Tax Havens: International Tax Avoidance and Evasion

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Tax Havens: International Tax Avoidance and

Evasion

Updated January 6, 2022

Congressional Research Service

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R40623

SUMMARY

Tax Havens: International Tax Avoidance and

Evasion

Addressing tax evasion and avoidance through use of tax havens has been the subject of

a number of proposals in Congress and by the President. Actions by the Organization for

Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the G-20 industrialized nations

also have addressed this issue.

R40623

January 6, 2022

Jane G. Gravelle

Senior Specialist in

Economic Policy

Multinational firms can artificially shift profits from high-tax to low-tax jurisdictions

using a variety of techniques, such as adjusting prices of related company transactions and shifting debt to hightax jurisdictions. Because income of foreign subsidiaries (except for certain passive income) is taxed at lower

rates through the global intangible low-taxed income (GILTI) regime, this income avoids full U.S. taxes. The

taxation of passive income (called Subpart F income) has been reduced using hybrid entities that are treated

differently in different jurisdictions. The use of hybrid entities was greatly expanded by a new regulation (termed

check-the-box) introduced in the late 1990s that had unintended consequences for foreign firms. In addition,

earnings from income often can be shielded from U.S. tax by foreign tax credits on other income. Ample evidence

of a significant amount of profit shifting exists, but the revenue cost estimates vary substantially. Evidence also

indicates a significant increase in corporate profit shifting over the past years. While most evidence predates the

major changes in the international tax regime in 2017, one recent estimate suggests losses that may approach $80

billion per year.

Individuals can evade taxes on passive income, such as interest, dividends, and capital gains, by not reporting

income earned abroad. In addition, because interest paid to foreign recipients is not taxed, individuals can evade

taxes on U.S. source income by setting up shell corporations and trusts in foreign haven countries to channel

funds into foreign jurisdictions. There is no general third-party reporting of income as is the case for ordinary

passive income earned domestically; the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) relies on qualified intermediaries (QIs).

In the past, these institutions certified nationality without revealing the beneficial owners. Estimates of the cost of

individual evasion have ranged from $40 billion to $70 billion. The Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act

(FATCA; included in the HIRE Act, P.L. 111-147) required information reporting by foreign financial

intermediaries and withholding of tax if information is not provided. One recent estimate indicates a cost of $40

billion for tax evasion.

Most provisions to address profit shifting by multinational firms would involve changing the tax law:

strengthening GILTI, limiting the ability of the foreign tax credit to offset income, addressing check-the-box, or

even formula apportionment. President Biden’s proposals and several congressional proposals, including the

Build Back Better Act, have a number of provisions that address profit shifting. Provisions to address individual

evasion include strengthening FATCA, provisions to increase enforcement, such as shifting the burden of proof to

the taxpayer, and increased resources for enforcement. Individual tax evasion is an important target of the

proposed Stop Tax Haven Abuse Act.

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Tax Havens: International Tax Avoidance and Evasion

Contents

Introduction ................................................................................................................... 1

Where Are the Tax Havens?.............................................................................................. 3

Formal Lists of Tax Havens......................................................................................... 4

Developments in the OECD Tax Haven List .................................................................. 5

Other Jurisdictions with Tax Haven Characteristics ......................................................... 7

Methods of Corporate Tax Avoidance............................................................................... 11

Allocation of Debt and Earnings Stripping................................................................... 12

Transfer Pricing....................................................................................................... 13

Contract Manufacturing............................................................................................ 15

Check-the-Box, Hybrid Entities, and Hybrid Instruments............................................... 15

Cross Crediting and Sourcing Rules for Foreign Tax Credits .......................................... 16

The Magnitude of Corporate Profit Shifting ...................................................................... 17

Evidence on the Scope of Profit Shifting ..................................................................... 17

Estimates of the Cost and Sources of Corporate Tax Avoidance ...................................... 21

Earlier Academic Studies..................................................................................... 22

More Recent Studies ........................................................................................... 23

