Nominations to U.S. Circuit and District Courts by President Obama During the 111th and 112th Congresses

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Nominations to U.S. Circuit and District

Courts by President Obama During the

111th and 112th Congresses

name redacted

Analyst on the Federal Judiciary

June 1, 2012

Congressional Research Service

7-....

www.crs.gov

R42556

CRS Report for Congress

Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress

Nomination and Confirmation of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judges

Summary

Recent Senate debates in the 112th Congress over judicial nominations have focused on issues

such as the relative degree of success of President Barack Obama’s nominees in gaining Senate

confirmation (compared with other recent Presidents) as well as the effect of delayed judicial

appointments on judicial vacancy levels. The following report addresses these issues, and others,

by providing a statistical overview of President Obama’s nominees to U.S. circuit court of appeals

and U.S. district court judgeships, current through May 31, 2012. Findings include the following:

•

President Obama thus far in his presidency has nominated 41 persons to U.S.

circuit court judgeships, 29 of whom have been confirmed.

•

Of the 150 persons nominated thus far by President Obama to U.S. district court

judgeships, 117 have been confirmed.

•

The greatest number of President Obama’s circuit court nominees have been

confirmed to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit (6) and the

Second Circuit (5).

•

The greatest number of President Obama’s district court nominees have been

confirmed to judgeships located within the Ninth Circuit (22) and the fewest to

district court judgeships within the First Circuit (3).

•

District court vacancies have grown in number over the course of the Obama

presidency, from 42 judgeships vacant when President Obama took office to 59

at present. There currently are 13 circuit court vacancies (the same number as

when President Obama took office).

•

During the Obama presidency thus far, fewer circuit court nominees have been

confirmed by the Senate than were confirmed during the first terms of any of

the four preceding Presidents (Reagan through G.W. Bush).

•

Likewise, fewer Obama district court nominees have been confirmed by the

Senate than were confirmed during the first terms of the four preceding

Presidents.

•

President Obama is the only one of the three most recent Presidents to have

begun his fourth year in office with more circuit and district court judgeships

vacant than when he took office.

•

During the Obama presidency, the average waiting time from nomination to

committee hearing has been, thus far, 69.6 days for circuit court nominees and

83.2 days for district court nominees.

•

During the Obama presidency, the average waiting time from Senate Judiciary

Committee report to Senate confirmation has been 139.7 days for circuit court

nominees and 105.1 days for district court nominees.

Various factors might help explain differences or variation found in judicial appointment statistics

across recent presidencies.

•

A President’s opportunities to make circuit and district court appointments will

be affected by the number of judicial vacancies existing at the time he takes

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Nomination and Confirmation of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judges

office, as well as by how many judges depart office, and how many new

judgeships are statutorily created, during his presidency.

•

The time taken by a President to select nominees for judicial vacancies may be

affected by whether the selection of lower court nominees must compete with

filling a Supreme Court vacancy, whether the selection process itself is a

priority for a President, the level of consultation between a President and a

nominee’s home state Senators, and the time taken by home state Senators to

make judicial candidate recommendations.

•

Institutional and political factors which may influence the processing of judicial

nominations by the Senate include ideological differences between the President

and the opposition party in the Senate, the extent of interest group opposition to

certain nominees, the presence or absence of “divided government,” the point in

a congressional session when nominations arrive in the Senate, whether

nominees have the support of both of their home state Senators, and whether the

blue slip policy of the Senate Judiciary Committee requires the support of both

home state Senators before a nominee can receive a hearing or committee vote.

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Nomination and Confirmation of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judges

Contents

Introduction...................................................................................................................................... 1

Article III Lower Courts .................................................................................................................. 2

U.S. Courts of Appeals .............................................................................................................. 2

U.S. District Courts ................................................................................................................... 3

Judicial Nominations and Confirmations under President Obama .................................................. 3

Confirmation Status of President Obama’s Judicial Nominees ................................................. 3

Variation Across Geographic Circuits in Number and Percentage of Confirmed

Nominees................................................................................................................................ 5

Comparison of Inherited Vacancies with Current Vacancies..................................................... 8

Comparison of President Obama with Recent Predecessors ......................................................... 10

Number and Percentage of Confirmed Judicial Nominees...................................................... 11

Inherited Vacancies and Subsequent Vacancies at Selected Dates .......................................... 12

Selected Features of the Senate Confirmation Process............................................................ 14

Length of Time from First Nomination to First Committee Hearing ...................................... 15

Length of Time from First Committee Report to Confirmation .............................................. 17

Percentage of Confirmed Judicial Nominees Receiving Senate Roll Call Votes .................... 19

Factors Influencing the Selection and Confirmation Process for U.S. Circuit and District

Court Nominations ..................................................................................................................... 20

Appointment Opportunities ..................................................................................................... 21

The Selection of Nominees by a President .............................................................................. 22

The Processing of Judicial Nominations by the Senate........................................................... 23

Figures

Figure 1. Number of Authorized U.S. Circuit and District Court Judgeships Held by

Appointees of President Obama by Geographic Circuit (as of May 31, 2012) ............................ 6

Figure 2. Percentage of Authorized U.S. Circuit and District Court Judgeships Held by

Appointees of President Obama by Geographic Circuit (as of May 31, 2012) ............................ 7

Figure 3. U.S. Circuit and District Court Judgeships: Number of Vacancies Inherited by

President Obama and Number Currently Vacant .......................................................................... 9

Figure 4. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Mean and Median Number of Days from First

Nomination to First Hearing....................................................................................................... 16

Figure 5. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Mean and Median Number of Days from First

Committee Report to Confirmation ............................................................................................ 18

Figure 6. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Percentage of Confirmed Nominees Approved

by Roll Call Votes....................................................................................................................... 20

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Nomination and Confirmation of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judges

Tables

Table 1. Confirmation Status of President Obama’s Judicial Nominees ......................................... 4

Table 2. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents During

Their First Term.......................................................................................................................... 11

Table 3. U.S. Circuit Courts: Inherited Vacancies and Vacancies as of February 1 of

Second, Third, and Fourth Years in Office for Three Most Recent Presidents........................... 12

Table 4. U.S. District Courts: Inherited Vacancies and Vacancies as of February 1 of

Second, Third, and Fourth Years in Office for Three Most Recent Presidents........................... 14

Table A-1. Number and Percentage of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judgeships Held by

Appointees of President Obama by Regional Circuit (as of May 31, 2012) .............................. 26

Table A-2. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Mean and Median Number of Days from First

Nomination to First Hearing....................................................................................................... 27

Table A-3. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Mean and Median Number of Days from First

Committee Report to Confirmation ............................................................................................ 27

Table A-4. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981 to May 31, 2012): Number and Percentage of Confirmed Nominees

Confirmed by Roll Call Votes..................................................................................................... 28

Appendixes

Appendix. Data Used for Figures 1, 2, and 4 through 6 ................................................................ 26

Contacts

Author Contact Information........................................................................................................... 28

Acknowledgments ......................................................................................................................... 28

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Nomination and Confirmation of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judges

Introduction

The process by which lower federal court judges are nominated by the President and confirmed

by the Senate has, in recent decades, been of continuing interest to Congress. During Senate

debates in the 112th Congress over judicial nominations, differing perspectives have been

expressed about the relative degree of success of a President’s nominees in gaining Senate

confirmation, compared with nominees of other recent Presidents.1 Senate debate often has

concerned whether a President’s judicial nominees, relative to the nominees of other recent

Presidents, encountered more difficulty or had to wait longer, before receiving consideration by

the Senate Judiciary Committee or up-or-down votes on confirmation.2 Of related concern to

Congress have been increases in recent years in the number and percentage of vacant judgeships

in the federal judiciary and the effect of delayed judicial appointments on judicial vacancy levels.3

This report seeks to inform the current debate in three ways: first, by providing a statistical

overview of President Obama’s nominees thus far to U.S. circuit court of appeals and U.S. district

court judgeships, and of any actions taken on their nominations by the Senate Judiciary

Committee and the full Senate; second, by using various statistical measures to compare the

success to date of President Barack Obama’s judicial nominees in advancing through the Senate

confirmation process with the success of the judicial nominees of the four most recent preceding

Presidents (Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush); and third, by

identifying various factors which might help explain differences or variations found in judicial

appointment statistics across the five presidencies.

Most of the statistics presented and discussed below were generated from an internal CRS judicial

nominations database. Other data sources, however, are noted where appropriate. The statistics

account only for nominations made by Presidents Reagan through Obama to U.S. circuit court

and U.S. district court judgeships established by Congress under Article III of the Constitution.4

1

See, for example, Sen. Patrick J. Leahy, “Executive Session,” Remarks in the Senate, Congressional Record, daily

edition, February 7, 2012, p. S362-S363, in which Senator Leahy stated:

Three years into President Obama’s first term, the Senate has confirmed a lower percentage of

President Obama’s judicial nominees than those of any President in the last 35 years. The Senate

has confirmed just over 70 percent of President Obama’s circuit and district nominees, with more

than one in four not confirmed.

See also Sen. Chuck Grassley, “Executive Session,” Remarks in the Senate, Congressional Record, daily edition, April

16, 2012, pp. S2311-S2312, in which Senator Grassley stated:

This year we have been in session for about 37 days, including today. During that time we will

have confirmed 15 judges. That is an average of better than one confirmation for every 2 ½ days we

have been in session. With the confirmation today, the Senate will have confirmed nearly 75

percent of President Obama’s [A]rticle III judicial nominations.

2

See, for example, contrasting views on these and related issues in floor remarks of Senators Leahy and Grassley in

“Executive Session,” Remarks in the Senate, Congressional Record, daily edition, May 7, 2012, pp. S2907-2908

(Leahy) and pp. S2909-2910 (Grassley); and in “Nomination of George Levi Russell III, To Be United States District

Judge for the District of Maryland,” Remarks in the Senate, Congressional Record, daily edition, May 14, 2012, pp.

