “Saudi Prince Addresses Questions of Loyalty After
London Video,” Bloomberg, September 5, 2018; and, Reuters, “In Saudi Arabia, criticism of Crown Prince grows
after attack,” October 2, 2019.
39 Prior to Prince Mohammed bin Nayef’s March 2020 detention, former U.S. intelligence official Bruce Riedel had
said that the prince had been under “house arrest” or “palace arrest.” See Riedel, “Four years into Salman’s reign,
Saudi Arabia more unpredictable than ever,” Al Monitor, January 16, 2019; Riedel, interview with Martin Smith, PBS
Frontline, October 1, 2019; Stephen Kalin and Marwa Rashad, “Saudi Arabia detains senior royals for alleged coup
plot, including king's brother: sources,” Reuters, March 6, 2020; Summer Said, Justin Scheck, and Warren Strobel,
“Top Saudi Royal Family Members Detained,” Wall Street Journal, March 6, 2020; Summer Said and Jared Malsin,
“Saudi Authorities Begin Release of Princes Questioned in Roundup,” Wall Street Journal, March 8, 2020.
40 Vision Realization Programs guide the implementation of Vision 2030 programs across various sectors.
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while attracting foreign investment to new sectors and creating new sources of non-oil-based
state revenue and private sector activity.41 The International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) September
2023 report on Saudi Arabia states that “The implementation of the Vision 2030 reform
agenda—which led to substantial improvements in the regulatory and business environment—is
continuing unimpeded towards a productive and green economy.”42 The IMF generally has
commended reform goals and efforts under Vision 2030 and the National Transformation Plan,
which in part reflect long-standing IMF recommendations for structural reforms to encourage
private sector growth, diversify revenue sources, and improve employment opportunities for
young Saudis.43
Successive Saudi leaders have pursued
Figure 1. Saudi Arabia: Crude Oil Production
these goals, but with more narrow and
Million barrels per day
gradual targets than those of Vision
2030. Historically, Saudi policymakers
have faced challenges in balancing these
types of reforms with concerns for the
preservation of regime and national
security, social stability, and cultural and
religious values. The kingdom’s long
generous support to citizens through
subsidies and public employment have
grown less fiscally sustainable. In
making oil production, investment, and
fiscal decisions, Saudi officials consider
global economic conditions, investment
plans and spare production capacity
among oil producers, domestic economic
Source: OPEC Monthly Oil Market Reports, October
development, oil consumers’ policies,
2022 and September 2023.
the fiscal needs of the kingdom’s
neighbors, the vulnerability of oil infrastructure, and longer-term energy market trends, such as
expected global transition away from fossil fuels.
At present, Saudi state finances and the kingdom’s ability to implement its ambitious economic
transformation agenda remain dependent on revenue derived from oil exports.44 Among the G20
countries, Saudi Arabia had the highest economic growth in 2022 due to high global oil prices
stemming in part from the effects of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Higher oil prices and global
economic recovery have been a boon for the kingdom, replenishing state coffers after a
challenging period of lower revenue and higher-than-planned spending to offset the economic
41 See, International Monetary Fund (IMF) Article IV Consultation Reports, 2017-2023; Peter Waldman, “The $2
Trillion Project to Get Saudi Arabia’s Economy Off Oil,” Bloomberg Businessweek, April 21, 2016; Ben Hubbard and
Kate Kelly, “Saudi Arabia’s Grand Plan to Move Beyond Oil: Big Goals, Bigger Hurdles,” New York Times, October
25, 2017; Ahmed Al Omran, “Saudi Arabia’s sleepy city offers prince a cautionary tale,” Financial Times (UK), May
27, 2018; Al Omran, “Record numbers of foreign workers leave Saudi Arabia,” Financial Times (UK), July 10, 2018;
and, Rory Jones, “In Rare Step, Saudi’s Sovereign Wealth Fund Raises $11 Billion Loan,” Wall Street Journal,
September 17, 2018.
42 IMF Article IV Consultation Report, September 2023.
43 IMF, 2022 and 2023 Article IV Consultation Reports, August 2022 and September 2023.
44 State-owned oil giant Aramco reported an annual profit of $161 billion in 2022, contributing to the fiscal surplus.
However, in the first quarter of 2023, declines in oil prices from 2022 highs and reduced export volumes contributed
to a return to quarterly deficit for the kingdom.
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effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021.45 Some analysts project that Saudi
Arabia’s fiscal break-even oil price is $80 per barrel; oil prices in 2023 have fluctuated between
a low of around $70 per barrel to more than $90 per barrel. As of October 2023, the kingdom
projected a deficit for 2023 through 2026, but reported record low unemployment and low
inflation.46
U.S. officials support Saudi plans to diversify its economy and develop green energy
infrastructure, but have also encouraged Saudi Arabia and its partners in the Organization of the
Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the OPEC Plus (OPEC+) group to increase oil
output as a means of moderating global oil prices following the 2022 onset of the RussiaUkraine war.47 Saudi Arabia temporarily increased oil production in mid-2022 (Figure 1) before
deciding to cut production in concert with Russia and other OPEC+ producers in October 2022
and April 2023, and to make further voluntary unilateral cuts to its own production in July 2023
and through the end of the year. Market analysts attribute these cuts to Saudi officials’ desire to
bolster oil revenue and fund transformation efforts, though sustained lower output could result in
lower growth if higher prices are not sustained.48
Non-oil revenue overall and as a share of government spending has increased rapidly since
Vision 2030 implementation began in 2016 (Figure 2), but most deficit reduction since 2020 has
come from higher oil proceeds.49 The government introduced a value added tax (VAT) in 2018
and tripled it to 15% in July 2020 in response to budget pressures. IMF assessments call for the
kingdom to maintain this higher rate and continue to reduce energy subsidies while expanding
targeted support to vulnerable segments of the population.50
45 “Saudi Aramco’s full-year profit more than doubles on soaring oil prices,” CNBC, March 20, 2022.
46 Saudi Arabia Ministry of Finance. Pre-Budget Statement for Fiscal Year 2024, September 30, 2023.
47 As of September 2023, official OPEC+ membership included 13 OPEC countries and 10 non-OPEC countries,
representing nearly 52% of world oil production as of calendar year 2022. See U.S. Energy Information
Administration, Today in Energy, “What is OPEC+ and how is it different from OPEC?” May 9, 2023.
48 See, for example, Anna Hirtenstein, “Saudi Arabia and Russia Win Big in Gamble on Oil Cuts,” Wall Street
Journal, September 28, 2023; and, Abeer Abu Omar, “IMF Says Saudi Oil Cuts Will Spare Economy Where It
Matters Most,” September 6, 2023.
49 IMF Article IV Consultation Report, August 2022, p. 9.
50 IMF Article IV Consultation Reports, August 2022 and September 2023,
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Figure 2. Saudi Arabia: Selected Fiscal Data
historical $, billions
Source: Compiled by CRS from International Monetary Fund (IMF) Article IV reports, 2017-2023, and Saudi
Ministry of Finance data, 2023. Data for 2022 reflects actual totals for Revenue and Expenditure.
Following an assessment of progress toward Vision 2030 goals in early 2021, the Crown Prince
announced plans to channel additional public and private investment toward the plan’s efforts.
Under the “Shareek” initiative, the government has directed large publicly listed Saudi
companies to redirect dividends toward capital investment in the domestic economy.51 Saudi
leaders have announced that foreign companies pursuing state contracts in Saudi Arabia will be
expected to have their regional headquarters in the kingdom by 2024, setting up an explicit
rivalry with established business hubs, such as Dubai in the United Arab Emirates.52 The
kingdom also is continuing to invest in several “giga-projects” to create new thematic hubs of
economic activity, including the NEOM53 project in the kingdom’s northwest, the Red Sea
Project tourism zone along the western coast, and the Qiddiya entertainment and sports complex
near Riyadh.54
Attacks on Saudi infrastructure and reported human rights violations since 2017 have
demonstrated interrelations among Saudi politics, regional security, and the kingdom’s economic
transformation plans. International observers and investors appear to be weighing these factors
from a variety of perspectives. Foreign private sector actors intending to participate in and profit
from new investment and expanded business opportunities in the kingdom have had to navigate
Ghaida Ghantous and Saeed Azhar, “Saudi Arabia announces $1.3 trillion private sector investment push led by
Aramco, SABIC,” Reuters, March 30, 2021; and, Karen E. Young, “MbS has a new growth story,” Amwaj
Media/American Enterprise Institute, April 6, 2021.
52 See Matthew Martin, Vivian Nereim and Zainab Fattah, “Saudi Arabia Adds Pressure on Global Firms to Move to
Riyadh,” Bloomberg, February 16, 2021; and, Zainab Fattah, “Saudi TV Stations Begin Shift to Riyadh in Challenge
to Dubai,” Bloomberg, September 1, 2021.