Importance of Different Profit Shifting Techniques ....................................................... 24

Methods of Avoidance and Evasion by Individuals ............................................................. 26

Tax Provisions Affecting the Treatment of Income by Individuals ................................... 27

Limited Information Reporting Between Jurisdictions ................................................... 28

U.S. Collection of Information on U.S. Income and Qualified Intermediaries .................... 28

European Union Savings Directive ............................................................................. 29

FATCA and the Common Reporting Standard .............................................................. 29

Estimates of the Revenue Cost of Individual Tax Evasion.................................................... 29

Prior Estimates ........................................................................................................ 29

Post FATCA/CRS Estimate ....................................................................................... 30

Alternative Policy Options to Address Corporate Profit Shifting ........................................... 30

Broad Changes to International Tax Rules ................................................................... 31

Strengthen GILTI and Rules Preventing Corporate Inversions ................................... 31

Worldwide Allocation of Interest .......................................................................... 33

Altering or Strengthening BEAT ........................................................................... 33

Formula Apportionment and the OECD Pillar One Proposal ..................................... 34

Eliminate Check-the-Box, Hybrid Entities, and Hybrid Instruments ........................... 35

Foreign Tax Credits: Source Royalties as Domestic Income for Purposes of the

Foreign Tax Credit Limit or Create Separate Basket; Restrict Credits for Taxes

Producing an Economic Benefit ......................................................................... 35

Options to Address Individual Evasion ............................................................................. 35

Strengthening FATCA .............................................................................................. 36

Using Information from FBAR and Individual Income Tax Reporting.............................. 36

FATCA and the Common Reporting Standard .............................................................. 37

Incentives/Sanctions for Tax Havens .......................................................................... 37

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Tax Havens: International Tax Avoidance and Evasion

Tables

Table 1. Countries Listed on Various Tax Haven Lists ........................................................... 4

Table 2. U.S. Company Foreign Profits Relative to Gross Domestic Product (GDP), G-7 ......... 18

Table 3. U.S. Foreign Company Profits Relative to GDP, Larger Countries (GDP at Least

$15 billion) on Tax Haven Lists and the Netherlands........................................................ 18

Table 4. U.S. Foreign Company Profits Relative to GDP, Small Countries on Tax Haven

Lists ......................................................................................................................... 19

Table 5. Source of Dividends from “Repatriation Holiday”: Countries Accounting for At

Least 1% of Dividends ................................................................................................ 26

Contacts

Author Information ....................................................................................................... 37

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Tax Havens: International Tax Avoidance and Evasion

Introduction

The federal government loses both individual and corporate income tax revenue from the shifting

of profits and income into low-tax countries. The revenue losses from this tax avoidance and

evasion are difficult to estimate, but some have suggested that the annual cost of offshore tax

abuses may be over $100 billion per year. 1 International tax avoidance can arise from wealthy

individual investors and from large multinational corporations; it can reflect both legal and illegal

actions.

Tax avoidance is sometimes used to refer to a legal reduction in taxes, whereas evasion refers to

tax reductions that are illegal. Both types are discussed in this report, although the dividing line is

not entirely clear. A multinational firm that constructs a factory in a low -tax jurisdiction rather

than in the United States to take advantage of low foreign corporate tax rates is engaged in

avoidance, whereas a U.S. citizen who sets up a secret bank account in the Caribbean and does

not report the interest income is engaged in evasion. There are, however, many activities,

particularly by corporations, that are often referred to as avoidance but could be classified as

evasion. One example is transfer pricing, where firms charge low prices for sales to low -tax

affiliates but pay high prices for purchases from them. If these prices, which are supposed to be at

arms-length, are set at an artificial level, then this activity might be viewed by some as evasion,

even if such pricing is not overturned in court because evidence to establish pricing is not

available.

