House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining, Losing, and on the Margin

Congressional research reportAug 23, 2013

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House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining,

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August 23, 2013

Congressional Research Service

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R41584

CRS Report for Congress

Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress

House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining, Losing, and on the Margin

Summary

On December 21, 2010, the Commerce Department released 2010 Census population figures and

the resulting reapportionment of seats in the House of Representatives. The apportionment

population of the 50 states in 2010 was 309,183,463, a figure 9.9% greater than in 2000. Just as in

the 108th Congress, 12 seats shifted among 18 states in the 113th Congress as a result of the

reapportionment. The next census data release was February 2011, when the Census Bureau

provided states the small-area data necessary to re-draw congressional and state legislative

districts in time for the 2012 elections.

This report examines the distribution of seats based on the most recent estimates of the population

of the states (as of July 1, 2012). It explores the question of, what, if any, would be the impact on

the distribution of seats in the U.S. House of Representatives if the apportionment were

conducted today, using the most recent official U.S. Census population figures available.

The report will be updated as is deemed necessary.

Congressional Research Service

House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining, Losing, and on the Margin

Contents

Background ...................................................................................................................................... 1

Tables ............................................................................................................................................... 1

Priority Lists and Seat Assignments ................................................................................................ 5

Options for States Losing Seats ....................................................................................................... 6

The Redistricting Process ................................................................................................................ 7

Tables

Table 1. Apportionment of Seats in the House of Representatives Based on the 2012

Census State Population Estimates (July 1, 2012) ........................................................................ 2

Table 2. Population Needed to Gain or Lose a Seat Using the 2012 Census Estimates of

the State Populations..................................................................................................................... 5

Contacts

Author Contact Information............................................................................................................. 9

Congressional Research Service

House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining, Losing, and on the Margin

Background

The Census Bureau’s release of the first figures from the 2010 Census on December 21, 2010,

shifted 12 seats among 18 states for the 113th Congress (beginning in January 2013). Illinois,

Iowa, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania each lost one

seat; New York and Ohio each lost two seats. Arizona, Georgia, Nevada, South Carolina, Utah,

and Washington each gained one seat; Florida gained two seats, and Texas gained four seats.1

The reapportionment of House seats in 2010 was based on an apportionment population that is

different from the actual resident population of each state. For apportionment purposes since 1970

(with the exception of 1980), the Census Bureau has added to each state’s resident population the

foreign-based, overseas military and federal employees and their dependents, who are from the

state but not residing therein at the time of the census. In 2010, these additional persons increased

the census count for the 50 states by 1,042,523, a little less than twice the number in 2000. If the

foreign-based military and federal employees had not been included in the counts, there would

have been no change in the 2010 apportionment of seats, although the order of seat assignment

would have changed.

Tables

Table 1 sets out the apportionment population as of April 1, 2010, and July 1, 2012; it also

provides the resulting seat assignments for each of the 50 states. The table also illustrates the

population change from 2010 to 2012 (shown by total and percent), the current House seat

allocation, and what it would be at the beginning of the 114th Congress if the 2012 population

estimates were used to apportion the House, and the average sized congressional district for each

state in the 114th Congress. For the 114th Congress, the national average size congressional district

would be 720,188, and districts would range in size from 525,146 (for Rhode Island’s two

congressional districts) to a maximum of 1,005,141 (for Montana’s single district) if the 2012

estimated state populations were used in the apportionment. Bolded state abbreviations indicate

the states losing or gaining a seat, if the 2012 population estimates were used rather than the 2010

apportionment population figures. Change values, either “total” counts or “percentage” change,

with a minus sign indicate that the population within the state declined between 2010 and 2012.

1

See Table 1 for each state’s data. These allocations are based on a 435-seat House of Representatives. The 435-seat

House was established in 1929 by the Permanent Apportionment Act (46 Stat. 21, 26-27), which ended the 19th century

practice of increasing the House size after every census but one. There were no permanent increases in the House size

for most of the 20th century.