53 According to NEOM officials “The name ‘NEOM’ is derived from two words. The first three letters from the
Ancient Greek prefix neo-meaning ‘new’. The fourth letter is from the abbreviation of Mostaqbal, an Arabic word
meaning ‘future’.”
54 Andrew England and Ahmed al Omran, “Saudi prince powers ahead with futuristic city and sports giga-projects,”
Financial Times, August 16, 2020.
51
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political and security developments that have resulted in uncertainty. This includes concerns
about the kingdom’s human rights practices and attacks on infrastructure and populated areas by
foreign adversaries. Outside actors hoping to support Saudi Arabia’s transformation plans as a
hedge against political discord in the kingdom that could result from the initiatives’ failure may
face related challenges in convincing investors to make long-term investment commitments. The
kingdom’s adversaries could leverage relatively low cost, high impact attacks to amplify
investors’ doubts in the future.
Human Rights
During his July 2022 visit to Saudi Arabia, President Biden said that he and the Crown Prince
“discussed human rights and the need for political reform,” and the President said he “made
clear that the topic was vitally important to me and to the United States.”55
Saudi law does not guarantee freedom of assembly, expression, religion, the press, or
association; rather, the government strictly limits each of them. Limited freedom of association
exists in practice, but political parties are prohibited, as are any groups in opposition to the
government. Since the 1990s, authorities have repeatedly detained, fined, arrested, or imprisoned
individuals associated with protests, public advocacy, or criticism of the government, and have
placed travel restrictions on critics, activists, and their family members, including U.S.
nationals.56 A Specialized Criminal Court (SCC) presides over terrorism cases, including those
cases involving alleged violations of restrictions on political activity and expression contained in
counterterrorism and cybercrimes laws adopted since 2008.57
In March 2023, the Department of State’s 2022 report on human rights practices in Saudi Arabia
described credible reports of a wide variety of human rights violations, including “reports that
authorities attempted to intimidate critics living abroad, pressured their relatives in country, and
in certain instances abducted or pressured dissidents and repatriated them to the country.”58 The
U.S. Department of Justice has charged individuals for allegedly assisting the government of
Saudi Arabia in accessing the social media accounts of dissidents and for lying to investigators
in inquiries related to harassment of Saudi nationals in the United States.59 In 2022, Saudi
authorities issued long prison sentences to Saudi and U.S. nationals reportedly related to private
and public expression while abroad.60
Saudi officials generally defend the kingdom’s judicial processes and reject outside criticism. In
August 2023, a Saudi court sentenced a Saudi national to death on charges that cited his social
media and other online activity.61 Asked about the case in a September 2023 interview, the
Crown Prince denied being able to direct or influence the decisions of Saudi judges and
55 The White House, “Remarks by President Biden on His Meetings in Saudi Arabia,” July 15, 2022.
56 An October 2021 NGO report found that “At least eighty-nine U.S. persons or their family members were detained,
disappeared, or under travel bans at some point in 2021 in Saudi Arabia.” Freedom Initiative, Friend or Foe? Saudi
Arabian Government Repression in the US and Worldwide, October 2021.
57 See American Bar Association Center for Human Rights, Saudi Arabia: Counterterror Court Targets Activists,
April 2019.
58 U.S. Department of State, “2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, Saudi Arabia,” March 20, 2023.
59 See, e.g., Isabel Debre, “FBI arrests Saudi man for using fake accounts to harass and threaten nation’s critics,” PBS
News Hour, July 19, 2022.
60 Ellen Knickmeyer, “Saudis in US targeted as kingdom cracks down on dissent,” Associated Press, November 2,
2022.
61 Jon Gambrell, “Saudi man receives death penalty for posts online, latest case in wide-ranging crackdown on
dissent,” Associated Press, August 30, 2023.
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expressed his own criticism of some Saudi laws while indicating his intention to implement
further legal reform.62
The Department of State reported that in 2022, the kingdom’s “SCC and the Public Prosecutor’s
Office were not independent entities, as they reportedly were required to coordinate their
decisions with government authorities, including the king and crown prince.”63 In the same
report, the Department said that “Human rights activists claimed that SCC judges received
implicit instructions to issue harsh sentences against human rights activists, reformers,
journalists, and dissidents not engaged in violent activities.” In March 2022, U.N. High
Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet condemned the kingdom’s execution of 81
individuals, including some tried for alleged violations of the 2008 counterterrorism law. She
said the executions did not conform to “international human rights and humanitarian law and
may amount to a war crime.”64
The Department of State’s March 2023 report did not provide an update on members of the royal
family detained in March 2020, including the former Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef Al
Saud, Prince Ahmed bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, and Prince Nayef bin Ahmed Al Saud, a former
head of army intelligence.65 The report included a nongovernmental organization’s confirmation
that Prince Turki bin Abdullah, a son of the late King Abdullah and former governor of Riyadh
Province, was sentenced to 17 years on corruption charges after five years of pretrial detention.
Lawyers for Saudi entities have levied corruption allegations against Saad bin Khalid Al Jabri, a
high-ranking former colleague of Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, in court filings.66 Al Jabri
denies the charges and has accused the Saudi government of trying to assassinate him. Saudi
authorities have tried and imprisoned two of his children. In January 2023, the U.S. government
prevailed in its assertion of the state secrets privilege in related court proceedings in the United
States.67
The March 2023 Department of State report also refers to a U.N. inquiry into allegations that
Saudi security forces used firearms excessively against civilians at the Saudi-Yemen border and
otherwise allegedly subjected some migrants to “killings, torture, arbitrary detention, and sexual
abuse.” Human Rights Watch released a report on the alleged killings and abuses in August
2023.68 U.S. officials reportedly raised the allegations with Saudi officials, who have denied the
62 “Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman,” interview by Bret Baier, Special Report, Fox News, September 20, 2023.
63 U.S. Department of State, “2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, Saudi Arabia,” March 20, 2023.
64 U.N. News, “UN rights chief decries mass execution of 81 people in Saudi Arabia,” March 14, 2022.
65 The Department of State reported: “In early March [2020] authorities reportedly detained four senior princes: Prince
Ahmed bin Abdulaziz, King Salman’s full brother; his son, Prince Nayef bin Ahmed, a former head of army
intelligence; Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, former crown prince and interior minister; and his younger brother, Prince
Nawaf bin Nayef. The detentions were not announced by the government ... In August lawyers representing Prince
Mohammed bin Nayef said they were increasingly concerned about his well-being, alleging that his whereabouts
remained unknown five months after he was detained and stating that he had not been allowed visits by his personal
doctor. Prince Nawaf’s lawyers stated he was released in August, but there were no updates on the other three as of
year’s end.” U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights, 2020, Saudi Arabia, March 31, 2021.
66 Stephen Kalin and Bradley Hope, “Saudi Arabia’s Ousted Spymaster Is Accused of Embezzling Billions,” Wall
Street Journal, January 27, 2021.
67 Bryce Klehm, “DNI Haines Asserts State Secrets Privilege in Civil Lawsuit Involving Saudi Arabia,” Lawfare,
September 3, 2021; and, Kevin Koeninger, “Saudi spymaster, US gov’t say asset fight threatens state secrets,”
Courthouse News Service, September 30, 2022; see Sakab Saudi Holding Co. v. Aljabri, No. 22-1052 (1st Cir. 2023).
68 Human Rights Watch, “‘They Fired on Us Like Rain,’ Saudi Arabian Mass Killings of Ethiopian Migrants at the
Yemen-Saudi Border,” August 21, 2023.
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reports.69 U.S. officials stated that U.S. training for Border Guard forces under the U.S.-Saudi
bilateral interior security support agreement focused on maritime security.70
Women’s Rights and Social Change
Some major social changes have been introduced in conjunction with the kingdom’s Vision 2030
transformation initiatives, notably the recognition of women’s right to drive and some changes to
“guardianship laws” that have long empowered Saudi men to control the personal lives of
female relatives and partners. The March 2023 Department of State human rights report notes
some steps by Saudi authorities to improve human rights conditions, including through continual
removal of some restrictions on the rights of women. Women’s participation in the Saudi labor
force already has exceeded Vision 2030 targets.
Social changes implemented to date have been sweeping, and their pace and scope have
surprised many longtime observers of the kingdom. However, as noted above, these reforms
have been accompanied by a stifling of dissent, the disempowerment of some religious
conservatives, and the imprisonment of some clerics and liberal activists with the potential to act
as influential critics. Notably, authorities implemented the significant reforms in terms of
women’s rights described above in conjunction with the imprisonment of many leading women
activists. Since 2021, authorities have released some of these women under travel bans and other
limits; in 2022, others were sentenced.71 Social and gender practices are changing at the
government’s direction and with the government’s support, though the scope and embrace of
change reportedly varies in different areas of the country and in different communities.