Most of the international tax reduction of individuals reflects evasion, and this amount has been

estimated at around $40 billion. 2 This evasion has occurred in part because the United States does

not withhold tax on many types of passive income (such as interest) paid to foreign entities; if

U.S. individuals can channel their investments through a foreign entity and do not report the

holdings of these assets on their tax returns, they evade a tax that they are legally required to pay.

In addition, individuals investing in foreign assets may not report income from these assets. In

2010, Congress enacted the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA), 3 which has recently

become effective and requires foreign financial institutions to report information on asset holders

or be subject to a 30% withholding rate.

Its consequences for evasion have yet to be determined.

Corporate tax reductions arising from profit shifting also have been estimated, although most of

those estimates were based on data prior to the major change in the U.S. international regime as

part of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA; P.L. 115-97). That change shifted from a system where

dividends paid by foreign subsidiaries to U.S. parents were taxed but income retained abroad was

1 See T he T ax Justice Network, T he State of T ax Justice 2021, November 2021, https://taxjustice.net/wp-content/

uploads/2021/11/State_of_Tax_Justice_Report_2021_ENGLISH.pdf.

2 Early estimates by Joseph Guttentag and Reuven Avi-Yonah, “Closing the International Tax Gap,” In Max B.

Sawicky, ed. Bridging the Tax Gap: Addressing the Crisis in Federal Tax Administratio n, Washington, DC, Economic

Policy Institute, 2005 were at $40 billion to $70 billion. More recently, Gabriel Zucman estimated a revenue loss of $36

billion for evasion of tax on financial investments. See Gabriel Zucman, “ T axing Across Borders: T racing Personal

Wealth and Corporate Profits,” Journal of Economic Perspectives, vol. 28, no. 4, fall 2014, pp. 121-148. The T ax

Justice Network has estimated a loss of $37 billion for the United States and $171 billion for the world. See T he State

of T ax Justice 2021, November 2021, https://taxjustice.net/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/

State_of_T ax_Justice_Report_2021_ENGLISH.pdf.

3 T he Foreign Account T ax Compliance Act was enacted in 2010 as part of the Hiring Incentives to Restore

Employment Act (P.L. 111-147). See CRS Report R43444, Reporting Foreign Financial Assets Under Titles 26 and

31: FATCA and FBAR, by Erika K. Lunder.

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not, to a minimum tax on foreign income. Estimates of the revenue losses from corporate profit

shifting varied substantially, ranging from about $50 billion to more than $100 billion. 4 This

activity appears to have increased substantially in recent years. Only one estimate of the revenue

loss from profit shifting after the TCJA was enacted has been found, indicating a loss of $77

billion. 5

In addition to differentiating between individual and corporate activities, and evasion and

avoidance, there are also variations in the features used to characterize tax havens. Some

restrictive definitions would limit tax havens to those countries that, in addition to having low or

non-existent tax rates on some types of income, also have such other characteristics as the lack of

transparency, bank secrecy, and the lack of information sharing, and requiring little or no

economic activity for an entity to obtain legal status. A definition incorporating compounding

factors such as these was used by the Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation

(OECD) in their 2000 tax shelter initiative. Others, particularly economists, might characterize as

a tax haven any low-tax country with a goal of attracting capital, or simply any country that has

low or non-existent taxes. This report addresses tax havens in their broader sense as well as in

their narrower sense.

Although international tax avoidance can be differentiated by whether it is associated with

individuals or corporations, whether it is illegal evasion or legal avoidance, and whether it arises

in a tax haven narrowly defined or broadly defined, it can also be characterized by what measures

might be taken to reduce this loss. In general, revenue losses from individual taxes are more

likely to be associated with evasion and more likely to be associated with narrowly defined tax

havens, while corporate tax avoidance occurs in both narrowly and broadly defined tax havens

and can arise from either legal avoidance or illegal evasion. Evasion is often a problem of lack of

information, and remedies may include resources for enforcement, along with incentives and

sanctions designed to increase information sharing, and possibly a move towards greater

withholding. Avoidance may be more likely to be remedied with changes in the tax code.