S3117-3119 (Leahy) and pp. S3120-3121 (Grassley).

3

See CRS Report R41942, Vacancies on Article III District and Circuit Courts, 1977-2011: Data, Causes, and

Implications, by (name redacted).

4

Statistics in this report for district court nominations do not include the relatively rare nominations made by the

President to territorial district court judgeships, which were established by Congress pursuant to its authority to govern

the territories under Article IV of the Constitution.

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Nomination and Confirmation of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judges

On March 12, 2012, an agreement was reached by Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and Senate

Republican Leader Mitch McConnell identifying 14 lower court nominations that would receive

up-or-down Senate confirmation votes by May 7, 2012. The statistics provided in this report

include Senate confirmation of the 14 nominees subject to the March 12, 2012, agreement

between the two Senate leaders, the confirmation of two additional district court nominees on

May 14, 2012, and the confirmation of Paul J. Watford to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals on

May 21, 2012.5

Article III Lower Courts

Article III, Section I of the Constitution provides, in part, that the “judicial Power of the United

States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may

from time to time ordain and establish.” It further provides that justices on the Supreme Court and

judges on lower courts established by Congress under Article III have what effectively has come

to mean life tenure, holding office “during good Behaviour.”6 Along with the Supreme Court, the

courts that constitute the Article III courts in the federal system are the U.S. circuit courts of

appeals, the U.S. district courts, and the U.S. Court of International Trade.

As mentioned above, this report focuses on nominations made by President Obama and other

recent Presidents to the U.S. circuit courts of appeals and the U.S. district courts. Outside the

report’s scope are the occasional nominations that these Presidents made to the nine-member

Court of International Trade or to the territorial district courts.7

U.S. Courts of Appeals

These courts take appeals from federal district court decisions and are also empowered to review

the decisions of many administrative agencies. Cases presented to the courts of appeals are

generally considered by judges sitting in three-member panels. Courts within the courts of

appeals system are often called “circuit courts” (e.g., the First Circuit Court of Appeals is also

referred to as the “First Circuit”), because they are divided into 12 geographic circuits and one

additional nationwide circuit, the Federal Circuit, which has specialized subject matter

jurisdiction. Altogether, 179 appellate court judgeships are currently authorized by law. The First

Circuit (comprising Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Puerto Rico) has

the fewest number of authorized appellate court judgeships (i.e., 6), while the Ninth Circuit

(comprising Alaska, Arizona, California, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, Oregon, and

Washington) has the most, 29.

In this report, nominations to U.S. courts of appeals judgeships are frequently referred to as

“circuit court nominations.”

5

The two nominees confirmed on May 14, 2012, were George Levi Russell, III, to be U.S. District Judge for the

District of Maryland, and John J. Tharp, to be U.S. District Judge for the Northern District of Illinois.

6

Pursuant to this constitutional language, Article III judges may hold office for as long as they live or until they

voluntarily leave office. A President has no power to remove them from office. Article III judges, however, may be

removed by Congress through the process of impeachment by the House and conviction by the Senate.

7

Territorial courts are not Article III courts, and their judicial appointees serve 10-year terms, with one judgeship each

in Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands, and two in the U.S. Virgin Islands.

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U.S. District Courts

These are the federal trial courts of general jurisdiction. Altogether, there are 91 Article III district

courts: 89 in the 50 states, plus one in the District of Columbia, and one more in the

Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Each state has at least one U.S. district court, while some states

(specifically California, New York, and Texas) have as many as four. Altogether, 673 Article III

U.S. district court judgeships are currently authorized by law.8 Congress has authorized between 1

and 28 judgeships for each district court.9

Judicial Nominations and Confirmations under

President Obama

This section provides a statistical overview of President Obama’s appointments to U.S. circuit

courts of appeals and U.S. district courts from January 20, 2009, through May 31, 2012. It begins

with a statistical summary of the current confirmation status of President Obama’s circuit and

district court nominees. It then examines the extent to which circuit and district judgeships in

each of the nation’s judicial circuits are filled by appointees of President Obama. It concludes by

comparing the number and percentage of circuit and district court judgeships that were vacant at

the start of the Obama presidency with current vacancy statistics.

Confirmation Status of President Obama’s Judicial Nominees

Table 1 provides a statistical summary of the confirmation status of individuals nominated by

President Obama to U.S. circuit and district courts between January 20, 2009, and May 31,

2012.10 Thus far, President Obama has nominated 41 persons to circuit court judgeships. Of the

41, 29 (70.7%) have been confirmed by the Senate, 6 (14.6%) have failed to be confirmed after

their nominations either were withdrawn by the President or returned to the President and not

resubmitted to the Senate,11 and 6 (14.6%) currently have nominations pending (2 in the Senate

Judiciary Committee and 4 on the Senate Executive Calendar).12

8

This total includes 10 temporary judgeships. See the U.S. Courts website at http://www.uscourts.gov/JudgesAnd

Judgeships/AuthorizedJudgeships.aspx.

9

The Eastern District of Oklahoma has 1 judgeship (the smallest number among Article III district courts), while the

Southern District of New York and the Central District of California each have 28 judgeships (the most among Article

III district courts). Note that these figures do not include “roving” judgeships, i.e., judgeships shared by two or more

federal district courts.

10

The most common ways in which a judicial nomination fails to receive Senate confirmation include (1) the full

Senate voting against the confirmation; (2) the President withdrawing the nomination because the Senate Judiciary

Committee has voted against reporting the nomination to the Senate or has made clear its intention not to act on the

nomination, or because the nomination, even if reported, is likely to face substantial opposition on the Senate floor, or

because the nominee has requested that the nomination be withdrawn; and (3) the Senate, without confirming or

rejecting the nomination, returning the nomination to the President under Rule XXXI, paragraph 6 of the Standing

Rules of the Senate after it has adjourned or been in recess for more than 30 days.

11

These 6 unconfirmed nominees include Robert N. Chatigny (nominated to the Second Circuit; nomination returned

to the President), Edward C. DuMont (Federal Circuit; nomination withdrawn by President), Caitlin J. Halligan (D.C.

Circuit; nomination returned after cloture failed), Goodwin Liu (Ninth Circuit; nomination withdrawn after cloture

failed), Victoria F. Nourse (Seventh Circuit; nomination returned), and Steve Six (Tenth Circuit; nomination returned).

12

The two circuit court nominees whose nominations are pending before the committee are Robert E. Bacharach

(continued...)

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Nomination and Confirmation of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judges

President Obama has nominated 150 individuals to U.S. district court judgeships. Of the 150, 117

(78.0%) have been confirmed by the Senate, 6 (4.0%) have failed to be confirmed after their

nominations either were withdrawn by the President or returned to the President and not

resubmitted to the Senate,13 and 27 (18.0%) currently have nominations pending (15 in the Senate

Judiciary Committee and 12 on the Senate Executive Calendar).14

In total, 146 (or 76.4%) of President Obama’s circuit and district nominees were confirmed

between January 20, 2009, and May 31, 2012.15

Table 1. Confirmation Status of President Obama’s Judicial Nominees

(As of May 31, 2012)

Returned or

Withdrawn

Confirmed

Nomination Pending

(Committee)

Nomination Pending

(Executive Calendar)

Total

Number

Percentage

Number

Percentage

Number

Percentage

Number

Percentage

U.S.

Circuit

Courts

41

29

70.7

6

14.6

2

4.9

4

9.8

U.S.

District

Courts

150

117

78.0

6

4.0

15

10.0

12

8.0

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

Notes: This table shows the number and percentage of President Obama’s circuit and district court nominees

who, since the start of the Obama presidency on January 20, 2009, have received Senate confirmation, who

(under the heading “Returned or Withdrawn”) have seen their nominations failed to be confirmed, or who

currently have nominations pending on the Senate Executive Calendar or in committee. The nominations of

nominees under the heading “Returned or Withdrawn” were either returned to the President one or more

(...continued)

(Tenth Circuit nominee) and Jill A. Pryor (Eleventh Circuit). The four circuit court nominees whose nominations are

currently pending on the Senate Executive Calendar include Andrew D. Hurwitz (Ninth Circuit), William J. Kayatta, Jr.

(First Circuit), Patty Shwartz (Third Circuit), and Richard G. Taranto (Federal Circuit).

13

These nominees include Louis B. Butler, Jr. (nominated to W.WI; nomination returned), Charles B. Day (MD;

nomination withdrawn), Michael C. Green (W.NY; nomination returned), Arvo Mikkanen (N.OK; nomination

returned), V. Natasha Perdew Silas (N.GA; nomination returned), and Linda T. Walker (N.GA; nomination returned).

14

The 15 district court nominees whose nominations are pending before the committee are Terrence G. Berg (E.MI),

Jesus G. Bernal (C.CA), Matthew W. Brann (M.PA), Elissa F. Cadish (NV), Brian J. Davis (M. FL), Shelly Deckert

Dick (M.LA), John E. Dowdell (N.OK), Thomas M. Durkin (N.IL), Frank P. Geraci, Jr. (W.NY), Paul W. Grimm

(MD), Malachy Edward Mannion (M.PA), Rosemary Marquez (AZ), Fernando M. Olguin (C.CA), Lorna G. Schofield

(S.NY), and Mark E. Walker (N.FL). The 12 district court nominees whose nominations are currently pending on the

Senate Executive Calendar are Gonzalo P. Curiel (S. CA), Gershwin A. Drain (E. MI), John T. Fowlkes, Jr. (W. TN),

Jeffrey J. Helmick (N. OH), Timothy S. Hillman (MA), Mary G. Lewis (SC), Kevin McNulty (NJ), Stephanie M. Rose

(S. IA), Michael P. Shea (CT), Robert J. Shelby (UT), Michael A. Shipp (NJ), and Robin S. Rosenbaum (S. FL).