Policy changes since 2017 have removed many official restrictions on women, though in some
cases, rules empowering women’s male “guardians” (husbands or designated male relatives)
continue to apply. In March 2022, the Crown Prince announced the cabinet’s approval of a new
personal status law, which the government said was intended to address shortcomings that
created disadvantages for women in cases involving marriage, divorce, child custody, and other
personal matters.72 The law came into effect in June 2022.73 According to Human Rights Watch,
the new law “entrenches discriminatory provisions on women in marriage, divorce, inheritance,
and decisions relating to children. Rather than dismantling it, the law instead codifies male
guardianship and sets out provisions that can facilitate and excuse domestic violence including
sexual abuse in marriage.”74
69 Missy Ryan, Sarah Dadouch, John Hudson, and Karen DeYoung, “U.S. presses Saudi Arabia on reported migrant
massacres,” Washington Post, August 31, 2023.
70 Ibid.
71 Associated Press, “A Saudi woman gets a 45-year prison sentence for social media use that remains unclear,”
August 31, 2022.
72 See Saudi Gazette, “Al-Samaani: Personal Status Law reinforces mother’s right for custody of children,” March 10,
2022; and U.S. Department of State, “2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, Saudi Arabia,” April 12,
2022.
73 Saudi Gazette, “Saudi Personal Status Law limits judiciary’s discretionary power, reduce inconsistencies,”
September 1, 2022.
74 Human Rights Watch, “World Report 2023: Saudi Arabia,” January 2023.
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Selected Saudi Foreign Policy Issues
The People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Russia
U.S. global competition with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Russia and the Saudi
monarchy’s willingness to engage in defense and energy cooperation with these U.S. rivals add
strategic complexity to the U.S.-Saudi relationship. The Crown Prince has denied that Saudi oil
policy coordination with Russia is intended to strengthen Russia’s ability to wage war on
Ukraine, and he has described Sino-Saudi trade and diplomatic cooperation as reflecting the
discrete interests of both countries. Like past Saudi leaders, he has alluded to the potential for
Saudi Arabia to deepen its cooperation with others if closer ties with the United States are not
possible.75
Saudi Arabia has long maintained a diverse set of defense suppliers, but relies on the United
States and some European partners for most of its defense needs. At times, the kingdom has
acquired capabilities that the United States and partners in Europe have been unwilling or unable
to provide. Since 2015, this has included systems such as armed unmanned aircraft76 and,
reportedly, new ballistic missiles systems and related production technology from China.77
China’s military has conducted joint exercises with Saudi counterparts.78 In August 2021, Saudi
Arabia and Russia signed a defense cooperation agreement “aimed at developing joint military
cooperation between the two countries.”79 Russian and PRC military cooperation with Iran and
the performance of the Russian military during the war in Ukraine could dissuade the kingdom
from deepening military ties to Russia and China or procuring some Russian or PRC weapons
systems.
As noted above, since Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, U.S. analysts have
scrutinized Saudi energy policy and diplomacy, with some observers criticizing Saudi leaders’
unwillingness to more fully distance themselves from Russia and noting Saudi decisions through
mid-2022 to increase oil output only gradually in line with agreements previously reached
among oil producers, including Russia.80 Saudi-Russian energy negotiations have been central to
the duration of the OPEC+ arrangement, with a June 2018 bilateral energy cooperation
agreement seeking “a balanced market...supported by a reliable and sufficient supply.”81 At
times, reported Saudi-Russian disagreements have led to divergent approaches,82 but SaudiRussian coordination with other OPEC+ members has continued, with oil output managed
according to agreed country-specific targets. Saudi Arabia has unilaterally reduced its oil output
75 In a March 2022 interview, he said: “Where is the potential in the world today? It’s in Saudi Arabia. And if you
want to miss it, I believe other people in the East are going to be super happy.” Graeme Wood, “Absolute Power,” The
Atlantic, March 3, 2022.
76 U.S. Department of Defense, Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China, 2019.
77 Phil Mattingly, Zachary Cohen and Jeremy Herb, “U.S. intel shows Saudi Arabia escalated its missile program with
help from China,” CNN, June 5, 2019; Jared Malsin, Summer Said, and Warren P. Strobel, “Saudis Begin Making
Ballistic Missiles With Chinese Help,” Wall Street Journal, December 23, 2021.
78 Reuters, “China, Saudi Arabia launch joint naval exercise -media,” November 19, 2019.
79 Deputy Minister of Defense Prince Khalid bin Salman Al Saud (@kbsalsaud), Twitter, 5:56 PM, August 23, 2021.
80 David Ottaway, “Saudi Arabia Chooses Putin over Biden on Ukraine to Keep Oil Prices High,” Wilson Center,
March 2, 2022; Josh Rogin, “Opinion: America’s Gulf ‘allies’ are now Putin’s enablers,” Washington Post, May 5,
2022.
81 RFE/RL, “Russia, Saudi Arabia Agree To Expand Cooperation On Oil, Gas,” June 15, 2018.
82 Jinjoo Lee, “How a Tenuous Saudi-Russia Oil Alliance Could Melt Down,” Wall Street Journal, August 7, 2020.
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since June 2023 in response to what it argues is oversupply in the market. Upward pressure on
oil prices has generated renewed scrutiny of Saudi decisionmaking in this area.
Greater Saudi energy exports to China also have underpinned deepening Sino-Saudi economic
and diplomatic ties, leading to new cooperation initiatives in areas such as uranium exploration
and nuclear technology. In May 2023, Saudi Arabia provided approximately 14% of China’s oil
imports, but increasing imports of discounted oil from Russia to China were eroding Saudi
Arabia’s position as the PRC’s top foreign oil supplier.83 China has submitted a technical bid for
the construction of two planned nuclear energy reactors in the kingdom. In August 2020, Saudi
authorities denied press reports citing unnamed Western officials that claimed Saudi Arabia with
China’s help built a facility for milling uranium oxide ore.84 Such a facility would not violate
Saudi Arabia’s nonproliferation commitments but would require declaration. Chinese state
entities have assisted in surveys of uranium deposits in Saudi Arabia.85 Other press reporting
described a separate possible undeclared site.86
In December 2022, PRC leader Xi Jinping traveled to Riyadh to attend the inaugural China-Arab
States Summit and the inaugural China-Gulf Cooperation Council Summit–effectively raising
PRC’s ties to the League of Arab States and the Gulf Cooperation Council to the head-of-state
level. The kingdom and the PRC agreed to upgrade the China-Saudi Arabia High-level Joint
Committee to the prime minister-level and host biennial meetings at the head-of-state level.87
The two sides also reached a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement. Prior to 2022,
President Xi had last visited Saudi Arabia in 2016, and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin
Salman visited China in 2019. Chinese telecommunications firms provide 5G and data services
in Saudi Arabia, including Huawei, which in 2022 launched an innovation center in the kingdom
and in September 2023 opened a cloud data center there.
In July 2022, the White House announced a Memorandum of Cooperation between the U.S.
National Telecommunication and Information Administration and the Saudi Ministry of
Communications and Information Technology to “connect U.S. and Saudi technology companies
in the advancement and deployment of 5G using open, virtualized, and cloud-based radio access
networks and the development of 6G through similar technologies.”88 The agreement included
Saudi commitments to invest in the deployment of such technologies via the Partnership for
Global Infrastructure and Investment, and some analysts have noted the agreement’s potential
implications for global U.S.-PRC technology competition.89
83 Summer Said and Benoit Faucon, “Russia Set to Overtake Saudi Arabia in Battle for China’s Oil Market,” Wall
Street Journal, June 27, 2023.
84 Warren P. Stroebel, Michael R. Gordon, and Felicia Schwartz, “Saudi Arabia, With China’s Help, Expands Its
Nuclear Program,” Wall Street Journal, August 4, 2020.
85 China National Nuclear Corporation, “CNNC and Saudi Arabia expedite uranium and thorium collaborations,”
September 1, 2017; Suzan Katamoura et al, “Uranium/Thorium Resource Assessment in Saudi Arabia,” International
Symposium on Uranium Raw Material for the Nuclear Fuel Cycle: Exploration, Mining, Production, Supply and
Demand, Economics and Environmental Issues, June 27, 2018.
86 Mark Mazzetti, David E. Sanger, and William J. Broad, “U.S. Examines Whether Saudi Nuclear Program Could
Lead to Bomb Effort,” New York Times, August 5, 2020.
87 Foreign Ministry of the PRC, “President Xi Jinping Holds Talks with Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed
bin Salman of Saudi Arabia,” December 9, 2022.
88 The White House, “FACT SHEET: Results of Bilateral Meeting Between the United States and the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia,” July 15, 2022.