Prior to the TCJA, several legislative proposals had been advanced that address international tax

issues. President Obama proposed several international corporate tax revisions which relate to

multinational corporations, including profit shifting, as well as individual tax evasion. Some of

the provisions relating to multinationals had earlier been included in a bill introduced in the 110 th

Congress by Chairman Rangel of the Ways and Means Committee (H.R. 3970). Major revisions

to corporate international tax rules were also included in S. 3018, a general tax reform act

introduced by Senators Wyden and Gregg in the 111 th Congress, and a similar bill, S. 727,

introduced by Senators Wyden and Coats in the 112 th Congress. 6 This bill had provisions to tax

foreign source income currently, which could have limited the benefits from corporate profit

shifting. In the 113th Congress, H.R. 694 (Representative Schakowsky) and S. 250 (Senator

Sanders), also would have eliminated deferral. Former Ways and Means Chairman Dave Camp

proposed a lower corporate rate combined with a move to a territorial tax system (which would

exempt foreign source income). His bill, H.R. 1 (a general tax reform bill), was introduced in the

113th Congress. Because a territorial tax could increase the scope for profit shifting, the proposal

4 See the discussion in the “ Estimates of the Cost and Sources of Corporate T ax Avoidance” section.

5 T ax Justice Network, The State of Tax Justice 2020: Tax Justice in the time of COVID-19, November 2020,

https://taxjustice.net/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/The_State_of_Tax_Justice_2020_ENGLISH.pdf.

6 See “Obama Backs Corporate T ax Cut If Won’t Raise Deficit,” Bloomberg, January 25, 2011,

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-01-26/obama-backs-cut-in-u-s-corporate-tax-rate-only-if-it-won-t-affectdeficit.html.

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contained detailed provisions to address these issues. A territorial tax proposal with anti-abuse

provisions had also been introduced by Senator Enzi (S. 2091, 112th Congress). 7

The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations had been engaged in international tax

investigations since 2001, holding hearings and proposing legislation. 8 In the 111th Congress, the

Stop Tax Haven Abuse Act, S. 506, was introduced by the chairman of that committee, Senator

Levin, with a companion bill, H.R. 1265, introduced by Representative Doggett. The Senate

Finance Committee also had circulated draft proposals addressing individual tax evasion issues. A

number of these anti-evasion provisions (including provisions in President Obama’s earlier

budget outlines) were adopted in the Hiring Incentives to Restore Employment (HIRE) Act, P.L.

111-147. Subsequently, revised versions of the Stop Tax Haven Abuse Act have been introduced.

The current bill is S. 725 (Senator Whitehouse) and H.R. 1786 (Representative Doggett). The

Permanent Subcommittee also released a study of profit shifting by multinationals in preparation

for a hearing on September 20, 2012. 9

The TCJA provided for major changes in the international tax regime along with reducing the

corporate tax rate from 35% to 21%. Prior law taxed income of foreign subsidiaries only when

dividends were paid to the U.S. parent, thus that income retained abroad was not taxed. The new

system exempted dividends but imposed a lower tax rate on global low -taxed intangible income

(GILTI). GILTI allowed a deemed return for tangible income. It also provided for a deduction for

U.S. foreign derived intangible income (FDII) to make holding intangibles in the United States

subject to close to the same tax treatment as holding them abroad. The system provides additional

incentives for profit shifting because foreign tax credits, while limited to tax on U.S. source

income, are limited on an overall basis. In that case, taxes in excess of U.S. tax due in high-tax

countries can be used to offset U.S. tax due in low -tax countries.

This report first reviews what countries might be considered tax havens, including a discussion of

the OECD initiatives and lists. The next two sections discuss, in turn, the corporate profit-shifting

mechanisms and evidence on the existence and magnitude of profit-shifting activity. The

following two sections provide the same analysis for individual tax evasion. The report concludes

with overviews of alternative policy options.

Where Are the Tax Havens?