Congressional Research Service

1

Table 1. Apportionment of Seats in the House of Representatives

Based on the 2012 Census State Population Estimates (July 1, 2012)

CRS-2

State

2010

Apportionment

Populationa

2010

Overseas/

Federalb

2012

State

Population

Estimatesc

AL

4,802,982

23,246

4,822,023

19,041

AK

721,523

11,292

731,449

AZ

6,412,700

20,683

AR

2,926,229

CA

Change

Percentage

from 2010 Change from

Total

2010

Seats in

113th

Congress

Seats in

114th

Congress

0.396%

7

7

688,860

9,926

1.376%

1

1

731,449

6,553,255

140,555

2.192%

9

9

728,139

10,311

2,949,131

22,902

0.783%

4

4

728,980

37,341,989

88,033

38,041,430

699,441

1.873%

53

53

717,763

CO

5,044,930

15,734

5,187,582

142,652

2.828%

7

7

741,083

CT

3,581,628

7,531

3,590,347

8,719

0.243%

5

5

718,069

DE

900,877

2,943

917,092

16,215

1.800%

1

1

917,092

FL

18,900,773

99,463

19,317,568

416,795

2.205%

27

27

715,465

GA

9,727,566

39,913

9,919,945

192,379

1.978%

14

14

708,568

HI

1,366,862

6,561

1,392,313

25,451

1.862%

2

2

696,157

ID

1,573,499

5,917

1,595,728

22,229

1.413%

2

2

797,864

IL

12,864,380

33,748

12,875,255

10,875

0.085%

18

18

715,292

IN

6,501,582

17,780

6,537,334

35,752

0.550%

9

9

726,370

IA

3,053,787

7,432

3,074,186

20,399

0.668%

4

4

768,547

KS

2,863,813

10,695

2,885,905

22,092

0.771%

4

4

721,476

KY

4,350,606

11,239

4,380,415

29,809

0.685%

6

6

730,069

LA

4,553,962

20,590

4,601,893

47,931

1.053%

6

6

766,982

ME

1,333,074

4,713

1,329,192

-3,882

-0.291%

2

2

664,596

MD

5,789,929

16,377

5,884,563

94,634

1.634%

8

8

735,570

MA

6,559,644

12,015

6,646,144

86,500

1.319%

9

9

738,460

MI

9,911,626

27,986

9,883,360

-28,266

-0.285%

14

14

705,954

Seat Change

from 2010

2012 Average

CD

Populationd

CRS-3

State

2010

Apportionment

Populationa

2010

Overseas/

Federalb

2012

State

Population

Estimatesc

MN

5,314,879

10,954

5,379,139

64,260

MS

2,978,240

10,943

2,984,926

MO

6,011,478

22,551

MT

994,416

NB

Change

Percentage

from 2010 Change from

Total

2010

Seats in

113th

Congress

Seats in

114th

Congress

Seat Change

from 2010

2012 Average

CD

Populationd

1.209%

8

7

-1

768,448

6,686

0.224%

4

4

746,232

6,021,988

10,510

0.175%

8

8

752,749

5,001

1,005,141

10,725

1.079%

1

1

1,005,141

1,831,825

5,484

1,855,525

23,700

1.294%

3

3

618,508

NV

2,709,432

8,881

2,758,931

49,499

1.827%

4

4

689,733

NH

1,321,445

4,975

1,320,718

-727

-0.055%

2

2

660,359

NJ

8,807,501

15,607

8,864,590

57,089

0.648%

12

12

738,716

NM

2,067,273

8,094

2,085,538

18,265

0.884%

3

3

695,179

NY

19,421,055

42,953

19,570,261

149,206

0.768%

27

27

724,824

NC

9,565,781

30,298

9,752,073

186,292

1.947%

13

14

ND

675,905

3,314

699,628

23,723

3.510%

1

1

699,628

OH

11,568,495

31,991

11,544,225

-24,270

-0.210%

16

16

721,514

OK

3,764,882

13,531

3,814,820

49,938

1.326%

5

5

762,964

OR

3,848,606

17,532

3,899,353

50,747

1.319%

5

5

779,871

PA

12,734,905

32,526

12,763,536

28,631

0.225%

18

18

709,085

RI

1,055,247

2,680

1,050,292

-4,955

-0.53%

2

2

525,146

SC

4,645,975

20,611

4,723,723

77,748

1.673%

7

7

674,818

SD

819,761

5,581

833,354

13,593

1.658%

1

1

833,354

TN

6,375,431

29,326

6,456,243

80,812

1.268%

9

9

717,360

TX

25,268,418

122,857

26,059,203

790,785

3.130%

36

36

723,867

UT

2,770,765

6,880

2,855,287

84,522

3.050%

4

4

713,822

VT

630,337

4,596

626,011

-4,326

-0.686%

1

1

626,011

VA

8,037,736

36,712

8,185,867

148,131

1.843%

11

11

744,170

WA

6,753,369

28,829

6,897,012

143,643

2.127%

10

10

689,701

1

696,577

State

2010

Apportionment

Populationa

2010

Overseas/

Federalb

2012

State

Population

Estimatesc

WV

1,859,815

6,821

1,855,413

-4,402

WI

5,698,230

11,244

5,726,398

WY

568,300

4,674

Tota1

309,183,463

1,039,648

House size: Constitution Minimume:

House size: Constitution Maximume:

Change

Percentage

from 2010 Change from

Total

2010

Seats in

113th

Congress

Seats in

114th

Congress

-0.237%

3

3

618,471

28,168

0.494%

8

8

715,800

576,412

8,112

1.427%

1

1

576,412

313,281,717

4,098,254

1.326%

435

435

Seat Change

from 2010

Nat. mean:

2012 Average

CD

Populationd

720,188

Minimum:

525,146

50

Median:

719,129

10,443

Maximum:

1,005,141

Notes:

a.

See, “A New Portrait of America, First 2010 Census Results,” table 1 at http://2010.census.gov/news/press-kits/apportionment/apport.html.

b.

See, “A New Portrait of America, First 2010 Census Results,” table 3 at http://2010.census.gov/news/press-kits/apportionment/apport.html.

c.

Table 1. Annual Estimates of the Population for the United States, Regions, States, and Puerto Rico: April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2012 (NST-EST2012-01), U.S. Census

Bureau, Population Division, December 2012. These are estimates of the resident populations for the states and do not include the overseas military and federal

employees and their families.

d.

The average size congressional district for each state is calculated on the resident population for each state, which is the apportionment population minus the overseas

military (and other federal) employees.

e.

Article 1, Section 2 of the Constitution establishes the minimum size of the House (one Representative per state), and a maximum (one for every 30,000 persons).

CRS-4

House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining, Losing, and on the Margin

Priority Lists and Seat Assignments

The reapportionment process for the House relies on rounding principles, but the actual procedure

involves computing a “priority list” of seat assignments for the states. The Constitution allocates

the first 50 seats because each state must have at least one Representative. A priority list assigns

the remaining 385 seats for a total of 435. Table 2 displays the end of the “priority list” that

would be used to allocate Representatives based on the 2012 Census estimates of the state

populations as of July 1. The law only provides for 435 seats in the House, but the table illustrates

not only the last seats assigned by the apportionment formula (ending at 435), but the states that

would just miss getting additional representation.2

Table 2. Population Needed to Gain or Lose a Seat Using the 2012 Census Estimates

of the State Populations

State

2012

State Population

Estimates

Priority

Valuea

Pop. Needed to

Gain or Lose Seatb

51

California

38,041,430

753,332.6

-2,235,511

421

16

Ohio

11,544,225

745,176.5

-559,470

422

7

Alabama

4,822,023

744,054.3

-226,770

423

2

Rhode Island

1,050,292

742,668.6

-47,526

424

52

California

38,041,430

738,703.4

-1,526,414

425

27

New York

19,570,261

738,631.9

-783,440

426

18

Illinois

12,875,255

736,029.3

-471,721

427

14

Georgia

9,919,945

735,315.2

-354,164

428

36

Texas

26,059,203

734,134.9

-889,968

429

14

Michigan

9,883,360

732,603.4

-317,579

430

18

Pennsylvania

12,763,536

729,642.8

-360,002

431

27

Florida

19,317,568

729,094.6

-530,747

432

7

South Carolina

4,723,723

728,886.3

-128,470

433

10

Washington

6,897,012

727,008.9

-170,251

434

53

California

38,041,430

724,631.5

-817,318

435

14

North Carolina

9,752,073

722,871.7

-186,292

Seat

Last Seat

Allocated

420

Last seat assignment by law

436

8

Minnesota

5,379,139

709,062.9

104,758

437

37

Texas

26,059,203

708,459.5

530,125

2

The figures in Table 2 for the “population needed to gain or lose a seat” are somewhat misleading because it is

unlikely that one state’s population total would be adjusted without others changing as well. Since the method of equal

proportions used to allocate seats in the House uses all state populations simultaneously, changes in several state

populations may also result in changes to the “populations needed to gain or lose a seat.”