89 Claude Barfield, “Biden Touts Saudi 5G Open Radio Access Network Deal, but Huawei Still Dominates the Middle
East,” American Enterprise Institute, August 1, 2022.
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Iran
Saudi Arabia severed diplomatic ties to Iran in 2016 following attacks on a Saudi diplomatic
facility in Iran that occurred in the wake of the kingdom’s execution of a Shia cleric convicted of
treason.90 In 2021 and 2022, officials from Saudi Arabia and Iran engaged in several rounds of
talks hosted by Iraq and Oman; the talks reportedly focused on regional security issues and
aimed at deescalating Saudi-Iranian tensions. In April 2023, China facilitated the apparent
culmination of those talks, resulting in a reopening of Saudi-Iranian diplomatic ties. Saudi and
Iranian authorities also agreed to reactivate bilateral agreements reached in the late 1990s and
early 2000s that committed the two governments to respecting each other’s internal security and
cooperating in related security matters.
Iran has named an ambassador to the kingdom and reopened its embassy, consulate, and
delegation to the multilateral Saudi Arabia-based Organization of Islamic Cooperation. Saudi
Arabia reopened its embassy in Tehran in August 2023. In June 2023, Saudi Foreign Minister
Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud visited Iran and relayed an invitation for Iranian President
Ebrahim Raisi to visit Saudi Arabia.91 In August 2023, Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein AmirAbdollahian traveled to Saudi Arabia and met with the Crown Prince.
Saudi-Iranian relations have thawed, but the two countries’ foreign policies continue to appear
divergent in key areas. Iran’s government opposes normalization with Israel, and Iran could
undermine any further steps by Saudi Arabia to normalize relations with Israel. U.S. and Saudi
officials share concerns over Iran’s nuclear, missile, and unmanned aerial vehicle programs, as
well as continuing Iranian support for armed groups in the Middle East region, especially for the
Ansarallah (aka Houthi) movement in Yemen, Lebanon’s Hezbollah, and Shia militias in Iraq
and Syria. When multilateral talks with Iran over its nuclear program were still underway in
2021, the Saudi government expressed support for a possible agreement that “ensures that Iran
will not now or ever gain access to nuclear weapons technology.”92 In a September 2023
interview, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman reiterated that if Iran obtains a nuclear weapon,
then Saudi Arabia would be compelled to follow suit.93 In 2023, Saudi-Iranian relations also
have appeared strained over energy issues, such as Iranian attacks on commercial shipping in the
Gulf region and rights to the Saudi-Kuwaiti offshore Al Durra field.94
Gulf Neighbor Relations
In January 2021, Saudi Arabia lifted closures of its land and sea borders and airspace to Qatar,
along with related diplomatic and economic isolation measures that it had imposed in 2017.
Mirroring the resolution of a previous confrontation in 2014, an agreement reached between the
parties provides for an end to the isolation measures in exchange for new understandings about
state-backed media coverage and an end to Qatar’s pursuit of legal damages.95 Saudi and Qatari
90 Ben Hubbard, “Saudi Arabia Cuts Ties With Iran Amid Fallout From Cleric’s Execution,” New York Times, January
3, 2016.
91 Amir Vahdat, “Saudi foreign minister in Iran as part of restoration of diplomatic ties after a 7-year rift,” AP, June
17, 2023.
92 Saudi Minister of Foreign Affairs Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud quoted in Reuters, “Saudi Arabia says sees an
emboldened Iran around Middle East,” August 3, 2021.
93 “Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman,” interview by Bret Baier, Special Report, Fox News, September 20, 2023.
94 Nick El Hajj, “Dispute over Persian Gulf gas field poses early challenge to Saudi-Iranian rapprochement,” AP, July
31, 2023.
95 Al-Ula Declaration, signed by Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates,
(continued...)
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leaders have met frequently since reaching the agreement. Qatar’s Emir departed the Saudihosted Arab League summit in May 2023 in apparent protest of the Saudi-brokered League
decision to welcome Syrian President Bashar Al Asad.
Reports in July 2023 alleged that a rivalry has developed between the Saudi Crown Prince and
United Arab Emirates President Shaykh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and said that the
Crown Prince had privately threatened to isolate the UAE as it once did Qatar.96 UAE and Saudi
officials reportedly have differed over oil production decisions and policy toward Yemen and
Sudan in 2023, but denied the reports of a rift. An unnamed senior Biden Administration official
told the Wall Street Journal in response to the reported tensions that, “it’s not helpful to us for
them to be at each other’s throats.”97
Yemen
In July 2023, the Biden Administration welcomed the 16-month mark in a period of calm in the
conflict that has gripped Yemen since 2015; the continuing truce has halted both cross-border
Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia and Saudi-led coalition airstrikes in Yemen.98 In April 2023,
Saudi negotiators engaged the Houthis directly in Sanaa, Yemen, after lifting restrictions on the
entry of goods to non-Houthi controlled ports. Houthi officials made a reciprocal visit to Riyadh
in September 2023. Outstanding issues between the Saudi-backed Presidential Leadership
Council and the Houthi-controlled National Salvation Government reportedly include continuing
air and sea access restrictions, the payment of salaries to state employees in Houthi-controlled
areas, and terms for an enduring ceasefire and for initiating broader political settlement talks.
Houthi officials displayed missiles presumably acquired from Iran in a September 2023 military
parade.
Saudi Arabia appears to be shaping politics in areas of southern Yemen controlled or influenced by
the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC), which supports reestablishing an
independent state in southern Yemen. Some political and tribal leaders from the easternmost
Yemeni governorate of Hadramout announced the formation of a Hadramout National Council
following June 2023 consultations in Riyadh.99 Rivalry between the STC, Islamists, local groups,
and anti-secession figures across southern Yemen may affect Yemen’s future stability and the
context in which the United States pursues counterterrorism objectives in southern Yemen and
peace in Yemen more broadly.100 In June 2023, the Biden Administration reported to Congress,
consistent with the War Powers Resolution, that “a small number” of U.S. military personnel “are
deployed to Yemen to conduct operations against al-Qa’ida in the Arabian Peninsula and ISIS.”101
January 5, 2021, available at https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/No%20Volume/56786/Part/I-5678608000002805b2870.pdf.
96 Charles W. Dunne, “The UAE-Saudi Arabia Rivalry Becomes a Rift,” Arab Center Washington, DC, July 6, 2023;
and, Summer Said, Dion Nissenbaum, Stephen Kalin, and Saleh al-Batati, “The Best of Frenemies: Saudi Crown
Prince Clashes With U.A.E. President,” Wall Street Journal, July 18, 2023.
97 Said et al., “The Best of Frenemies…,” Wall Street Journal, July 18, 2023.
98 The White House, “Readout of National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan’s Trip to Saudi Arabia,” July 27, 2023.
99 Yasser Ezzi, “Hadramawt National Council: A new player in Yemen’s political landscape,” The New Arab, June 26,
2023.
100 See Gregory D. Johnsen, “The Growing Battle for South Yemen,” Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, July
18, 2023.
101 The White House, Letter to the Speaker of the House and President Pro Tempore of the Senate Regarding the War
Powers Report, June 8, 2023
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In September 2023, Secretary of State Blinken met with the Saudi and UAE foreign ministers to
discuss Yemen and other issues; a U.S. readout said “The Secretary and the Foreign Ministers
agreed that cooperation among the three governments and Yemen’s Presidential Leadership
Council is essential to advancing UN-led peace efforts.”102
Syria
Though UAE officials were first to prominently reengage the Asad government, in early 2023,
Saudi Arabia worked to build consensus on collective Arab reengagement. Saudi Arabia and
several other Arab League member governments had closed their embassies in Syria and isolated
the Asad government in protest of its conduct in the Syrian civil war. In May 2023, the Arab
League, with Saudi support, readmitted Syria; Saudi Arabia and Syria resumed operations at
their respective embassies; and the kingdom invited President Asad to the May 19 League
summit in Jeddah. The Biden Administration and some in Congress oppose normalization with
the Asad regime.103
In conjunction with Syria’s invitation to return to the Arab League, the Syrian government
committed to strengthening cooperation with neighboring states and countries affected by drug
trafficking across the Syrian border.104 Since May 2023, Saudi customs and border authorities
have continued to announce disruptions of large shipments of the amphetamine Captagon, which
authorities say is produced in Syria and transits Lebanon or other regional states.
Sudan
The Saudi government has issued calls to leaders of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and
Rapid Support Forces (RSF) “for calm and stopping military escalation, and returning to the
framework agreement outlining the transition to a civilian-led government.”105 In May and June
2023, the kingdom hosted SAF-RSF talks on a ceasefire, and U.S. and Saudi officials reported
they were engaged in “intensive collaboration” on related diplomatic efforts.106 The Sudanese
parties’ unwillingness to observe ceasefire terms led Saudi Arabia and the United States to
suspend talks in June, but U.S. officials returned to Jeddah in July 2023 to resume consultations
with Saudi and Sudanese counterparts.