There is no precise definition of a tax haven. The OECD initially defined the following features

of tax havens: no or low taxes, lack of effective exchange of information, lack of transparency,

and no requirement of substantial activity. 10 Other lists have been developed in legislative

proposals and by researchers. In addition, a number of other jurisdictions have been identified as

having tax haven characteristics.

7

See CRS Report R42624, Moving to a Territorial Income Tax: Options and Challenges, by Jane G. Gravelle, for a

discussion of the Camp and Enzi proposals.

8 For a chronology of earlier years, see Martin Sullivan, “Proposals to Fight Offshore T ax Evasion, Part 3,” Tax Notes

May 4, 2009, p. 517.

9 Memo on Offshore Profit Shifting and the U.S. T ax Code, at http://www.levin.senate.gov/newsroom/press/release/

subcommittee-hearing-to-examine-billions-of-dollars-in-us-tax-avoidance-by-multinational-corporations/?section=

alltypes.

10 Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation, Harmful Tax Competition: An Emerging Global Issue,

1998, p. 23.

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Formal Lists of Tax Havens

The OECD created an initial list of tax havens in 2000. A similar list was used in S. 396,

introduced in the 110th Congress, which would have treated firms incorporated in certain tax

havens as domestic companies; the only difference between this list and the OECD list was the

exclusion of the U.S. Virgin Islands from the list in S. 396. Legislation introduced in the 111th

Congress to address tax haven abuse (S. 506, H.R. 1265) used a different list taken from Internal

Revenue Service (IRS) court filings but had many countries in common. The definition by the

OECD excluded low-tax jurisdictions, some of which are OECD members that were thought by

many to be tax havens, such as Ireland and Switzerland. These countries were included in an

important study of tax havens by Hines and Rice. 11 The Government Accountability Office

(GAO) also provided a list. 12

Table 1 lists the countries that appear on various lists, arranged by geographic location. These tax

havens tend to be concentrated in certain areas, including the Caribbean and West Indies and

Europe, locations close to large developed countries. There are 50 altogether.

Table 1. Countries Listed on Various Tax Haven Lists

Caribbean/West Indies

Anguilla, Antigua and Barbuda, Aruba, Bahamas, Barbados,a,a British Virgin Islands,

Cayman Islands, Dominica, Grenada, Montserrat,b Netherlands Antilles, St. Kitts and

Nevis, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and Grenadines, Turks and Caicos, U.S. Virgin Islands b,a

Central America

Belize, Costa Rica,c,d Panama

Coast of East Asia

Hong Kong,c,a Macau,b,c,a Singaporec

Europe/Mediterranean

Andorra,b Channel Islands (Guernsey and Jersey),a Cyprus,a Gibralter, Isle of Man,a

Ireland,b,c,a Liechtenstein, Luxembourg,b,c,a Malta,a Monaco,b San Marino,b,a

Switzerland b,c

Indian Ocean

Maldives,b,e Mauritius,b,d,a Seychellesb,a

Middle East

Bahrain, Jordan,b,c Lebanon b,c

North Atlantic

Bermuda a

Pacific, South Pacific

Cook Islands, Marshall Islands,b Samoa, Nauru,d Niue,b,d Tonga,b,d,e Vanuatu

West Africa

Liberia

Sources: Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation (OECD), Towards Global Tax Competition,

2000; Dhammika Dharmapala and James R. Hines, “Which Countries Become Tax Havens?” Journal of Public

Economics, Vol. 93, 0ctober 2009, pp. 1058-1068; Tax Justice Network, “Identifying Tax Havens and Offshore

Finance Centers: http://www.taxjustice.net/cms/upload/pdf/Identifying_Tax_Havens_Jul_07.pdf. The OECD’s gray

list is posted at http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/38/14/42497950.pdf. The countries in Table 1 are the same as the

countries, with the exception of Tonga, in a 2008 Government Accountability Office (GAO) Report, International

Taxation: Large U.S. Corporations and Federal Contractors with Subsidiaries in Jurisdictions Listed as Tax Havens or

Financial Privacy Jurisdictions, GAO-09-157, December 2008.