15

Including 2 confirmed Supreme Court nominees, a total of 148 of President Obama’s nominees have been confirmed

to federal district courts, appeals courts, and the Supreme Court. This number, at present, places President Obama

behind 9 of 12 Presidents since 1933. President Obama’s total currently ranks ahead of President Truman (136

confirmed nominees), President Kennedy (129), and President Ford (60). This comparison is based on data provided in

Nadine Cohodas, “Conservatives Pressing to Reshape Judiciary,” CQ Weekly, vol. 43, September 7, 1985, p. 1760

(hereinafter Cohodas, “Conservatives Pressing to Reshape Judiciary”) and the internal CRS judicial nominations

database.

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times (and not subsequently resubmitted after being returned for the final time) or were withdrawn by the

President.

Variation Across Geographic Circuits in Number and Percentage of

Confirmed Nominees

Overall, President Obama’s 29 confirmed circuit court nominees currently fill 16.2% of the

nation’s 179 authorized circuit court judgeships, while his 116 confirmed district court nominees

currently fill 17.2% of the nation’s 673 authorized Article III district court judgeships.16

President Obama’s confirmed judicial appointees, however, are not distributed uniformly across

geographic circuits. The opportunity to appoint circuit and district judges to a particular circuit

depends upon the vacancies which exist when a President takes office or which subsequently

arise during his presidency. As a result, there will be variation at any given time both in the

number of nominees a President succeeds in having confirmed across geographic circuits and in

the percentage of judgeships across circuits which are held by appointees of a President.

Figure 1 and Figure 2 reveal notable variation among the 12 geographic circuits and the Court of

Appeals for the Federal Circuit in the number of U.S. circuit and district court judgeships held by

President Obama’s appointees as well as in the percentage of circuit and district judgeships in

each circuit held by his appointees.17

As Figure 1 shows, President Obama has appointed the greatest number of U.S. appeals court

judges to the Fourth Circuit (i.e., 6 confirmed nominees), the Second Circuit (5), the Ninth Circuit

(4), and the Federal Circuit (3). In contrast, as of this writing, no nominees of President Obama

have been confirmed to either the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals or the U.S. Court of Appeals

for the D.C. Circuit. The Eighth Circuit, comprising Arkansas, Iowa, Minnesota, Missouri,

Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota, does not (as of May 31, 2012) have any existing

vacancies.18 There are presently, however, three vacancies on the D.C. Circuit, including Supreme

Court Chief Justice John G. Roberts’s former seat on the court.19 If no appointment to the D.C.

Circuit occurs before January 20, 2013, President Obama will be the first President in more than

50 years who has served a full four-year term without having a single nominee confirmed to this

court.20

16

These figures are based on the number of active, full-time circuit and district court judgeships authorized as of 2011 and

do not include judges who continue to serve part-time as a result of taking senior status following retirement. The number

and percentage of Obama district court appointees does not include Jacqueline H. Nguyen, an Obama U.S. district court

appointee confirmed during the 111th Congress who was subsequently confirmed during the 112th Congress as a judge on

Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. The district court judgeship that she vacated upon her elevation to the Ninth Circuit is not

counted as filled by an Obama appointee become someone has not yet been appointed to take Judge Nguyen’s place on the

court. Ms. Nguyen is counted, consequently, as one of President Obama’s circuit court appointees. Note, however, that

Judge Nguyen is counted in Table 1 both as one of President Obama’s circuit court nominees who has been confirmed and

as one of his confirmed district court nominees.

17

The Appendix shows the data used for Figure 1 and Figure 2.

18

A list of current vacancies is available on the U.S. Courts website at http://www.uscourts.gov/JudgesAndJudgeships/

JudicialVacancies/CurrentJudicialVacancies.aspx.

19

Two of the three vacancies on the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals existed prior to President Obama taking office. Chief

Justice Roberts’s seat has been vacant since September 29, 2005, and A. Raymond Randolph’s seat has been vacant since

November 1, 2008.

20

See Joan Biskupic, “Analysis: Obama Yet To Make A Mark On Key U.S. Court,” Reuters, February 24, 2012,

(continued...)

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Nomination and Confirmation of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judges

Figure 1. Number of Authorized U.S. Circuit and District Court Judgeships Held by

Appointees of President Obama by Geographic Circuit (as of May 31, 2012)

(U.S. Circuit Court / U.S. District Court)

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

Notes: This figure shows, for the 12 geographic circuits and the Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, the

number of authorized U.S. appeals and district court judgeships held by appointees of President Obama. The

number or letters within each black circle identify the judicial circuit. The number to the left of the slash mark

lists, for the circuit in question, the number of court of appeals judgeships held by Obama appointees. The

number to the right of the slash mark indicates the number of district court judgeships in the circuit held by

Obama appointees. The different colors used for the map are solely for distinguishing the boundaries of the

geographic circuits.

As for U.S. district courts, Figure 1 shows that President Obama has had the greatest number of

judges appointed to district courts located within the Ninth Circuit (22 confirmed district

nominees), the Second Circuit (13), and the Fourth Circuit (13).21 Under President Obama, at

least one district court judge has been appointed in each circuit. The two circuits with the fewest

confirmed Obama district court nominees are the First Circuit (3) and the Sixth Circuit (4).

The circuits in the federal judiciary vary in the number of appellate and district court judgeships

that are statutorily authorized. Consequently, the circuits in which a President appoints the largest

(...continued)

http://www.reuters.com/ article /2012/02/24/us-court-obama-idUSTRE81N0MQ20120224.

21

As mentioned above, Jacqueline H. Nguyen is counted as one of President Obama’s three circuit court appointees

currently serving on the Ninth Circuit and not as one of the President’s district court appointees in the Ninth Circuit.

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(or smallest) number of nominees might not always correspond to the circuits in which his

appointees also constitute the largest (or smallest) percentage of sitting judges.

Figure 2 shows, however, that President Obama’s confirmed U.S. courts of appeals nominees

hold the greatest percentage of seats in three of the same circuits to which he also has the greatest

number of confirmed nominees (with the exception of the Ninth Circuit). Obama appointees now

account for 40.0% of circuit judges on the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, 38.5% on the Second

Circuit, and 25.0% on the Federal Circuit.

Figure 2. Percentage of Authorized U.S. Circuit and District Court Judgeships Held

by Appointees of President Obama by Geographic Circuit (as of May 31, 2012)

(U.S. Circuit Court / U.S. District Court)

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

Notes: This figure shows, for the 12 geographic circuits and the Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, the

percentage of authorized U.S. appeals and district court judgeships held by appointees of President Obama. The

number or letters within each black circle identify the judicial circuit. The number to the left of the slash mark

lists, for the circuit in question, the percentage of court of appeals judgeships held by Obama appointees. The

number to the right of the slash mark indicates the percentage of district court judgeships in the circuit held by

Obama appointees. The different colors used for the map are solely for distinguishing the boundaries of the

geographic circuits.

Currently, in 5 (of 13) judicial circuits, President Obama’s U.S. courts of appeals appointees

account for a greater percentage of active appellate judges than Obama circuit court appointees do

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across the nation as a whole (i.e., greater than 16.2%). In addition to the three circuits already

identified, the other two are the First Circuit (16.7%) and the Eleventh Circuit (also 16.7 %).22

The three circuits with the greatest percentage of President Obama’s district court appointees are

the D.C. Circuit (33.3% of district court judgeships), the Eighth Circuit (28.6%), and the Seventh

Circuit (25.5%). Notably, President Obama’s success in having district court nominees confirmed

in the D.C. and Eighth Circuits is in contrast to having no circuit court nominees, thus far,

confirmed to these same two circuits.

Overall, in 6 (of 12) geographic circuits, President Obama’s district court appointees currently

occupy a greater percentage of authorized district court judgeships than Obama’s district court

appointees do across the nation as a whole (i.e., greater than 17.2%).23 In addition to the D.C.,

Eighth, and Seventh Circuits, these six circuits include the Fourth Circuit (23.2% of district court

judgeships), the Second Circuit (21.0%), and the Ninth Circuit (20.0%).

Comparison of Inherited Vacancies with Current Vacancies

Figure 3 displays the number of U.S. circuit and district court vacancies that existed when

President Obama began his current term on January 20, 2009. For the purposes of this report,

these vacancies are referred to as “inherited vacancies.” The figure also provides the number of

current vacancies (as of May 31, 2012), broken down by vacancies for which a nomination

currently is pending in the Senate Judiciary Committee, vacancies pending on the Senate

Executive Calendar, and vacancies for which no nomination is currently pending.

As Figure 3 indicates, 17 more circuit and district court judgeships are vacant than when

President Obama took office (a total of 72 current vacancies, as of May 31, 2012, compared with

55 on January 20, 2009).

For there to be fewer circuit or district court vacancies at the end of President Obama’s current

term than the 55 judgeships vacant when his term began, at least 18, or 54.5%, of the 33

nominations pending in committee or on the Executive Calendar, as of May 31, 2012, would have

to be confirmed during the remainder of this Congress.24 Further, in the likely event of judicial

departures in the months ahead creating more court vacancies, reducing total vacancies would

require confirmation of more than 18 nominees.

22

Following President Obama’s first two years, the U.S. courts of appeals in the Second, Third, and Fourth Circuits

switched from having either a Republican-appointed majority or being evenly divided between the appointees of Republican

and Democratic presidents to each having a Democratic-appointed majority. Additionally, the First Circuit Court of Appeals

switched from having a Republican-appointed majority to being evenly divided. Sheldon Goldman, Elliot Slotnick, and Sara

Schiavoni, “Obama’s Judiciary at Midterm,” Judicature, vol. 94, no. 6, May-June 2011, p. 299 (hereafter Goldman,

“Obama’s Judiciary at Midterm”).

23

Note that the Federal Circuit consists only of a court of appeals (i.e., it does not include district court judgeships).