Both SAF and RSF forces participated in Saudi-led coalition military operations in Yemen, in
which RSF fighters played a prominent role and gained resources and experience. The Saudi
government has continued investing in stabilizing Sudan’s public finances since Sudan’s 2019
revolution and has remained engaged with SAF, RSF, and civilian Sudanese leaders. Saudi
policy in Sudan appears to prioritize the prevention of political change, unrest, or instability in
that country from jeopardizing regional security, including Red Sea commerce and development
projects on Saudi Arabia’s Red Sea under the Vision 2030 initiative. According to Saudi
government sources, the kingdom evacuated nearly 8,500 people (mostly foreign nationals) from
102 U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Blinken’s Participation in the U.S.-KSA-UAE Trilateral Meeting on Peace in
Yemen and Other Regional Priorities,” September 19, 2023.
103 U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Blinken’s Call with Jordanian Minister of Foreign Affairs Safadi,” May 4,
2023.
104 Saudi Press Agency, “Final Communiqué of Ministerial Contact Group Meeting on Syria,” May 1, 2023.
105 Al Arabiya, “Saudi FM urges halt to military escalation in Sudan in calls with Burhan, RSF leader,” April 16,
2023.
106 U.S. Department of State, “Secretary Blinken’s Call with Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan,” May 5, 2023.
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Sudan by ship to the Red Sea port of Jeddah and via flight. On May 5, 2023, Secretary of State
Blinken called Saudi evacuation assistance “invaluable.”107
U.S.-Saudi Relations
Security Cooperation and Arms Sales
U.S.-Saudi counterterrorism and defense ties remain robust. Since 2008, successive U.S.
presidential administrations have proposed foreign military sales to Saudi Arabia of major
defense articles and services with a potential aggregate value of more than $151.01 billion
(Appendix A).108 The United States and Saudi Arabia concluded foreign military sales
agreements worth more than $100 billion from FY2009 through FY2020. As Defense Minister
from 2015 to 2022, the Crown Prince outlined goals for increasing the domestic production of
military hardware overseen by the new General Authority for Military Industries (GAMI) and its
implementing arm, Saudi Arabian Military Industries (SAMI).109 Saudi Arabia has set a goal for
making 50% of its defense procurement domestically by 2030.
The stated emphasis and goals of some U.S.-Saudi security cooperation efforts have shifted in
response to emergent threats and changing U.S. and Saudi priorities. Whereas pre-2001
cooperation focused on building conventional military capacity and post-2001 engagement
created new partnerships for sensitive counterterrorism and critical infrastructure protection
efforts, current security cooperation programs address but extend beyond these concerns. U.S.
officials have pledged to support the kingdom’s efforts to transform its security sector, defense
ministry, and military services, and they have realigned U.S. efforts in Saudi Arabia to
acknowledge and contribute to U.S. competition with Russia and the PRC.110 The 2022
Integrated Country Strategy for Saudi Arabia states the Biden Administration’s view that
“aggressive engagement by strategic competitors China and Russia could distract Saudi focus
from the U.S. security relationship. This can be tempered through strengthening existing
relationships and enhanced public messaging promoting the U.S-Saudi security partnership and
countering Russian and Chinese narratives.”111
On a bilateral and multilateral basis, current U.S. security cooperation engagement with Saudi
Arabia and neighboring Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states emphasizes integration and the
107 Ibid.
108 CRS calculation using DSCA Foreign Military Sales notifications to Congress. This figure does not include Direct
Commercial Sales. The actual value of agreed sales may differ.
109 GAMI is now the focal point for all major security sector procurement, and SAMI is the entity responsible for
contracting and ensuring that Vision 2030 goals are met for local procurement and production, technology transfer,
and local employment. The broad Vision 2030 goals for SAMI are to localize 50% of the kingdom’s defense spending
by 2030 (currently ~2%), to export goods and services worth 5 billion Saudi riyals, create 40,000 jobs, and contribute
14 billion Saudi riyals ($3.7 billion) to GDP. See also, Neil Partrick, “Saudi Defense and Security Reform,” CarnegieSada, March 31, 2018; and, Yezid Sayegh, “The Warrior Prince,” Carnegie - Diwan, October 24, 2018.
110 At the May 2022 U.S.-Saudi Strategic Joint Planning Committee meeting, U.S. officials conveyed, “full support
for Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Defense transformation process, a top priority for Saudi Arabia and for the United
States.” The U.S. Military Training Mission in Saudi Arabia, the longest standing U.S. security cooperation
organization in the kingdom, states it will “realign externally to support Saudi Vision 2030 (Transformation),” and
will “reaffirm” its bilateral obligations so that the United States “will continue to remain the Kingdom's Partner of
choice in the Great (Strategic) Power Competition vis-a-vis China and Russia.” U.S. Department of Defense (DOD),
“Readout of U.S. - Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) Strategic Joint Planning Committee (SJPC) May 17-18, 2022,”
May 19, 2022; and USMTM, at https://www.centcom.mil/OPERATIONS-AND-EXERCISES/USMTM/.
111 U.S. Department of State, Saudi Arabia Integrated Country Strategy, July 2022.
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use of new technologies, including unmanned systems, to jointly monitor and respond to air,
maritime, and counterterrorism threats.112 These efforts align with the Biden Administration’s
national security strategy, which appears designed to reduce direct demands on the United States
by empowering local partners to assume a greater role in the defense and stability of the region.
The Saudi Ministries of Defense and Interior and the Saudi National Guard were long led by
high-profile princes thought to be contenders for the throne, and successive U.S. presidential
administrations established and pursued unique and complementary security cooperation
programs with these entities. The Crown Prince has centralized control over previously
discretely led elements of the Saudi security apparatus:113 in its February 2021 report to
Congress on the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, the Office of the Director for National Intelligence
stated, “since 2017, the Crown Prince has had absolute control of the Kingdom's security and
intelligence organizations.”114 The Crown Prince directed military “transformation” efforts in his
capacity as Minister of Defense through September 2022, when his brother, Prince Khalid bin
Salman was elevated to lead the Defense Ministry. The State Security Presidency (SSP), created
in 2017 as an overarching domestic intelligence and counterterrorism agency, operates at the
direction of the Crown Prince. Entities such as the Ministry of Interior (MOI) and National
Guard (SANG) remain active and relevant, but are no longer led by senior princes.115
Several civilian and military U.S. security cooperation organizations continue to engage
corresponding elements of the Saudi security sector pursuant to bilateral agreements. Saudi
Arabia pays for U.S. government facilitated training, advising, and equipment for its internal
security forces with its national funds through the Foreign Military Sales program and pursuant
to authorities under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended.116 In 2022, the U.S.
military advisory group for the Ministry of Interior realigned and rebranded itself as the U.S.
Army Military Advisory Group (USA-MAG), and supports the SSP, the MOI, and other security
forces pursuant to an Agreement for Technical Cooperation first reached in 2008 and renewed in
2023.117 The U.S. Military Training Mission (USMTM) oversees U.S. cooperation with the
kingdom’s conventional military forces, while the Office of the Program Manager-Saudi Arabian
National Guard (SANG) supports the SANG’s mission. In support of the Crown Prince’s
transformation initiative, Saudi Arabia has sought U.S. advice on institutional reorganizations
and changes to their training, force management, and acquisition processes.
112 See U.S. Department of Defense, “Dana Stroul, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Middle East, and
Senior Department of Defense Leaders Participating in the United States-Gulf Cooperation Council Working Group
Meetings, Hold an Off-Camera, On-The-Record Briefing From Riyadh, Saudi Arabia,” transcript, February 13, 2023.
113 For background on Saudi transformation efforts, see Neil Partrick, “Saudi Defense and Security Reform,” Sada,
May 31, 2018; Partrick, “Saudi Arabia’s Elusive Defense Reform,” Sada, November 14, 2019; and, Bilal Saab, “The
Other Saudi Transformation,” Middle East Policy, Volume 29, Issue 2, Summer 2022.
114 Office of the Director of National Intelligence, “Assessing the Saudi Government's Role in the Killing of Jamal
Khashoggi,” February 26, 2021.
115 The SANG was long led by former King Abdullah bin Abd al Aziz. His son Prince Miteb bin Abdullah was
removed as SANG Commander in 2017. Prince Abdullah bin Bandar bin Abd al Aziz now serves as SANG First
Officer.
116 The program is administered pursuant to authorities in 22 USC § 2357 (furnishing of services and commodities on
an advance-of-funds or reimbursement basis to friendly countries); 22 USC § 2349aa-2 (anti-terrorism assistance);
and 22 USC § 2751, et seq. (the Arms Export Control Act, as amended).