Notes: The Dharmapala and Hines paper cited above reproduces the Hines and Rice list. That list was more

oriented to business issues; four countries—Ireland, Jordan, Luxembourg, and Switzerland—appear only on that

list. The Hines and Rice list is older and is itself based on earlier lists; some countries on those earlier lists were

eliminated because they had higher tax rates.

11 J.R. Hines and E.M. Rice, “Fiscal Paradise: Foreign T ax havens and American Business,” Quarterly Journal of

Economics, vol. 109, February 1994, pp. 149-182.

12 Government Accountability Office, International T axation: Large U.S. Corporations and Federal Contractors with

Subsidiaries in Jurisdictions Listed as T ax Havens or Financial P rivacy Jurisdictions, GAO-op-157, December 2008.

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In 2010, the Netherlands Antilles dissolved, with the islands of Curacao and St. Maarten becoming autonomous

and the islands of Belaire, St. Eustastius, and Saba becoming part of the Netherlands. Curacao has indicated a plan

to phase out its favorable tax treatment of offshore firms.

St. Kitts may also be referred to as St. Christopher. The Channel Islands are sometimes listed as a group, and

sometimes Jersey and Guernsey are listed separately. S. 506 and H.R. 1245 specifically mention Jersey and also

refer to Guernsey/Sark/Alderney; the latter two are islands associated with Guernsey.

a.

Not included in OECD’s gray list as of August 17, 2009; currently on the OECD white list. Note that the gray

list is divided into countries that are tax havens and countries that are other financial centers. The latter

classification includes three countries listed in Table 1 (Luxembourg, Singapore, and Switzerland) and five

that are not (Austria, Belgium, Brunei, Chile, and Guatemala). Of the four countries moved from the black

to the gray list, one, Costa Rica, is in Table 1 and three, Malaysia, Uruguay, and the Philippines, are not.

b.

Not included in S. 506, H.R. 1245.

c.

Not included in original OECD tax haven list.

d.

Not included in Hines and Rice (1994).

e.

Removed from OECD’s list; subsequently determined they should not be included .

Developments in the OECD Tax Haven List

The OECD list, the most prominent list, has changed over time. Nine of the countries in Table 1

did not appear on the earliest OECD list. These countries not appearing on the original list tend to

be more developed larger countries and include some that are members of the OECD (e.g.,

Switzerland and Luxembourg).

It is also important to distinguish between OECD’s original list and its blacklist. OECD

subsequently focused on information exchange and removed countries from a blacklist if they

agree to cooperate. OECD initially examined 47 jurisdictions and identified a number as not

meeting the criteria for a tax haven; it also initially excluded six c ountries with advance

agreements to share information (Bermuda, the Cayman Islands, Cyprus, Malta, Mauritius, and

San Marino). The 2000 OECD blacklist included 35 countries; this list did not include the six

countries eliminated due to advance agreement. The OECD had also subsequently determined

that three countries should not be included in the list of tax havens (Barbados, the Maldives, and

Tonga). Over time, as more tax havens made agreements to share information, the blacklist

dwindled until it included only three countries: Andorra, Liechtenstein, and Monaco.

A study of the OECD initiative on global tax coordination by Sharman, also discussed in a book

review by Sullivan, argues that the reduction in the OECD list was not because of actual progress

towards cooperation so much as due to the withdrawal of U.S. support in 2001, which resulted in

the OECD focusing on information on request and not requiring reforms until all parties had

signed on. 13 This analysis suggests that the large countries were not successful in this initiative to

rein in on tax havens. A similar analysis by Spencer and Sharman suggests little real progress has

been made in reducing tax haven practices. 14

Interest in tax haven actions has increased recently. The scandals surrounding the Swiss bank

UBS AG (UBS) and the Liechtenstein Global Trust Group (LGT), which led to legal actions by

the United States and other countries, focused greater attention on international tax issues,

primarily information reporting and individual evasion. 15 The credit crunch and provision of

13 J. C. Sharman, Havens in a Storm, The Struggle for Global Tax Regulation , Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New

York, 2006; Martin A. Sullivan, “Lessons From the Last War on T ax Havens,” Tax Notes, July 30, 2007, pp. 327-337.