24

This calculation includes two district court nominees whose nominations are pending and who were nominated for

future vacancies. Paul W. Grimm, whose nomination is pending in committee, was nominated for a vacancy that will

occur on June 8, 2012, and Stephanie M. Rose, whose nomination is pending on the Senate Executive Calendar, was

nominated for a vacancy that will occur on July 1, 2012. Because these vacancies do not currently exist, however,

neither of these pending nominations is included in Figure 3 as one of the 25 district court vacancies with a nomination

pending either in committee or on the Senate Executive Calendar (or as one of the 31 total current vacancies with a

nomination pending).

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Figure 3. U.S. Circuit and District Court Judgeships: Number of Vacancies Inherited

by President Obama and Number Currently Vacant

(As of May 31, 2012)

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database and CRS analysis of data provided by the Administrative

Office of the United States Courts at http://www.uscourts.gov

/JudgesAndJudgeships/JudicialVacancies/CurrentJudicialVacancie s.aspx.

Notes: This figure shows the number of circuit and district court vacancies which existed when President

Obama took office on January 20, 2009 (i.e., “inherited vacancies”). The figure also shows the number of current

circuit and district court vacancies broken down by vacancies for which no nominations are currently pending,

vacancies for which nominations are currently pending in committee, and vacancies for which nominations are

currently pending on the Senate Executive Calendar.

Recent presidential election years, however, provide examples of Senate confirmation of more

than 18 judicial nominations after May 31. Specifically, in 5 of the last 8 completed presidential

election years, the Senate has confirmed more than 18 circuit or district court nominations after

May 31. The numbers of post-May 31 confirmations of circuit or district court nominations in

these 5 presidential election years, starting in 1980, were as follows: 32 in 1980; 28 in 1984; 31 in

1992; 28 in 2004; and 22 in 2008.25

Figure 3 also indicates that of the 72 current circuit or district court vacancies, 41 (or 56.9%) are

vacancies for which, as of May 31, 2012, the President had not selected a nominee. These 41

vacancies have been vacant, on average, for 551.8 days.26 Of the 41, 34 (82.9%) are district court

vacancies and 7 (17.1%) are circuit court vacancies. Finally, of the 41, 17 (41.5%) are presently

classified as “judicial emergencies” by the Judicial Conference of the United States.27 Of these 17

judicial emergencies, 14 (82.4%) are district court vacancies.

25

Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

The median number of days vacant for these 41 vacancies is 250.0 days. Calculations are based on CRS analysis of

data provided by the federal judiciary at http://www.uscourts.gov/JudgesAndJudgeships/JudicialVacancies/

CurrentJudicial Vacancies.aspx.

27

A judicial emergency for a circuit court vacancy is defined as any vacancy in a court of appeals where adjusted case

filings per appellate panel are in excess of 700 or any vacancy that is in existence more than 18 months where adjusted

(continued...)

26

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Figure 3 also reveals a much more pronounced increase, from when President Obama took office

to the present, in the number of district court vacancies than of circuit court vacancies.

Specifically, while the current number of circuit court vacancies is the same as when President

Obama took office on January 20, 2009 (i.e., 13), the current number of district court vacancies is

17 more (59 versus 42).

This difference in the increased number of vacancies between circuit and district courts might

reflect, in part, the longer amount of time President Obama has taken to name individuals to

district court vacancies than to circuit court vacancies. According to one study, President Obama

took, on average, during his first three years in office 399 days to make nominations for district

court vacancies versus 230 days to make nominations for circuit court vacancies.28 The median

figures for the time needed by President Obama to make nominations followed a similar pattern,

with a median of 364 days from appointment opportunity to nomination for district court

nominations and 198 days for circuit court nominations.29

These statistics, however, should not be interpreted to mean that the increase in the number of

circuit and district court vacancies from when President Obama took office is solely the function

of the speed with which the President has submitted nominations to the Senate. As discussed

further in the third section of this report, factors outside an Administration’s control also influence

the number of vacancies that exist at any given time and the length of time that the vacancies

remain unfilled. These include the rate at which judges depart office and institutional and political

factors related to the processing of nominations in the Senate.

Comparison of President Obama with

Recent Predecessors

This section uses various statistical measures to compare the judicial nomination and

confirmation processes at work during the Obama and other recent presidencies. It first compares

the number and percentage of confirmed U.S. circuit and district court nominees from Presidents

Reagan to Obama. It then provides, for Presidents Clinton to Obama, a comparison of the number

of circuit and district court vacancies inherited by each of the three Presidents and the number of

vacancies that existed on February 1 of their second, third, and fourth years in office. It concludes

by comparing selected features of the Senate judicial confirmation process during the tenures of

(...continued)

filings are between 500 to 700 per panel. For district court vacancies, a judicial emergency exists when a district court

has weighted filings in excess of 600 per judgeship; or a vacancy is in existence more than 18 months where weighted

filings are between 430 to 600 per judgeship; or any district court with more than one authorized judgeship and only

one active judge. A list of vacancies considered “judicial emergencies” by the Judicial Conference is available on the

U.S. Courts website at http://www.uscourts.gov/JudgesAndJudgeships/JudicialVacancies/JudicialEmergencies.aspx.

28

See Russell Wheeler, “Judicial Nominations and Confirmations after Three Years – Where Do Things Stand,”

Governance Studies at Brookings, January 13, 2012, at http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/papers

/2012/0113_nominations_ wheeler/0113_nominations_wheeler.pdf (hereinafter Wheeler, “Judicial Nominations and

Confirmations”).

29

Ibid. Wheeler’s calculations, to arrive at the mean and median number of days from vacancy to nomination,

measured the time intervals that began from the date the departing incumbent announced his or her intention to leave

active service at some future date, or the date a vacancy was created if no announcement was made, or Inauguration

Day (i.e., January 20) if a vacancy had occurred by that date.

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the five most recent Presidents. Specifically, it compares, for circuit and district court nominees,

(1) the time that elapsed from first nomination to first committee hearing; (2) the time from first

committee report to confirmation; and (3) the percentage of confirmed nominees receiving Senate

roll call votes.

This report, it should be acknowledged, does not analyze or take a position on the number or

percentage of a President’s judicial nominees that would be appropriate for the Senate to confirm;

on the average (or median) length of time that would be appropriate for, or needed by, the Senate

Judiciary Committee to process judicial nominations, or the Senate to take final action on them;

or on whether confirmation of circuit and district court nominations should occur by roll call vote

or voice vote. Similarly, this report does not analyze or take a position on the appropriate amount

of time for an Administration to select nominees for circuit and district court judgeships.

Number and Percentage of Confirmed Judicial Nominees

Table 2 presents the total number of circuit and district court nominees, the total number of

nominees confirmed, and the percentage confirmed during the first terms of Presidents Reagan

through Obama. While Presidents sometimes have nominated particular individuals to a court

more than once, this table counts such nominees only once. In other words, it does not account for

multiple nominations of the same individual.

The table reveals that President G.H.W. Bush had the greatest total number of circuit court

nominees confirmed among the five Presidents during their first terms (i.e., 42 confirmed

nominees). President Reagan had the greatest percentage of circuit nominees confirmed during a

first term, 86.8%. In contrast, President Obama thus far has had the second-lowest percentage of

circuit court nominees confirmed, 70.7%, and the lowest number of circuit nominees confirmed

(i.e., 29).

For district court nominees, President Clinton had the greatest number confirmed during the first

term of a presidency for this period (i.e., 169). This number was followed closely by that for

President G.W. Bush (168). President G.W. Bush, however, had the greatest percentage of district

court nominees confirmed during a first term (nearly 95%). President Obama, thus far, has had

the lowest number of district court nominees confirmed (117) and the second-lowest percentage

of district nominees confirmed (78.0%).

Table 2. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

During Their First Term

U.S. District Courts

U.S. Circuit Courts

President

Number of

Nominees

Number

Confirmed

Percentage

Confirmed

Number of

Nominees

Number

Confirmed

Percentage

Confirmed

Reagan

38

33

86.8

148

129

87.2

G.H.W. Bush

53

42

79.2

191

148

77.5

Clinton

41

30

73.2

197

169

85.8

G.W. Bush

Obama (as of

May 31, 2012)

52

35

67.3

177

168

94.9

41

29

70.7

150

117

78.0

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

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Notes: This table shows, for each of the last five Presidents, the total number of individuals nominated for

Article III circuit and district court judgeships during a President’s first term as well as the number and

percentage of nominees confirmed during his first term. Note that some individuals nominated during the first

term of a President are ultimately confirmed during a President’s second term. These individuals are not included

in the number and percentage of confirmed nominees reported in the table.

Inherited Vacancies and Subsequent Vacancies at Selected Dates

Table 3 and Table 4 compare, for President Obama and his two most recent predecessors, (1) the

number of U.S. circuit and district court vacancies that each inherited at the beginning of his

presidency; (2) the number of circuit and district court vacancies as of February 1 of each

President’s second, third, and fourth years in office; and (3) the percentage of circuit and district

court vacancies without nominees on February 1 of each of those years. Presidents Reagan and

G.H.W. Bush are omitted from this particular table due to data limitations in identifying vacancies

and nominations that existed for those vacancies during their two presidencies. February 1 is used

as the approximate date for the beginning of a President’s second, third, and fourth years in

office.

Table 3 reveals that President Clinton inherited 17 vacancies at the beginning of his first term, a

number which had decreased to 12 by February 1 of his fourth year in office. Of the three most

recent Presidents, President Clinton is the only one for whom the percentage of circuit court

vacancies without nominees was 50% or higher at the beginning of his second, third, and fourth

years in office. As mentioned below in the discussion accompanying Table 4, President Obama is

alone among the three Presidents in holding this distinction for district court nominees.