Congressional Research Service

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House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining, Losing, and on the Margin

State

2012

State Population

Estimates

Priority

Valuea

Pop. Needed to

Gain or Lose Seatb

12

Virginia

8,185,867

706,336.9

191,625

439

6

Oregon

3,899,353

705,164.4

97,916

440

28

New York

19,570,261

703,158.3

548,664

441

54

California

38,041,430

702,691.6

1,092,488

442

2

Montana

1,005,141

702,656.1

28,918

443

7

Louisiana

4,601,893

701,443.0

140,585

444

13

New Jersey

8,864,590

699,595.1

294,939

445

9

Missouri

6,021,988

698,011.6

214,477

446

28

Florida

19,317,568

695,626.0

756,616

447

10

Massachusetts

6,646,144

692,350.4

292,987

448

17

Ohio

11,544,225

691,447.2

524,656

449

55

California

38,041,430

688,624.8

1,891,891

450

6

Oklahoma

3,814,820

687,414.5

196,771

Seat

Last Seat

Allocated

438

Source: Computations of priority values and populations needed to gain or lose a seat by CRS. See CRS Report

R41357, The U.S. House of Representatives Apportionment Formula in Theory and Practice, by (name redacted), for an

explanation of formula for allocating House seats. For the state populations, see Table 1. Annual Estimates of the

Population for the United States, Regions, States, and Puerto Rico: April 1, 2010 to July 1, 2012 (NST-EST201201), U.S. Census Bureau, Population Division, December 2012.

Notes:

a.

Each state’s claim to representation in the House is based on a “priority value” determined by the following

formula:

PV = P / [n( n - 1 )]½; where PV = the state’s priority value, P = the state’s population, and n = the state’s nth seat

in the House. For example, the priority value of Oregon’s 6th seat is:

PVOR6

= 3,899,353/ [6 (6 - 1)]½

= 3,899,353/ [30]½

= 3,899,353/ 5.477225575

= 705,164.4

The actual seat assignments are made by ranking all of the states’ priority values from highest to lowest

until 435 seats are allocated.

b.

These figures represent the population a state would either need to lose in order to drop below the 435th

seat cutoff, or to gain to rise above the cutoff. If, in the case of Oregon, 97,916 more persons had been

counted in the Census, the state’s priority value would have been increased to 710,230.56 which would

have resulted in a new sequence number of 435 because North Carolina’s 14th seat would have occupied

the 436th position in the priority list.

Options for States Losing Seats

The apportionment counts transmitted by the Census Bureau to the President (who then sends

them to Congress) are considered final. Thus, most states that lost seats in the 113th Congress had

only one possible option for retaining them: urge Congress to increase the size of the House. Any

other option such as changing the formula used in the computations, or changing the components

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House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining, Losing, and on the Margin

of the apportionment population (such as omitting the foreign-based military and federal civilian

employees) might only affect a small number of states if the House stays at 435 seats.3

As noted above, the 435-seat limit was imposed in 1929 by 46 Stat. 21, 26-27. Altering the size of

the House would require a new law setting a different limit. Article I, Section 2 of the

Constitution establishes a minimum House size (one Representative for each state), and a

maximum House size (one Representative for every 30,000, or 10,306 based on the 2010

Census). In 2013, a House size of 468 would be necessary to prevent states from losing seats they

held from the 108th to the 112th Congresses, but, by retaining seats through an increase in the

House size, other states would also have their delegations become larger. At a House size of 468,

California’s delegation size, for example, would be 56 instead of 53 seats.

The Redistricting Process

The apportionment figures released on December 21, 2010, are made up of three components:

total resident population figures for the 50 states and the District of Columbia, the foreign-based

military and overseas federal employees allocated to each state and DC, and the sum of these

numbers (excluding DC), which becomes the apportionment population.

These numbers (minus DC) are all that is needed to reapportion the House, but most states need

figures for very small geographic areas in order to draw new legislative and congressional

districts.4 The Census Bureau must provide small-area population totals to the legislatures and

governors of each state by one year after the census (e.g., April 1, 2011).

The Census Bureau data delivered by April 1, 2011 (some states started receiving the information

in February 2011), are often referred to as the P.L. 94-171 program data (89 Stat. 1023). This

program provides, to each state, information from the 2010 Census. As such, the information is

very limited—including age, race, and Hispanic origin. No other demographic information that

might be useful to the persons constructing political jurisdictions, such as income or employment

status, is available in the P.L. 94-171 data. Such data, however, are available from the results of

the American Community Survey for geographic areas with populations as small as 20,000

persons.5

Census data are usually reported by political jurisdictions (states, cities, counties, and towns), and

within political jurisdictions by special Census geography (such as Census designated places,

tracts, block numbering areas, and blocks). The P.L. 94-171 program allows states, which chose

to participate in it (49 in 2010), to request Census data by certain nontraditional Census

3

After the 1990 Census, Montana and Massachusetts challenged the apportionment formula, and the inclusion of the

foreign-based military and civilians in the apportionment population. The Supreme Court affirmed the constitutionality

of the equal proportions formula and the inclusion of the foreign-based military and civilians in the counts in two

separate cases: U.S. Dept. of Commerce v. Montana, 112 S. Ct. 1415 (1992) and Franklin v. Massachusetts, 112 S. Ct.