117 Elements receiving U.S. assistance under USA-MAG include the SSP, MOI, Border Guard, Facilities Security
Forces, and MOI Special Security Force.
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Yemen, Iran, Threats to the Kingdom, and Civilian Harm Mitigation
Some tangible changes to U.S. support and the U.S. military presence in the kingdom followed
the onset of the war in Yemen in 2015 and the deterioration in Saudi-Iran relations after 2016.
The United States and Saudi Arabia concluded an Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement
that provided for U.S. refueling of Saudi aircraft until the Trump Administration ended the
practice amid congressional concern in 2018. Iran and Iran-backed armed groups in Yemen and
Iraq have demonstrated a capacity to target Saudi infrastructure and population centers across
the kingdom through persistent cross-border missile and drone threats. Following a missile and
drone attack on major Saudi oil facilities at Abqiq and Khurais in 2019, President Trump
deployed thousands of additional U.S. military personnel to Saudi Arabia for deterrence
purposes. As of June 2023, nearly 2,700 U.S. military personnel were deployed to the kingdom
to continue these missions.118 Other U.S. advisors have supported efforts to improve Saudi air
and missile defenses, improve Saudi target selection, and locate and respond to cross-border
strikes. The Biden Administration transferred Patriot antimissile interceptors to Saudi Arabia in
March 2022,119 and in August 2022 proposed a $3 billion sale of PATRIOT MIM-104E
Guidance Enhanced Missile-Tactical Ballistic Missiles (GEM-T) to replace the kingdom’s
“dwindling stock.”120
From 2015 to 2022, some Saudi military operations in Yemen resulted in civilian casualties and
damage to civilian infrastructure, which led to greater congressional scrutiny of U.S.-Saudi
military ties and U.S. arms sales to the kingdom. Successive U.S. presidential administrations
have provided Saudi counterparts with advice on target development and evaluation and
provided training to Saudi officers and officials on the law of armed conflict. Questions persist
about the extent to which Saudi Arabia used U.S.-provided systems in attacks that killed
civilians or struck civilian targets. The effectiveness of U.S.-provided advice and training is also
uncertain.
In June 2022, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) reported the Defense Department
(DOD) and State Department had then “not fully determined the extent to which U.S. military
support has contributed to civilian harm in Yemen.”121 GAO recommended that among other
steps the executive branch develop guidance “clarifying DOD roles and responsibilities, for
reporting any indications that U.S.-origin defense articles were used in Yemen by Saudi Arabia
… against anything other than legitimate military targets or for other unauthorized purposes.”122
In August 2023, the Administration distributed Civilian Harm Incident Response Guidance
(CHIRG) to U.S. diplomatic personnel abroad, providing instructions on how U.S. personnel
should investigate allegations that U.S.-origin arms have been used in operations resulting in
civilian harm.123
118 The White House, Letter to the Speaker of the House and President Pro Tempore of the Senate Regarding the War
Powers Report, June 8, 2023.
119 “U.S. Sends Patriot Missiles to Saudi Arabia, Fulfilling Urgent Request,” Wall Street Journal, March 21, 2022.
120 U.S. Defense Security Cooperation Agency, “Saudi Arabia – PATRIOT MIM-104E Guidance Enhanced MissileTactical Ballistic Missiles (GEM-T),” Transmittal 22-26, August 2, 2022.
121 Government Accountability Office (GAO), “Yemen: State and DOD Need Better Information on Civilian Impacts
of U.S. Military Support to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates,” GAO-22-105988, June 15, 2022.
122 As of September 19, 2023, GAO considered this recommendation “Open.”
123 Missy Ryan, “Biden administration will track civilian deaths from U.S.-supplied arms, Washington Post,
September 13, 2023.
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U.S. Foreign Assistance to Saudi Arabia
The Saudi government funds U.S. training and security support to the kingdom via Foreign
Military Sales and other contracts, reflecting Saudi ability to pay for costly programs (and
limiting opportunities for Congress to affect cooperation directly through appropriations
legislation). From 2002 through 2018, Saudi Arabia received roughly $10,000 - $25,000 per year
in International Military Education and Training (IMET) assistance authorized by the Foreign
Assistance Act of 1961.124 This nominal amount made the kingdom eligible for a discount on
training that it purchased through the Foreign Military Sales program for training initiatives
overseen by the U.S. Military Training Mission (USMTM) and other U.S. entities.125 Successive
administrations waived congressionally enacted restrictions on the provision of this assistance
and argued that the aid and related discount supported continued Saudi participation in U.S.
training programs, which in turn supported the maintenance of important military-to-military
relationships and improved Saudi capabilities.126 President Trump’s FY2018 budget request
sought $10,000 in IMET for Saudi Arabia, but requests since FY2019 have not specifically
asked for the funds. Since FY2019, Congress has prohibited the use of funds made available in
annual appropriations acts for IMET for the kingdom.127
Since FY2020, annual appropriations acts also have stated that no funds appropriated by the acts
and prior acts “should be obligated or expended” by the Export-Import Bank to support nuclear
exports to Saudi Arabia until Saudi Arabia has an agreement in effect pursuant to Section 123 of
the Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended (AEA, 22 U.S.C. 2011 et seq.); commits to
renouncing uranium enrichment and reprocessing; and has signed an Additional Protocol to its
Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency.128
U.S.-Saudi Trade and Investment
After Israel, Saudi Arabia was the second-largest U.S. trading partner in the Middle East by
overall value in 2022.129 According to the U.S. International Trade Administration, in 2022, U.S.
imports from Saudi Arabia were valued at more than $23.2 billion (up from more than $18.8
billion in 2017), and U.S. exports to Saudi Arabia were valued at $11.4 billion (down from more
than $16.3 billion in 2017).130 To a considerable extent, U.S. imports of hydrocarbons from
Saudi Arabia and U.S. exports of commercially sold weapons, machinery, and vehicles to Saudi
Arabia have dictated the annual value of U.S.-Saudi trade. Fluctuations in the volume and value
124 U.S. Department of State Congressional Budget Justification documents, 2003-2019.
125 Section 21(c) of P.L.90-629, the Arms Export Control Act (AECA), states that IMET recipient countries are
eligible to purchase non-IMET training at reduced cost. Section 108(a) of P.L. 99-83 amended the AECA to provide
this reduced cost benefit to IMET recipients. The U.S. Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) implements the
authority provided in P.L. 99-83 to apply a lower cost to U.S. military training purchased by IMET recipient countries
through the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) program.
126 From 2004 to 2009, Congress adopted several legislative proposals to prohibit the extension of U.S. foreign
assistance to Saudi Arabia. The George W. Bush and Obama Administrations subsequently issued national security
waivers enabling the assistance to continue.
127 See Section 7077 of Division F, P.L. 116-6, Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2019; Section 7041(h) of Division
G, P.L. 116-94, Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2020; Section 7041(h) of Division K, P.L. 116-260,
Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2021; Section 7041(i) of Division K, P.L. 117-103, Consolidated Appropriations
Act, 2022; and, Section 7041(i) of Division K, P.L. 117-328, Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2023.
128 Ibid.
129 Based on U.S. Department of Commerce International Trade Administration Global Patterns of U.S. Merchandise
Trade, August 2023.
130 U.S. Department of Commerce using U.S. Census Bureau Data, TradeStatsExpress, September 2023.
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of U.S.-Saudi oil trade account for corresponding changes in the value of U.S. imports from
Saudi Arabia in recent years.
Increases in U.S. domestic oil production since 2010 have contributed to reductions in the
volume of U.S. oil imports from Saudi Arabia. According to the U.S. Energy Information
Administration (EIA), as of July 2023, Saudi Arabia was the third-largest source of U.S. crude
oil imports, providing an average of 356 thousand of the 6.3 million barrels per day in gross U.S.
crude oil imports, behind Canada and Mexico.131
According to the State Department’s 2023 Investment Climate Statement on Saudi Arabia, the
kingdom continues to facilitate increased foreign participation in the kingdom’s private sector in
connection with its Vision 2030 initiatives. The report highlights opportunities in “burgeoning
sectors such as infrastructure, tourism, entertainment, health and science, technology, and
renewable energy.”132 The report discusses how “pressure to generate non-oil revenue and
provide increased employment opportunities for Saudi citizens” has resulted in increased fees
for expatriate labor, employment quotas for Saudi nationals, and requirements that multinational
companies establish headquarters in the kingdom. The report observes that “investor concerns
persist regarding business predictability, transparency, and political risk” and notes the
“continued detention and prosecution of activists and individuals for their social media
commentary.”