Table 3. U.S. Circuit Courts: Inherited Vacancies and Vacancies as of February 1 of

Second,Third, and Fourth Years in Office for Three Most Recent Presidents

As of Feb. 1 of

Second Year

As of Feb. 1 of Third Year

As of Feb. 1 of Fourth Year

Number

of

Inherited

Vacancies

Number

of

Vacancies

Percentage

with No

Nominee

Number

of

Vacancies

Percentage

with No

Nominee

Number

of

Vacancies

Percentage

with No

Nominee

Clinton

17

19

73.7

16

81.2

12

50.0

G.W. Bush

26

31

25.8

25

44.0

17

11.8

Obama

13

20

60.0

17

47.1

16

43.7

President

Source: CRS analysis of data provided by the Administrative Office of the United States Courts at

http://www.uscourts.gov /JudgesAndJudgeships/JudicialVacancies/CurrentJudicialVacancies.aspx.

Notes: This table shows, for each of the last three Presidents, the number of U.S. circuit court vacancies that

existed at the beginning of that President’s term (i.e., “inherited vacancies”); the number of circuit court

vacancies that existed as of February 1 of his second, third, and fourth years in office; and the percentage of

circuit court vacancies on February 1 of each year for which no individuals were nominated by the President.

President G.W. Bush inherited a greater number of circuit court vacancies than either Presidents

Clinton or Obama (i.e., 26 vacancies). The number of circuit court vacancies increased during

President G.W. Bush’s first year in office, reaching 31 by February 1 of his second year, but

subsequently decreased to 25 and 17, respectively, on February 1 of his third and fourth years in

office. This general pattern, of the number of vacancies increasing during the first year in office

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and then decreasing over the subsequent two years, also characterized both President Clinton’s

and Obama’s tenures.

Notably, President G.W. Bush is the only President of the three for whom the percentage of

vacancies without nominees was below 50% at the beginning of his second, third, and fourth

years in office. This, as mentioned below, was also the case for district court vacancies during the

G.W. Bush presidency. In other words, at the beginning of President G.W. Bush’s second, third,

and fourth years in office, circuit and district court nominees had been selected for a majority of

the vacancies which existed at those times.

President Obama inherited fewer circuit court vacancies than either Presidents Clinton or G.W.

Bush. Of the three Presidents, however, he is the only one who began his fourth year in office

with more vacancies than existed when he took office (as is also the case with district court

vacancies under President Obama). The percentage of circuit court vacancies without nominees

was below 50% at the beginning of President Obama’s third and fourth years in office. In

contrast, the percentage of district court vacancies without nominees was, as Table 4 reveals,

above 50% at the beginning of those years of the Obama presidency (at 53.6% and 55.2%,

respectively).

As Table 4 shows, President Clinton inherited a greater number of district court vacancies than

either Presidents G.W. Bush or Obama. Some of the 89 vacancies inherited by President Clinton

were attributable to the creation of 74 new district court judgeships in 1990, of which 25 still

were unfilled at the start of his presidency on January 20, 1993.30 The number of district court

vacancies in existence at the beginning of each of President Clinton’s first four years in office

steadily decreased, going from 89 to 81 to 53 to 41. It was not until the beginning of his fourth

year in office, however, that the percentage of vacancies without nominees dropped below 50%

(in contrast to the 72.8% and 81.1% of district court vacancies with no nominee as of February 1

of the second and third years, respectively).

President G.W. Bush inherited 59 district court vacancies when he assumed office on January 20,

2001. The number of vacancies increased from 59 to 68 from the beginning of his first year to the

beginning of his second year but, as with President Clinton, the number of vacancies

subsequently decreased: from 68 vacancies at the beginning of his second year in office, to 36

vacancies a year later, and to 29 vacancies on February 1 of his fourth year.

Notably, the percentage of district court vacancies without nominees was below 50% as of

February 1 of the second, third, and fourth years of the G.W. Bush presidency (in contrast to the

higher percentages shown at the same points during the Clinton and Obama presidencies). By

February 1, 2004, this percentage had decreased to 13.8%, a result, in part perhaps, of what has

been characterized as President G.W. Bush’s “well-oiled nomination machinery.”31

30

The Federal Judgeship Act of 1990 (P.L. 101-650) created 11 new circuit court judgeships and 74 new district court

judgeships (5 of which were temporary).

31

Wheeler, “Judicial Nominations and Confirmations,” p. 5.

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Table 4. U.S. District Courts: Inherited Vacancies and Vacancies as of February 1 of

Second,Third, and Fourth Years in Office for Three Most Recent Presidents

As of Feb. 1 of

Second Year

As of Feb. 1 of Third Year

As of Feb. 1 of Fourth Year

Number

of

Inherited

Vacancies

Number

of

Vacancies

Percentage

with No

Nominee

Number

of

Vacancies

Percentage

with No

Nominee

Number

of

Vacancies

Percentage

with No

Nominee

Clinton

89

81

72.8

53

81.1

41

41.5

G.W. Bush

59

68

48.5

36

36.1

29

13.8

Obama

42

82

81.7

84

53.6

67

55.2

President

Source: CRS analysis of data provided by the Administrative Office of the United States Courts at

http://www.uscourts.gov/JudgesAndJudgeships/JudicialVacancies/CurrentJudicialVacancies.aspx.

Notes: This tables shows, for each of the last three Presidents, the number of U.S. district court vacancies that

existed at the beginning of that President’s term (i.e., “inherited vacancies”), the number of district court

vacancies that existed as of February 1 of his second, third, and fourth years in office, and the percentage of

district court vacancies on February 1 of each year for which no individuals were nominated by the President.

President Obama inherited 42 district court vacancies, fewer than either Presidents Clinton or

G.W. Bush. Despite this, a higher number of district court vacancies existed at the beginning of

his second, third, and fourth years in office than at corresponding points during the Clinton and

G.W. Bush presidencies. Additionally, President Obama is the only President among the three for

whom the percentage of district court vacancies without nominees was above 50% on each

February 1 of his second, third, and fourth years in office.

That district court vacancy figures have, over time, been greater during the Obama presidency

than during the Clinton and G.W. Bush presidencies might be, in part, a result of the time taken

for President Obama to nominate persons to fill district court vacancies. According to one study,

President Obama took 399 days, on average, during his first three years to make such

nominations, compared with 366 days, on average, for President Clinton during his first three

years, and 272 days, on average, for President G.W. Bush during his first thee years.32

As mentioned previously, the speed with which a President submits judicial nominations to the

Senate reflects factors both within an Administration’s control and outside its control. These

factors are discussed further in the section entitled “Factors Influencing the Selection and

Confirmation Process for U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominations.”

Selected Features of the Senate Confirmation Process

This section provides, by presidency (from Reagan to Obama), comparative statistics of several

features of the Senate confirmation process for circuit and district court nominees.33 The

32

Ibid.

For a detailed discussion of the process used by the Senate to consider a President’s judicial nominations, see CRS

Report RL 31980, Senate Consideration of Presidential Nominations: Committee and Floor Procedure, by (name reda

cted).

33

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calculations represented graphically in Figures 4 through 6 are based on nomination and

confirmation statistics from each President’s entire tenure, whether it was one or two terms.34

Length of Time from First Nomination to First Committee Hearing

Figure 4 tracks, by presidency (from Reagan to Obama), the mean and median number of days

from first nomination to first committee hearing for all circuit and district court nominees who

received hearings during the period January 20, 1981, through May 31, 2012.35

All nominees who received hearings are included in the calculations, regardless of whether they

were eventually confirmed or their nomination were returned, withdrawn, or rejected by the

Senate. In cases when a nominee received a hearing only after being renominated, the waiting

time is calculated from the date of the first nomination to the committee hearing. Additionally,

when nominees received more than one committee hearing, the statistics used to generate Figure

4 measure only the length of time from a nominee’s first nomination to his or her first hearing.

Figure 4 shows that during the 1981 to 2012 period, circuit court nominees of President G.W.

Bush waited more days to receive a hearing than did the nominees of the other four Presidents.

The mean and median number of days for a circuit court nominee to receive a committee hearing

after being nominated ranged from a low of 43.1 and 23.0 days, respectively, during the Reagan

presidency to 246.8 and 145.0 days, respectively, for the G.W. Bush presidency.36 The calculations

for the G.W. Bush nominees from first nomination to first hearing included relatively long waiting

periods for nominees such as Priscilla R. Owen (waiting 440 days from first nomination to first

hearing), Deborah L. Cook (630 days), Jeffrey S. Sutton (630 days), Richard A. Griffin (721

days), and David W. McKeague (951 days).

Circuit court nominees during the Clinton presidency were the only other group of circuit court

nominees during the 1981 to 2012 period who waited, on average, more than 100 days from first

nomination to first hearing. President Clinton’s circuit court nominees waited an average of 120.2

days to receive hearings (although the median waiting time was lower, i.e., 91.0 days). As Figure

4 shows, these longer waiting times under President Clinton were a distinct increase over the

34

Table 2 presents nomination and confirmation statistics based on a President’s first term, whereas Figures 4 and 5

present statistics covering each President’s entire tenure, whether it was one or two terms. The author takes this

approach for two reasons. First, because President Obama is currently in the fourth year of his presidency, comparing

his judicial nomination success with that of his four immediate predecessors (in terms of the number and percentage of

confirmed circuit and district court nominees) is arguably more informative using statistics only for the first four years

of the other presidencies. Table 2 provides such statistics, and allows for a useful comparison of the relative success of

Presidents in having their nominees confirmed during an initial four-year period. Second, the data presented in Figure

4 and Figure 5 measure average and median time spans of certain phases of the judicial confirmation process in the

Senate which, in the case of some nominees, straddled two terms of a presidency. For example, a nominee may have

been nominated during a President’s first term but not have received a hearing until his second term, or have had his

nomination first reported out of committee during a President’s first term but not have been confirmed until the

President’s second term. As a result, an accurate measure of the average waiting time from first nomination to first

hearing or from first report to confirmation must include a President’s entire tenure.