2767 (1992).

4

With respect to single-member states, this information would be used to draw state legislative and local political

jurisdictions.

5

For information about the 2005-2009 American Community Survey data, see http://www.census.gov/acs/

www/data_documentation/2009_release/. For information about the American Community Survey, see CRS Report

R41532, The American Community Survey: Development, Implementation, and Issues for Congress, by (name redact

ed).

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House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining, Losing, and on the Margin

geography such as voting districts (precincts) and state legislative districts.6 These special

political jurisdiction counts enable the persons drawing the district lines to assess past voting

behavior when redrawing congressional and state legislative districts.

In most states, redrawing congressional districts is the responsibility of the state legislature with

the concurrence of the governor. In seven states, Arizona, California, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana,

New Jersey, and Washington, a non-partisan or bi-partisan commission is responsible for drawing

and approving the plans.7 Some states have explicit deadlines in law to complete their

congressional districting. Most do not, so the effective deadline for the legislatures or

commissions to complete their work would have been whatever deadlines were established in the

states for filing for primaries for the 2012 elections.

Although many states have standards mandating equal populations, compactness, contiguousness,

and other goals to not split counties, towns, and cities, federal law controls the redistricting

process. Other than a requirement that multi-member states cannot elect Representatives at-large

(2 U.S.C. 2c) however, no federal statutory law establishes explicit standards for redistricting.

The principal laws that apply are the Supreme Court decisions mandating one person, one vote

and the Voting Rights Act.8

The fundamental federal rule governing redistricting congressional districts, one person, one vote,

was promulgated by the Supreme Court in Wesberry v. Sanders (376 U.S. 7, 1964). The Court has

refined that ruling in a series of cases culminating in Karcher v. Daggett (462 U.S. 725, 1983)

that one person, one vote means that any population deviation among districts in a state must be

justified, but the deviations from absolute equality may be permitted if the states strive to make

districts more compact, respect municipal boundaries, preserve the cores of prior districts, or

avoid contests between incumbents.9

Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) applies nationwide. It prohibits states or localities from

imposing a “voting qualification or prerequisite to voting or standard, practice or procedure ... in

a manner which results in the denial or abridgement of the right to vote on account of race or

color.”10 The Supreme Court interpreted the VRA’s application to redistricting in a series of cases

responding, in part, to the extraordinarily complicated districts created by many states in the

1990s to maximize minority representation (beginning with Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630, 1993).

The Court ended the decade by establishing new principles concerning such practices: (1) race

may be considered in districting to remedy past discrimination; (2) but, states must have a

6

For a fuller discussion of this topic see the U.S. Census Bureau publication, Strength in Numbers: Your Guide to

Census 2010 Redistricting Data From the U.S. Census Bureau, http://www.census.gov/rdo/.

7

National Conference of State Legislatures, Redistricting Law 2010, pp. 143-145. California adopted a redistricting

commission initiative in 2008 for state legislative districts, and extended it to U.S. congressional districts in a 2010

initiative vote.

8

For an overview of the redistricting process, see CRS Report R42831, Congressional Redistricting: An Overview, by

(name redacted).

9

For a more thorough discussion of the legal issues, see CRS Report RS22479, Congressional Redistricting: A Legal

Analysis of the Supreme Court Ruling in League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) v. Perry, by (name red

acted); CRS Report RS22628,

Congressional Redistricting: The Constitutionality of Creating an At-Large District,

by (name redacted); CRS Report RL30870, Census 2000: Legal Issues re: Data for Reapportionment and

Redistricting, by (name redacted) and; CRS Report RS21593,

Redistricting and the Voting Rights Act: A Legal

Analysis of Georgia v. Ashcroft, by (name redacted).

10

Section 2: 42 U.S.C. Section 1973(a) (1996).

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House Apportionment 2012: States Gaining, Losing, and on the Margin

compelling state interest to ignore traditional redistricting principles and “gerrymander” to

establish majority-minority districts; (3) courts will apply “strict scrutiny” to such assertions that

racial “gerrymanders” are necessary to determine whether such plans are narrowly tailored to

achieve the compelling state interest.

Author Contact Information

(name redacted)

Specialist in American National Government

/redacted/@crs.loc.gov, 7-....

Congressional Research Service

9

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