The U.S. Trade Representative’s (USTR) 2021 National Trade Estimate Report notes progress
and cooperation in certain areas and discusses some trade barriers, including U.S. concerns with
some Saudi regulations, government procurement requirements, intellectual property rights
(IPR) policies, and limits on foreign investment.133 USTR removed Saudi Arabia from its IPR
Priority Watch List in 2022.134
In March 2023, the Biden Administration welcomed Saudi Arabia’s announcement that it intends
to purchase 121 Boeing 787 Dreamliner aircraft for its new Riyadh Air and legacy Saudia
Airlines in an agreement estimated to be worth nearly $37 billion.135 Riyadh Air is expected to
place additional large orders to complete its fleet.
Legislation in the 118th Congress
The kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s relations with the United States, the country’s stability, its
relations with Russia, China, Iran, and Israel, and its future trajectory are subjects of continuing
congressional interest. U.S.-Saudi security cooperation and diplomatic engagement continue in
pursuit of shared interests. Since 2015 when King Salman came to power, Saudi Arabia’s leaders
have at times acted contrary to U.S. preferences while diversifying and strengthening their
relationships with other global actors, advancing plans to pursue nuclear power generation and
ambitious clean energy investments, and bolstering their military self-sufficiency. Critics of
Saudi decisions since 2015 have been active in Congress, but congressional advocates for
131 Based on EIA data, “Weekly Imports & Exports: Crude” and “Weekly Preliminary Crude Imports by Country of
Origin,” Four Week Averages, July 26, 2023.
132 U.S. Department of State, “2023 Investment Climate Statement, Saudi Arabia,” July 26, 2023.
133 U.S. Trade Representative, 2023 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, March 2023, pp.
359-66.
134 USTR, “USTR Releases 2022 Special 301 Report on Intellectual Property Protection and Enforcement,” April 27,
2022.
135 The White House, Statement from White House Press Secretary Karine Jean-Pierre on Saudi Arabia’s Historic
Purchase of Boeing Aircraft, March 14, 2023.
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continued ties also have been vocal, and Congress has not acted to foreclose major executive
branch initiatives with regard to the bilateral relationship.
Members of the 118th Congress have proposed or considered various legislation related to Saudi
Arabia including the following.
National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for Fiscal Year 2024 (H.R. 2670, S.
2226)
The Senate version of a FY2024 NDAA adopted in July 2023 includes a provision (Sec. 1399K,
as passed by the Senate in S. 2226 and incorporated into a substitute amendment to H.R. 2670
passed by the Senate on July 27, 2023) that would name Saudi Arabia and other countries as
Major Security Partners and grant these countries priority treatment under U.S. regulations
regarding defense production and foreign military sales.
Several amendments proposed to the House bill were not made in order for consideration
pursuant to the closed rule adopted for the bill, including proposals that would have:
•
•
•
•
Required the Secretary of State to develop guidance for investigating indications
that U.S.-origin defense articles have been used in Yemen by the Saudi-led
coalition in substantial violation of relevant agreements with countries
participating in the coalition and to report to Congress.
Prohibited the transfer of U.S.-origin nuclear reactors, equipment, or technology
to Saudi Arabia until Saudi Arabia signs an Additional Protocol to its nuclear
safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA),
and certifies that it is not building or acquiring nuclear enrichment or
reprocessing facilities.
Prohibited U.S. funding from being used for unauthorized U.S. military
involvement in the war in Yemen (to include logistical and intelligence support)
if the Saudi-led coalition resumes aerial hostilities against the Houthis in Yemen.
Expressed the sense of Congress on the U.N. Security Council’s approach to
Yemen and Saudi-implemented Government of Yemen restrictions on
commercial and civilian access to Yemen.
Department of State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs (SFOPS)
Appropriations Act, 2024 (H.R. 4665, S. 2438)
FY2024 House-passed and Senate committee SFOPS appropriations bills as amended and
introduced in the respective chambers would state that funds made available by the act for
International Military Education and Training (IMET) assistance should not be used for Saudi
Arabia. Past congressionally enacted provisions said no such funds “may” be used for that
purpose.
The bills would further state that no funds made available by the bill and prior SFOPS acts
“should be obligated or expended by the Export-Import Bank of the United States to guarantee,
insure, or extend (or participate in the extension of) credit in connection with the export of
nuclear technology, equipment, fuel, materials, or other nuclear technology-related goods or
services to Saudi Arabia” unless the Saudi government concludes a nuclear agreement with the
United State pursuant to Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2153);
commits to renouncing uranium enrichment and nuclear fuel reprocessing on its territory under
that agreement; and has signed and implemented an Additional Protocol to its Comprehensive
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Safeguards Agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency. The proposed provisions
mirror language related to Saudi Arabia and civil nuclear cooperation included in SFOPS
Appropriations Acts since FY2021.
An amendment proposed to the House bill but not made in order for consideration pursuant to
the closed rule adopted for the bill would have prohibited the use of funds appropriated by the
bill “to provide authorization to transfer any nuclear reactor, equipment, or technology to the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia by a foreign government or foreign person unless Saudi Arabia has
signed and implemented an Additional Protocol to its Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement
with the International Atomic Energy Agency.” This amendment appeared to respond to reports
analyzing whether the United States could approve the transfer of South Korean nuclear
technology to Saudi Arabia in the absence of a U.S.-Saudi nuclear agreement under Section 123
of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (42 U.S.C. 2153).
Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 2024 (H.R. 4365)
Some House Members proposed amendments to the Department of Defense Appropriations Act,
2024 that were not made in order for consideration under the closed rule adopted for the bill.
These amendments would have:
•
•
•
Prohibited any funding from being used to support or facilitate offensive
military operations by the Saudi-led coalition in the war in Yemen.
Prohibited firearms and explosive weapons from being transferred to Saudi
border guards.
Prohibited U.S. funding from being used for unauthorized U.S. military
involvement in the war in Yemen if the Saudi-led coalition resumes aerial
hostilities against the Houthis in Yemen.
The version of the bill introduced in the Senate does not contain Saudi Arabia-related provisions.
A resolution requesting information on Saudi Arabia's human rights practices
pursuant to section 502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act (FAA) of 1961 (S.Res.
109)
Section 502B(c)(1) of the FAA (22 U.S.C. 2304(c)(1)) provides mechanisms for Congress to
request a report, due within 30 days, from the Secretary of State concerning human rights in a
particular country. Pursuant to Section 502B(c)(4)(A) of the FAA (22 U.S.C. 2304(c)(4)(A)),
Congress may, at any time after receiving such a report, “adopt a joint resolution terminating,
restricting, or continuing security assistance for such country.”
This Senate resolution would direct the State Department to provide to the Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations and the House Committee on Foreign Affairs a report within 30 days of
adoption on a host of human rights, civilian protection, religious freedom, transnational
repression, and law enforcement issues related to Saudi Arabia. The specified elements of the
report the resolution would require include requests for information related to Yemen, Saudi use
of U.S. weapons, women’s rights, and the actions of Saudi officials in the United States.
Outlook
U.S.-Saudi relations could be poised to deepen substantively, following closely on a period of
profound strain and mutual disquiet. After years of congressional-executive branch debate over
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the nature, content, and wisdom of U.S.-Saudi cooperation, the Biden Administration reportedly
is exploring possible security, diplomatic, and civil nuclear agreements with Saudi Arabia that
could elevate the U.S.-Saudi partnership to a level previously reserved for U.S. treaty allies in
Europe and East Asia.136 Unresolved questions about the durability and success of the kingdom’s
social and economic transformation efforts, its political leadership and human rights practices,
and its openness in some areas to cooperation with Russia and China provide a backdrop to
congressional consideration of these possible agreements.
Saudi decisionmakers have changed tactics with regard to some issues of concern to the United
States—releasing some human rights advocates, engaging adversaries in Iran and Yemen, and
openly discussing the possibility of normalization with Israel. It remains to be seen whether
these decisions reflect Saudi leaders’ acceptance of past setbacks, recognition of enduring limits,
and reconsideration of self-interest and whether they indicate the type of lasting alignment with
U.S. priorities and values that might be expected of a treaty ally. Comments by Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Salman suggest the kingdom is engaged in U.S.-initiated negotiations with the
Biden Administration and that the kingdom could pursue its interests in other ways if U.S.preferred options are not possible or viable.
Over time, Saudi and U.S. officials have periodically attempted to articulate a shared “strategic
vision” that includes, but extends beyond, defense and counterterrorism partnership. In 2004, the
National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States (aka “the 9/11 Commission”)
challenged both governments to confront problems in the bilateral relationship openly and urged
them to “build a relationship that political leaders on both sides are prepared to publicly defend.”
In that era, problems identified in the relationship centered on U.S. concerns about Saudi ties to
extremism and financial support for armed extremist groups. Deeper counterterrorism
partnership and a range of Saudi efforts to combat extremism have aided bilateral ties in the
years since.