35

“Mean” indicates the arithmetic mean, or average, while the “median” indicates the middle value for a particular set

of numbers. The mean may not always sufficiently reflect the time from nomination to committee hearings for many

nominees if, among them, there are nominees whose time to a first hearing was much longer or shorter than that of the

other nominees in the group. By contrast, the median, or middle value for the nominees, is less affected by nominees

whose elapsed time from first nomination to first hearing was unusually long or short.

36

The Appendix shows the data used for Figure 4.

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average and median waiting times of 78.0 days and 65.5 days, respectively, experienced by the

circuit court nominees of President G.H.W. Bush.

Finally, although President Obama, compared with his four most recent predecessors, has had

fewer, and the second-smallest percentage of, circuit court nominees confirmed (see Table 2

above), his circuit court nominees have waited, on average, less time from first nomination to first

hearing, 69.6 days, than the circuit nominees of Presidents G.H.W. Bush, Clinton, and G.W. Bush.

Only President Reagan’s circuit nominees waited, on average, less time from first nomination to

first hearing (i.e., 43.1 days).

Figure 4. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Mean and Median Number of Days from First

Nomination to First Hearing

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

Notes: This figure shows, for each of the last five Presidents, the mean and median number of days from first

nomination to first hearing for all Article III circuit and district court nominees who received hearings. The

numbers used to generate Figure 4 accounted for nominations made over a President’s entire tenure, whether

it was one or two terms.

Figure 4 shows, by presidency, less striking differences in the amount of time district court

nominees, compared with circuit court nominees, waited for hearings. The mean and median

number of days from first nomination to first hearing for district court nominees ranged from a

low of 43.2 and 22.0 days, respectively, during the Reagan presidency to 123.5 and 87.5 days,

respectively, during the G.W. Bush presidency.

As with circuit court nominees during the 1981 to 2012 period, the average waiting time from

first nomination to first hearing for district court nominees increased with each presidency from

Reagan to G.W. Bush but subsequently declined during the Obama presidency. The average

waiting time, thus far, for President Obama’s district court nominees from first nomination to first

hearing, 83.2 days, is now nearly the same as the average waiting time experienced by district

court nominees during the G.H.W. Bush presidency, 82.6 days.

Although the median waiting time, at present, from first nomination to first hearing during the

Obama presidency (77.0 days) is less than the median waiting time during the G.W. Bush

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presidency (87.5 days), it is higher than the median waiting times for district court nominees

during the G.H.W. Bush and Clinton presidencies (65.0 and 68.0 days, respectively) and more

than three times higher than the median waiting time of 22.0 days for President Reagan’s district

court nominees.

Length of Time from First Committee Report to Confirmation

Figure 5 shows, by presidency (from Reagan to Obama), the mean and median number of days

from first committee report to confirmation for all circuit and district court nominees who were

confirmed during the period January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012.37 These calculations include

days elapsed for nominations which were reported out of committee only to be returned to the

President, subsequently resubmitted by the President, reported again by the Judiciary Committee,

and then confirmed by the Senate.38 Figure 5 shows that, in general, both the mean and median

waiting time between committee report and confirmation increased from presidency to

presidency, starting with the circuit and district court nominees of President G.H.W. Bush.

For confirmed circuit court nominees, the fewest days, on average, that elapsed from first

committee report to confirmation occurred during the G.H.W. Bush presidency (i.e., 7.8 days).

The mean number of days from first committee report to confirmation increased over 10 times

from the G.H.W. Bush presidency to the Clinton presidency, from 7.8 to 82.2 days. From the

Clinton presidency to the G.W. Bush presidency, the average waiting time for circuit court

nominees from first committee report to confirmation increased slightly to 83.1 days, only to

increase substantially, by nearly 57 days, under President Obama to an average (thus far) of 139.7

days.

The median number of days from first committee report to confirmation also increased after

President G.H.W. Bush but remained relatively short during the Clinton and G.W. Bush

presidencies. The median line graph for circuit court nominees in Figure 5 shows that roughly

half of President Clinton’s 65 confirmed circuit court nominees (during his two terms) were

confirmed within 14 days of their nominations being reported out of committee. Likewise,

roughly half of President G.W. Bush’s 61 confirmed circuit court nominees (during his two terms)

were confirmed within 18 days of their nominations being reported. In contrast, President Obama

has, thus far, had no circuit court nominees confirmed under 25 days of their nominations first

being reported out of committee. Instead, the median number of days for President Obama’s 29

confirmed circuit court nominees is 132.0, roughly 7.3 times greater than the median number of

18 days for the 61 confirmed circuit nominees of his immediate predecessor, President G.W.

Bush.

The average number of days that elapsed from first committee report to confirmation for circuit

court nominees during the Clinton and G.W. Bush presidencies was noticeably greater than the

median number of days experienced by these nominees for the report to confirmation stage.

37

The Appendix shows the data used for Figure 5.

For example, Eric Clay was nominated by President Clinton to the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals. His nomination

was initially reported out of committee on April 26, 1996, during the 104th Congress. His nomination was returned to

the President on October 4, 1996, and resubmitted on January 7, 1997. After being reported by the Judiciary Committee

again on May 22, 1997, Mr. Clay’s second nomination was confirmed on July 31, 1997, during the 105th Congress.

Consequently, the dates used for calculating the number of days between Mr. Clay’s nomination being reported out of

committee and his confirmation were April 26, 1996, and July 31, 1997.

38

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These differences reflect the fact that many noncontroversial nominees were confirmed relatively

quickly after their nominations were reported out of committee (thus, pushing down the median

figures) while a smaller number of cases stayed on the Senate Executive Calendar for relatively

lengthy periods of time, and often involved multiple nominations of the same individual.39 These

outliers (the nominees experiencing relatively lengthy waits between first report and

confirmation) had a greater statistical effect on the average number of days between first report

and confirmation than on the median number of days.

Figure 5. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Mean and Median Number of Days from First

Committee Report to Confirmation

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

Notes: This table shows, for each of the last five Presidents, the mean and median number of days from first

committee report to confirmation for all Article III circuit and district court nominees. The numbers used to

generate Figure 5 reflect a President’s entire tenure, whether it was one or two terms.

As with President G.H.W. Bush’s confirmed circuit court nominees, district court nominees

during his presidency waited, on average, a shorter time from first committee report to

confirmation (i.e., 4.6 days) than did the district nominees of the four other Presidents. The

average number of days increased to 28.2 days during the Clinton presidency and to 37.5 days

during the G.W. Bush presidency. During the Obama presidency, the average number of days,

thus far, has increased further to 105.1 days as 42 (35.9%) of President Obama’s 117 confirmed

district court nominees waited at least 100 days from first committee report to confirmation.40

As Figure 5 shows, the median number of days between first committee report and confirmation

of district court nominees by presidency also increased during this period, starting with the

39

For example, the nomination of Priscilla R. Owen, a four-time nominee of President G.W. Bush, was first reported

out of committee on March 27, 2003, and not confirmed until May 25, 2005. Another example includes William A.

Fletcher, a two-time nominee of President of Clinton, whose nomination was first reported out of committee on May

16, 1996, and not confirmed until October 8, 1998.

40

These 42 nominees included Benita Y. Pearson (waiting 313 days), William J. Martinez (250 days), Catherine C.

Eagles (224 days), Kimberly J. Mueller (224 days), John A. Gibney, Jr. (203 days), Michael H. Simon (195 days),

Susan Richard Nelson (190 days), and Jesse M. Furman (155 days).

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nominees of President G.H.W. Bush. From the low median of 1.0 days for nominees during the

G.H.W. Bush presidency, the median increased to 8.0 days for Clinton district court nominees. It

then increased about 2.6 times from the Clinton to G.W. Bush presidency, to 21.0 days, and about

4.3 times from the G.W. Bush to Obama presidency, to 90.0 days.

Percentage of Confirmed Judicial Nominees Receiving Senate

Roll Call Votes

Roll call votes are not required to confirm nominations, but the recorded vote is an increasingly

common element of unanimous consent agreements that provide for Senate consideration of

judicial nominations. Figure 6 shows, for Presidents Reagan to Obama, the percentage of

confirmed U.S. circuit and district court nominees who were approved by Senate roll call votes

rather than by voice votes.41 The figure accounts for roll call votes on circuit and district court

nominees recorded during each President’s entire tenure, whether it was one or two terms.

As the figure reveals, a relatively small percentage of President Reagan’s and G.H.W. Bush’s

circuit and district court nominees received Senate confirmation by roll call votes. According to

CRS data, 5 (or 6.0%) of President Reagan’s 83 confirmed circuit nominees and 1 (2.4%) of

G.H.W. Bush’s 42 circuit court nominees were approved by roll call votes.42 Additionally, only 1

district court nominee was confirmed by roll call vote during the Reagan presidency43 and no

district court nominees were confirmed by roll call votes during G.H.W. Bush’s presidency.

Confirmation by roll call votes became more common during the Clinton presidency, with 16

(24.6%) of 65 confirmed circuit court nominees and 32 (10.5%) of 305 confirmed district court

nominees receiving Senate roll call votes. It was not, however, until President G.W. Bush’s tenure

that a majority of lower court nominees were approved by roll call (rather than by voice) votes,

with 49 (80.4%) of 61 circuit court nominees and 141 (54.0%) of 261 district court nominees

confirmed in this way. This trend has continued under President Obama, with 24 (82.8%) of 29

confirmed circuit court nominees receiving roll call votes and 65 (55.6%) of 117 district court

nominees receiving roll call votes (as of May 31, 2012).

41

The Appendix shows the data used for Figure 6.

According to CRS records, the 5 confirmed Reagan circuit court nominees who received roll call votes were James

L. Buckley (D.C. Circuit; confirmed 84-11), Alex Kozinski (Ninth Circuit; 54-43), Daniel A. Manion (Seventh Circuit;

48-46), David B. Sentelle (D.C. Circuit; 87-0), and James H. Wilkinson, III (Fourth Circuit; 58-39). The G.H.W. Bush

circuit nominee who received a roll call vote was Edward E. Carnes (Eleventh Circuit; 62-36).