14 David Spencer and J.C. Sharman, International Tax Cooperation, Journal of International Taxation, published in

three parts in December 2007, pp. 35-49, January 2008, pp. 27-44, 64, February 2008, pp. 39-58.

15 For a discussion of these cases, see Joint Committee on T axation Tax Compliance and Enforcement Issues With

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public funds to banks has also heightened public interest. The tax haven issue was revived with a

meeting of the G20 industrialized and developing countries that proposed sanctions, and a

number of countries began to indicate commitments to information sharing agreements.16

The OECD currently has three lists: a white list of countries implementing an agreed-upon

standard, a gray list of countries that have committed to such a standard, and a black list of

countries that have not committed. On April 7, 2009, the last four countries on the black list,

which were countries not included on the original OECD list—Costa Rica, Malaysia, the

Philippines, and Uruguay—were moved to the gray list. 17 The gray list includes countries not

identified as tax havens but as “other financial centers.” According to news reports, Hong Kong

and Macau were omitted from the OECD’s list because of objections from China, but are

mentioned in a footnote as having committed to the standards; they also noted that a “recent

flurry of commitments brought 11 jurisdictions, including Austria, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg,

Singapore, and Switzerland into the committed category.”18 As of May 18, 2012, only one

country (Nauru) appeared on the gray list for tax havens and one (Guatemala) appeared on the

gray list for financial centers. 19

Many countries that were listed on the OECD’s original blacklist protested because of the

negative publicity and many now point to having signed agreements to negotiate tax information

exchange agreements (TIEA) and some have negotiated agreements. The identification of tax

havens can have legal ramifications if laws and sanctions are contingent on that identification, as

is the case of some current proposals in the United States and of potential sanctions by

international bodies.

More recently, the OECD has focused attention on its Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS)

initiative. Among the elements of this initiative is the Global Forum on Transparency and

Exchange of Information for Tax Purposes, which has begun rating countries on various criteria.

As of October 2014, it had under way 105 reviews of countries based on various standards.20 The

countries are rated as compliant, largely compliant, partially compliant, or noncompliant. As of

2014, 71 jurisdictions had received a full review, with 42 of those rated as noncompliant. Of 34

countries that had undergone only a phase 1 review, which examines the legal and regulatory

framework, 12 were not able to advance to the final (phase 2) review, which looks into the

implementation of the regulatory framework in practice. As with the evolution of the OECD list,

these evaluations focus on one aspect of the characteristics of tax havens.

The European Union also developed, beginning in 2017, a blacklist and greylist of tax havens. Its

focus is on harmful tax practices and excludes EU countries. The countries currently on the

blacklist are American Samoa, Fiji, Guam, Palau, Panama, Samoa, Trinidad and Tobago, U.S.

Respect to Offshore Entities and Accounts, JCX-23-09, March 30, 2009. T he discussion of UBS begins on p. 31 and the

discussion of LGT begins on p. 40. T his document also discusses the inquiries of the Permanent Subcommittee on

Investigations of the Senate Homeland Security Committee relating to these cases.

16 Anthony Faiola and Mary Jordan, “T ax-Haven Blacklist Stirs Nations: After G-20 Issues mandate, Many Rush to

Get Off Roll,” Washington Post, April 4, 2009, p. A7.

17

T his announcement by the Organization for Economic Development and Co -operation (OECD) was posted at

http://www.oecd.org/document/0/0,3343,en_2649_34487_42521280_1_1_1_1,00.html.

18 David D. Stewart, “G-20 Declares End to Bank Secrecy as OECD Issues T iered List,” Tax Notes, April 6, 2009, pp.

38-39.