Today, principal questions in the relationship relate to whether or not leaders and citizens in both
countries are willing to maintain and deepen ties while more fully embracing strategic,
economic, and cultural partnership. A new generation of Saudi leaders is working to transform
the kingdom, and Saudi leaders’ bid to create a more globally interconnected and open society
and economy offers opportunities for U.S. officials and the U.S. private sector. Parties on both
sides have considered whether differences over human rights, foreign and defense policy, and
energy issues should limit the potential for closer ties or whether new understandings in these
areas can provide a basis for a deeper and enduring alliance.
Whether or not proposed agreements are reached, long-term U.S. concerns about avoiding
instability in the Gulf region and denying influence to geopolitical rivals there may remain in
tension with U.S. desires to convince or compel the kingdom’s evolving leadership to act in
accordance with U.S. preferences. U.S. decisionmakers may applaud steps taken by Saudi
leaders to change disfavored practices and policies, but they continue to face uncertainty about
the strength and limits of U.S. influence and about the kingdom’s leadership and trajectory. A
number of observers critical of Saudi leadership argue that, both for strategic and moral reasons,
the United States cannot afford to embrace top-down rule that stifles all dissent.137 Some
136 Edward Wong and Mark Mazzetti, “Biden Aides and Saudis Explore Defense Treaty Modeled After Asian Pacts,”
New York Times, September 19, 2023; and, Dion Nissenbaum and Dov Lieber, “Saudi Uranium Enrichment Floated
Under Possible Israel Deal,” Wall Street Journal, September 21, 2023.
137 For an overview of this debate, see Uri Friedman and Yara Bayoumy, “The U.S.-Saudi Alliance Is on the Brink,”
The Atlantic, July 1, 2019.
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advocates for continued or deeper partnership cite the kingdom’s potential, its influence, and its
social and fiscal reforms to argue for a principled, but non-confrontational approach.
Congress may continue to shape bilateral relations through its oversight of U.S.-Saudi
cooperation, its authorization of mechanisms for U.S.-Saudi security cooperation, and its
engagement on regional economic and diplomatic policy issues. Lawmakers and officials may
explore alternative policy approaches or better understand the sources of Saudi government
behavior, the potential for changes in Saudi ties with U.S. rivals like China and Russia, and the
views of Saudi leaders and citizens about their country’s future and its ties with the United
States. Members and staff may also review procedural precedents related to congressional
consideration of treaties, arms sales, and civil nuclear cooperation agreements in relation to
possible U.S.-Saudi agreements, especially those that would require congressional review and/or
the advice and consent of the Senate.
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Appendix A. Proposed Major U.S. Foreign Military
Sales to Saudi Arabia
Table A-1. Proposed Major U.S. Foreign Military Sales to Saudi Arabia
January 2009 to September 2023; Possible values in billions of dollars
Formal Notification
Date
System
Recipient
Force
Pos. Value
August 2009
CNS-ATM
RSAF
$1.500
August 2009
TASS
RSAF
$0.530
December 2009
SANG Modernization
SANG
$0.177
September 2010
Blanket Order Training Program
RSAF
$0.350
October 2010
F-15 Sales, Upgrades, Weaponry and Training
RSAF
$29.400
October 2010
APACHE, BLACKHAWK, AH-6i, and MD-530F
Helicopters
SANG
$25.600
October 2010
APACHE Longbow Helicopters
RSLF
$3.300
October 2010
APACHE Longbow Helicopters
RG
$2.200
November 2010
JAVELIN Missiles and Launch Units
—
$0.071
May 2011
Night Vision and Thermal Weapons Sights
RSLF
$0.330
June 2011
CBU-105D/B Sensor Fuzed Weapons
RSAF
$0.355
June 2011
Light Armored Vehicles
—
$0.263
June 2011
Light Armored Vehicles
SANG
$0.350
September 2011
Howitzers, Fire Finder Radar, Ammunition, HMMWVs
—
$0.886
October 2011
Up-Armored HMMWVs
RSLF
$0.033
December 2011
PATRIOT Systems Engineering Services
—
$0.120
August 2012
RSAF Follow-on Support
RSAF
$0.850
August 2012
Link-16 Systems and ISR Equipment and Training
RSAF
$0.257
November 2012
C-130J-30 Aircraft and KC-130J Air Refueling Aircraft
RSAF
$6.700
November 2012
RSLF Parts, Equipment, and Support
RSLF
$0.300
November 2012
PATRIOT (PAC-2) Missiles Recertification
RSADF
$0.130
June 2013
SANG Modernization Program Extension
SANG
$4.000
July 2013
Mark V Patrol Boats
RSNF
$1.200
August 2013
RSAF Follow-on Support
RSAF
$1.200
October 2013
U.S. Military Training Mission (USMTM) Program Support
Services
MOD
$0.090
October 2013
SLAM-ER, JSOW, Harpoon Block II, GBU-39/B Munitions
RSAF
$6.800
November 2013
C4I System Upgrades and Maintenance
RSNF
$1.100
December 2013
TOW 2A and 2B Missiles
RSLF
$0.170
December 2013
TOW 2A and 2B RF Missiles
SANG
$0.900
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Formal Notification
Date
System
Recipient
Force
Pos. Value
April 2014
Facilities Security Forces- Training and Advisory Group
(FSF-TAG) Support
MOI
$0.080
August 2014
AWACS Modernization
RSAF
$2.000
October 2014
Patriot Air Defense System with PAC-3 enhancement
—
$1.750
May 2015
MH-60R Multi-Mission Helicopters
—
$1.900
July 2015
Ammunition
RSLF
$0.500
July 2015
Patriot Advanced Capability-3 (PAC-3) Missiles
—
$5.400
October 2015
UH-60M Black Hawk Utility Helicopters
RSLFAC
$0.495
October 2015
Multi-Mission Surface Combatant Ships
RSNF
$11.250
November 2015
Air-to-Ground Munitions
RSAF
$1.290
February 2016
MK 15 Phalanx Close-In Weapons System (CIWS) Block
1B Baseline 2 Kits
RSNF
$0.154
February 2016
USMTM Technical Assistance Field Teams and other
Support
—
$0.200
August 2016
M1A2S Tanks and Related Equipment
RSLF
$1.150
December 2016
CH-47F Chinook Cargo Helicopters
RSLFAC
$3.510
January 2017
Persistent Threat Detection System (PTDS) Aerostats
RSLF
$0.525
May 2017
Naval Training Blanket Order
RSNF
$0.250
June 2017
Air Force Training Blanket Order
RSAF
$0.750
June 2017
AN/TPQ 53-V Radar and Support (Counter Indirect Fire)
RSLF
$0.662
October 2017
Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD)
RSADF
$15.000
January 2018
Missile Support Services
—
$0.500
March 2018
TOW 2B (BGM-71F-Series) Missiles
—
$0.670
March 2018
RSLF Ordnance Corps FMS Order II
RSLF
$0.300
March 2018
Maintenance Support Services
RSLFAC
$0.106
April 2018
155mm M109A6 Paladin Howitzer System
RSLF
$1.310
May 2019
Aircraft Follow On and Support Services
RSAF
$0.800
May 2019
Continued Tactical Air Surveillance Support System
RSAF
$0.136
May 2019
Aircraft Follow On and Support Services
RSAF
$1.800
December 2020
Security Assistance Office (SAO) Support Services
U.S. Training Mission to Saudi Arabia (USMTM)
MOD
December 2020
GBU-39 Small Diameter Bomb I (SDB I) Munitions
—
$0.290
September 2021
Continuation of Maintenance Support Services
RSLFAC
$0.500
November 2021
AIM-120C Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air Missiles
(AMRAAM)
RSAF
February 2022
Multifunctional Information Distribution System-Low
Volume Terminals (MIDS-LVT)
—
Congressional Research Service
$0.350
$0.650
$0.023
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August 2022
PATRIOT MIM-104E Guidance Enhanced Missile-Tactical
Ballistic Missiles (GEM-T)
—
September 2023
Cooperative Logistics Supply Support Arrangement
(CLSSA) Program, Foreign Military Sales Order (FMSO) II
RSLF
Total Possible Value ($, billion)
$3.050
$0.500
$151.513
Source: U.S. Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA).
Notes: Possible values noted in sale proposals may not match actual values of concluded contract sales. Direct
Commercial Sales (DCS) not included. Table includes proposed sales to Royal Saudi Air Force (RSAF), Saudi
Arabian National Guard (SANG), Royal Saudi Land Forces (RSLF) and RSLF Aviation Command (RSLFAC),
Royal Guard (RG), Royal Saudi Air Defense Force (RSADF), Royal Saudi Naval Forces (RSNF), Ministry of
Interior (MOI), and Ministry of Defense (MOD). Dashes indicate unspecified recipient force.
Author Information
Christopher M. Blanchard
Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs
Disclaimer
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Congressional Research Service
RL33533 · VERSION 87 · UPDATED
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