43

Sidney A. Fitzwater (N. TX), first nominated by President Reagan on October 29, 1985, was confirmed 52-43.

42

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Figure 6. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Percentage of Confirmed Nominees Approved

by Roll Call Votes

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

Notes: This figures shows, for Presidents Reagan to Obama, the percentage of confirmed U.S. circuit and

district court nominees who were confirmed by roll call votes (rather than by voice votes).

Factors Influencing the Selection and Confirmation

Process for U.S. Circuit and District Court

Nominations

This final section identifies selected factors which may influence various statistical aspects of the

lower court appointment process44 and variation in these statistics across presidencies.

The factors are organized and discussed in the approximate order in which they influence the

selection and confirmation process from its initial to final stages: from (1) the appointment

opportunities a President has during his tenure; to (2) the process used by an Administration for

identifying, vetting, and selecting judicial nominees; to (3) the processing of a President’s judicial

nominations by the Senate.

The factors discussed below do not constitute an exhaustive list of independent variables that

affect confirmation rates, and are not always readily quantifiable in terms of how they affect the

selection and confirmation process for judicial nominees.

44

Such aspects, discussed above in this report, include how many nominations a President makes to fill judgeships

during his tenure, how long a President takes to select nominees, how quickly the Senate processes a President’s

nominations, and how many and what percentage of a President’s judicial nominations are ultimately confirmed.

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Appointment Opportunities

Opportunities for a President to make circuit and district court appointments arise when

judgeships are vacant or are scheduled to become vacant. Various factors influence the number of

such opportunities a President will have during his tenure in office. One such factor, at the start of

a presidency, will be the number of judicial vacancies already in existence (i.e., the judicial

vacancies a President inherits when taking office). The number of inherited vacancies, in turn,

will be influenced by various factors. These include the frequency with which judicial departures

occur and new judgeships are statutorily created in the years or months immediately prior to the

new presidency; the extent to which the outgoing President, during this same period, makes

nominations to fill judicial vacancies; and the rate at which the Senate confirms these

nominations before the new President takes office.

A large number of judicial vacancies created before the start of a new presidency might or might

not result in many appointment opportunities for the incoming President. Much would depend on

how prompt the previous President was in making nominations to fill newly created judicial

vacancies and on how willing the Senate was to confirm those nominations. The different rate, for

instance, at which the Senate confirmed district court nominations immediately prior to the G.W.

Bush and Obama presidencies was one factor in how many district court appointment

opportunities each President inherited upon taking office. During the presidential election year of

2000, 56 district court nominations were pending in the Senate, of which 31 (or 55.4%) were

confirmed. In contrast, during the presidential election year of 2008, 37 district court nominations

were pending in the Senate, of which 24 (64.9%) were confirmed. This variation contributed to

differences in the number of appointment opportunities for Presidents G.W. Bush and Obama.

Legislation creating new judgeships might also provide a new President with the opportunity to

appoint a greater number of judges than he might have inherited. Legislation substantially

increasing the number of authorized judgeships was enacted in 1978 (Omnibus Judgeship Act,

P.L. 95-486); 1984 (Bankruptcy Amendments and Federal Judgeship Act, P.L. 98-353); and 1990

(Federal Judgeship Act, P.L. 101-650).45 The large number of district court vacancies, for

example, inherited by President Clinton contributed, in turn, to the relatively large number of

district court confirmations during his presidency. The large number of district court vacancies

inherited by President Clinton was, in part, the result of 74 new district court judgeships created

by the Federal Judgeship Act of 1990.

Over the course of a presidency, opportunities for a President to make circuit and district court

appointments continue to be affected by the rate at which judges depart office (by taking senior

status, retiring, resigning, or dying). During some presidencies, substantial new judicial

appointment opportunities also have arisen because of the statutory creation of new circuit and

district court judgeships. Both factors—judicial departures and the statutory creation of new

judgeships—can, throughout a President’s tenure, affect the number of persons nominated by the

President and the number confirmed by the Senate.46

45

See CRS Report R41942, Vacancies on Article III District and Circuit Courts, 1977-2011: Data, Causes, and

Implications, by (name redacted).

46

President Reagan, for example, early in his second term eclipsed the total number of judicial appointments made by

President Carter as a result, in part, of the enactment of the Bankruptcy Amendments and Federal Judgeship Act of

1984. Cohodas, “Conservatives Pressing to Reshape Judiciary,” p. 1759.

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For example, a study found that, largely as a result of judges retiring from full-time service on the

bench, President Obama was confronted during his first three years in office with more judicial

vacancies than his two immediate predecessors:

92 judges took senior status in the first three years of the Obama administration compared to

72 and 70 in the Clinton and Bush administrations’ first three years.... Had district judges

taken senior status in Obama’s first three years at the same rate they did under Clinton or

Bush, there would have been almost no increase in vacancies....47

The Selection of Nominees by a President

A variety of factors can affect how long a President takes to select a nominee to fill a judicial

vacancy. These factors include how many individuals are involved in identifying and vetting

potential nominees, the specific selection criteria a President desires to emphasize in identifying

nominees, whether a Supreme Court vacancy occurs, and, if so, the resources devoted to filling

that vacancy.48 A vacancy on the Supreme Court, for example, occurred early in both the Clinton

and Obama Administrations, and in both instances, while the Administrations’ searches were

underway for a Supreme Court nominee, the Presidents sent few lower court nominations to the

Senate.49

The level of consultation between a President and a nominee’s home state Senators also can

influence the President’s pace in selecting nominees for judicial vacancies. Home state Senators

traditionally play an important role in the selection of district and, to a lesser extent, circuit court

judges. The pace might be slowed by communication or other difficulties between the President

and those Senators who represent states with vacant federal judgeships. Additionally, if the home

state Senators are themselves slow in recommending a candidate, or if they and the President

cannot agree on a suitable candidate, the nomination of an individual to fill a vacant judgeship

may be delayed.50

Another factor affecting a President’s pace in selecting judicial nominees is the degree of priority

he attaches to the process. According to one account, for example, judicial selection may not have

been a priority for the Obama Administration during the 111th Congress. “The surest key to

understanding the politics, processes, and outcomes of the Obama judicial selection record in the

111th Congress,” according to the account, is “the recognition that judges were not seen as a

priority by those closest to the President. Judicial selection was not a major focal point in the

47

Wheeler, “Judicial Nominations and Confirmations,” p. 2.

See, for example, Goldman, “Obama’s Judiciary at Midterm,” pp. 265, 279, 288-291.

49

In 1993, for example, President Clinton did not send his first district court nominations to the Senate until August 6.

Likely delaying the President’s initial selection of lower court nominees in 1993 was the March 19, 1993,

announcement by Justice Byron R. White of his intention to retire from the Supreme Court when it adjourned for the

summer. President Clinton engaged in a three-month search for Justice White’s successor, announcing, on June 14,

1993, his selection of Ruth Bader Ginsburg as his Supreme Court nominee. For the President, selecting and nominating

a person to fill a vacancy on the Supreme Court evidently took priority over providing the Senate with nominations to

lower court judgeships. The Ginsburg nomination, in turn, was a primary object of attention for the Senate Judiciary

Committee during June and July 1993, and subsequently as well for the Senate, which voted to confirm Justice

Ginsburg on August 3, 1993, four days before the start of its August recess. As it had with the President, the Ginsburg

nomination, for the Judiciary Committee and the Senate as a whole, presumably would have taken priority over lower

court nominations had any been received prior to the Supreme Court nomination.

50

For more information on the role of home state Senators, see CRS Report RL34405, Role of Home State Senators in

the Selection of Lower Federal Court Judges, by (name redacted).

48

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[A]dministration’s legislatively driven domestic policy agenda, nor was it seen as a ‘legacy’

issue.”51

Finally, the speed at which a President selects nominees might be influenced by the length of his

Administration’s vetting process. One recent study, for example, found that the time from

vacancy to nomination during the first 14 months of the Obama Administration was longer than at

the same point in the G.W. Bush Administration, especially for circuit court nominees.52 The

greater time for President Obama to submit nominees, the study said, was likely due in part to the

pre-nomination candidate vetting by the ABA’s Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary. The

G.W. Bush Administration, the study noted, chose not to have its judicial candidates rated by the

ABA committee (prior to submitting them to Congress). By contrast, the Obama Administration

“brought the committee, and thus the additional 30 to 45 days typically consumed by its

investigations, back into the pre-nomination stage.”53

The Processing of Judicial Nominations by the Senate

As in the nominee selection stage, the processing of judicial nominations by the Senate from first

nomination to final Senate action is also affected by many institutional and political factors.

Various studies, for example, have concluded that how long lower federal court nominees wait in

the Senate confirmation process, from first nomination to final action, is affected by such factors

as the extent of ideological differences between the President and the opposite party in the Senate,

or of interest group opposition to certain nominees. Other factors cited were whether nominees

had “champions” on the Senate Judiciary Committee, the point in a session when nominations

arrived in the Senate, and the kind of ratings given nominees by the American Bar Association’s

Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary.54 Some of these factors might also contribute to

other features of the confirmation process discussed in this report, e.g., whether a nominee is

ultimately confirmed, and, if so, whether he or she is confirmed by roll call vote rather than voice

vote.

The presence or absence of “divided government” (with the President and Senate majority of

opposite political parties) also might influence the processing of judicial nominations by the

Senate. One study concludes, however, that whether the President and Senate majority are of the

same party or not, “presidents continue to select judges according to the same criteria and the

Senate confirms or does not confirm nominations according to the same criteria.”55 Divided

government, though, may affect the procedural strategies used to oppose a President’s nominees.

51

Goldman, “Obama’s Judiciary at Midterm,” p. 272.

Russell Wheeler, “Judicial Nominations in the First Fourteen Months of the Obama and Bush Administrations,”

Governance Studies at Brookings, April 7, 2010, p. 2, at http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/papers/2010/

0407_ judicial_ nominations_wheeler/0407_judicial_nominations_wheeler.pdf.

53

Ibid.

54

See Lauren Cohen Bell, “Senatorial Discourtesy: The Senate’s Uses of Delay to Shape the Federal Judiciary,”

Political Research Quarterly, vol. 55 (September 2002), pp. 589-607; Sarah A. Binder and Forrest Maltzmann,

“Senatorial Delay in Confirming Federal Judges, 1947-1998,” American Journal of Political Science, vol. 46 (January

2002), pp. 190-199; Wendy L. Martinek, Mark Kemper, and Steven R. Van Winkle, “To Advise and Consent: The

Senate and Lower Federal Court Nominations, 1977-1998,” Journal of Politics, vol. 64 (May 2002), pp. 337-361; and

Nancy Scherer, Brandon L. Bartels, and Amy Steigerwalt, “Sounding the Fire Alarm: The Role of Interest Groups in

the Lower Federal Court Confirmation Process,” Journal of Politics, vol. 70, no. 4 (2008), pp. 1026-1039.

55

Nancy Scherer, Scoring Points: Politicians, Activists, and the Lower Federal Court Appointment Process (Stanford,

CA: Stanford University Press, 2005), p.191.

52

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It has been suggested, for example, that Senators “may rely on certain types of ... tactics during

the confirmation process more or less depending on” whether the party controlling the presidency

is also the majority party in the Senate.56

Some factors might influence how quickly judicial nominations are processed at the committee

level but not on the floor (and vice versa). For example, the role of the ABA’s Standing

Committee on the Federal Judiciary in evaluating judicial candidates may be seen as a factor in

the time that a circuit or district court nomination is pending in the Judiciary Committee (but not

in the time that a reported nomination is pending on the Senate Executive Calendar). If the ABA

committee’s role is (as it usually has been over the decades) to evaluate judicial candidates before

the President selects a nominee, then the ABA’s evaluation does not add to the time between

when the President makes a nomination and the Senate Judiciary Committee reports it. If,

however, the ABA’s role is (as it was during the G.W. Bush presidency) to evaluate only after a

person has been nominated, then the time taken for that evaluation will add to the total time that

the nomination is pending in the Judiciary Committee.57

Once a nomination has been reported from committee, the time taken until final Senate action

might be influenced by political or other factors not present (or minimally so) at the committee

level. Even if a nominee is non-controversial and received bipartisan support from the committee,

significant delays in filling a judicial vacancy might occur when a judicial nomination, after being

placed on the Executive Calendar, is blocked for one reason or another from floor consideration

by Senators through the use of “holds,” or objections to unanimous consent requests.58

Finally, another factor that might affect the processing of judicial nominations by the Senate (and,

thus, judicial confirmation statistics) is the blue slip policy of the Senate Judiciary Committee, as

set by its chair. Under this policy, which dates back to at least 1917, the committee chair seeks the

assessment of Senators regarding various nominations for offices in their states, including those

for U.S. district court judgeships, U.S. circuit court judgeships, U.S. attorneys, and U.S. marshals.

In practice, the chair sends a blue-colored form to both home state Senators regarding judicial

nominations in their state. If a home state Senator has no objection to a nominee, the blue slip is

returned to the chair with a positive response. If a Senator, however, has misgivings about the

nominee and wants to stop or slow committee action, he or she can decide not to return the blue

slip, delay returning it, or return it with a negative response. Most chairs of the Judiciary

56

Ibid. Scherer elaborated that if the majority party in the Senate also holds the White House, filibusters by Senators

belonging to the minority party become more prevalent, whereas blue-slip vetoes and other delaying tactics are more

common during divided government.

57

Hence, the increase from the Clinton presidency to the G.W. Bush presidency in the mean and median number of

days from first nomination to first hearing for circuit and district court nominees might be regarded as attributable, in

part, to the waiting time during the Bush presidency between when the Judiciary Committee received a nomination and

subsequently received the ABA’s report on a nominee. A Brookings Institution report noted, however, that the “much

longer wait time for Bush’s circuit nominees to get hearings ... is explained only partly by the timing of the ABA

investigations. (Thirteen Bush nominees got hearings in 2003 – after Republicans took control of the Senate; five of

those 13 had first been nominated in 2001 or 2002, creating initial-nomination-to-hearing times mostly in the 600 day

range).” Wheeler, “Judicial Nominations and Confirmations,” p. 7.

58

See CRS Report 98-712, “Holds” in the Senate, by (name redacted). See also Laura Litvan, “Republicans May

Block Nominees After Obama Recess Appointments,” Bloomberg, January 27, 2012, http://www.bloomberg.com/

news/2012-01-26/republicans-may-impede-some-judges-after-recess-appointments.html.

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Committee have required a return of positive blue slips by both a state’s Senators before allowing

consideration of a nomination.59

It should be noted, however, that the return of positive blue slips by both home state Senators

does not always lead to a relatively speedy confirmation. In the 112th Congress, circuit and district

court nominations have been reported by the Judiciary Committee only after home state Senators

returned positive blue slips for the nominations. Nevertheless, the average time in the current

Congress during which circuit and district court nominations have been pending on the Senate

Executive Calendar before being confirmed has reached historically high levels.60

59

See CRS Report RL 34405, Role of Home State Senators in the Selection of Lower Federal Court Judges, by (name

redacted).

60

See, again, Figure 4 and Figure 5. A specific example includes David Hamilton, an early Obama nominee who was

eventually confirmed to the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals. Mr. Hamilton had the support of Senator Evan Bayh as

well as the “strong support of the respected senior Senate Republican Richard Lugar” (Goldman, “Obama’s Judiciary at

Midterm,” p. 267). Nonetheless, the Hamilton nomination was on the Senate Executive Calendar for 168 days,

approximately 85 days more than the average time from committee report to confirmation for circuit court nominees

under President G.W. Bush and 83 days more than the average time for circuit court nominees under President Clinton.

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Appendix. Data Used for Figures 1, 2, and 4 through 6

Data Used for Figures 1 and 2

Table A-1. Number and Percentage of U.S. Circuit and District Court Judgeships

Held by Appointees of President Obama by Regional Circuit (as of May 31, 2012)

Regional

Circuit

First

Second

Third

Fourth

Fifth

Sixth

Seventh

# of Authorized

Circuit Court

Judgeships

(2011)

6

13

14

15

17

16

11

Number of

Obama

Appointees

1

5

2

6

2

2

1

Percentage of

Obama

Appointees

16.7

38.5

14.3

40.0

11.8

12.5

9.1

# of Authorized

District Court

Judgeships

(2011)

29

62

59

56

83

62

47

Number of

Obama

Appointees

3

13

7

13

12

4

12

Percentage of

Obama

Appointees

10.3

21.0

11.9

23.2

14.5

6.5

25.5

Eighth

Ninth

Tenth

Eleventh

D.C.

Fed.

Total

# of Authorized

Circuit Court

Judgeships

(2011)

11

29

12

12

11

12

179

Number of

Obama

Appointees

0

4

1

2

0

3

29

Percentage of

Obama

Appointees

0

13.8

8.3

16.7

0

25.0

16.2

# of Authorized

District Court

Judgeships

(2011)

42

110

39

69

15

n/a

673

Number of

Obama

Appointees

12

22

5

8

5

n/a

116

Regional

Circuit

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Regional

Circuit

Percentage of

Obama

Appointees

First

Second

Third

Fourth

Fifth

Sixth

Seventh

28.6

20.0

12.8

11.6

33.3

n/a

17.2

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

Data Used for Figure 4

Table A-2. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Mean and Median Number of Days from First

Nomination to First Hearing

U.S. Circuit Courts

U.S. District Courts

President

Mean

Median

Mean

Median

Reagan

43.1

23.0

43.2

22.0

G.H.W. Bush

78.0

65.5

82.6

65.0

Clinton

120.2

91.0

96.6

68.0

G.W. Bush

Obama

246.8

145.0

123.5

87.5

69.6

56.5

83.2

77.0

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

Data Used for Figure 5

Table A-3. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981, to May 31, 2012): Mean and Median Number of Days from First

Committee Report to Confirmation

U.S. Circuit Courts

U.S. District Courts

President

Mean

Median

Mean

Median

Reagan

15.6

4.0

11.2

4.5

G.H.W. Bush

7.8

1.0

4.6

1.0

Clinton

82.2

14.0

28.2

8.0

G.W. Bush

Obama

83.1

18.0

37.5

21.0

139.7

132.0

105.1

90.0

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

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Data Used for Figure 6

Table A-4. U.S. Circuit and District Court Nominees of Five Most Recent Presidents

(January 20, 1981 to May 31, 2012): Number and Percentage of Confirmed Nominees

Confirmed by Roll Call Votes

U.S. Circuit Courts

President

# of

Nominees

Confirmed

# of Confirmed

Nominees Receiving

Roll Call Vote

% of Confirmed

Nominees Receiving

Roll Call Vote

Reagan

83

5

6.0

G.H.W.

Bush

42

1

2.4

Clinton

65

16

24.6

G.W. Bush

61

49

80.3

Obama

29

24

82.8

U.S. District Courts

President

# of

Nominees

Confirmed

# of Confirmed

Nominees Receiving

Roll Call Vote

% of Confirmed

Nominees Receiving

Roll Call Vote

Reagan

290

1

0.34

G.H.W. Bush

148

0

0

Clinton

305

32

10.5

G.W. Bush

261

141

54.0

Obama

117

65

55.6

Source: Internal CRS judicial nominations database.

Author Contact Information

(name redacted)

Analyst on the Federal Judiciary

[redacted]@crs.loc.gov, 7-....

Acknowledgments

The author thanks Amber Wilhelm, Graphics Specialist in the Publishing and Editorial Resources Section

of CRS, for her work on the figures included in this report.

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