19

Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation, http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/50/0/43606256.pdf.

20OECD, Global Forum on T ransparency and Exchange of Information for Tax Purposes, T ax Transparency: 2014

Report on Progress, http://www.oecd.org/tax/transparency/GFannualreport2014.pdf.

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Virgin Islands, and Vanuatu. 21 The EU list has a narrower focus as it does not include countries

based on their corporate tax rate but largely on issues such as transparency. The EU blacklist been

criticized as being ineffective, and the European Parliament has passed a resolution demanding

reform of the blacklist by the end of 2021. 22

Other Jurisdictions with Tax Haven Characteristics

Criticisms have been made by a range of commentators that many countries are tax havens or

have aspects of tax havens and have been overlooked. These jurisdictions include major countries

such as the United States, the UK, the Netherlands, Denmark, Hungary, Iceland, Israel, Portugal,

and Canada. Attention has also been directed at a number of states in the United States including

Delaware, Nevada, South Dakota and Wyoming23 . Finally, there are a number of smaller

countries or areas in countries, such as Campione d’Italia, an Italian town located within

Switzerland, that have been characterized as tax havens.

A country not on the list in Table 1, but which is often considered a tax haven, especially for

corporations, is the Netherlands, which allows firms to reduce taxes on dividends and capital

gains from subsidiaries and has a wide range of treaties that reduce taxes. 24 In 2006, for example,

Bono and other members of the U2 band moved their music publishing company from Ireland to

the Netherlands after Ireland changed its tax treatment of music royalties. 25 A 2010 newspaper

report explained the role of the Netherlands in facilitating movement to tax havens through

provisions such as the various “Dutch sandwiches,” which allow money to be funneled out of

other countries that would charge withholding taxes to non-European countries, to be passed on

in turn to tax havens such as Bermuda and the Cayman Islands. 26 Issues have recently been raised

in the Netherlands government about its role in tax avoidance. 27 The European Commission also

began investigating, in June 2014, whether certain arrangements in Ireland, Luxembourg, and the

21

See list as of October 5, 2021, European Council, Taxation: EU List of Non-Cooperative Jurisdictions,

https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/policies/eu-list-of-non-cooperative-jurisdictions/. For the Evolution of the EU list,

see European Council, Evolution of the EU List of Tax Havens, Updated as of February 22, 2021, https://ec.europa.eu/

taxation_customs/system/files/2021-02/eu_list_update_22_02_2021_en.pdf.

See Sarah Paez, “ EU T ax Haven Blacklist Hamstrung by Politics, Critics Say ,” Tax Notes Today International,

October 6, 2021.

22

23 T he recently released Pandora Papers identified the United States as the second largest tax haven after the Caym an

Islands. See William Minter, The United States of Tax Havens, Inequality.org, November 4, 2021,

https://inequality.org/research/the-united-states-of-tax-havens/.

24 See, for example, Micheil van Dijk, Francix Weyzig, and Richard Murphy, The Netherlands: A Tax Haven? SOMO

(Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations), Amsterdam, 2007 and Rosanne Altshuler and Harry Grubert,

“Governments and Multinational Corporations in the Race to the Bottom, Tax Notes, February 27, 2009, pp. 979-992.

25 Fergal O’Brien, “Bono, Preacher on Poverty, T arnishes Halo Irish T ax Move,” October 15, 2006, Bloomberg.com,

http://bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601109&refer=home&sid=aef6sR60oDgM#.

26 See Jesse Drucker, “Google 2.4% Rate Shows How $60 Billion Lost to T ax Loopholes,” Bloomberg, October 21,

2010, posted at http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010-10-21/google-2-4-rate-shows-how-60-billion-u-s-revenue-lostto-tax-loopholes.html and “Yahoo, Dell Swell Netherlands’ $13 T rillion T ax Haven,” Bloomberg, January 23, 2013,

posted at http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-01-23/yahoo-dell-swell-netherlands-13-trillion-tax-haven.html.

27 In 2013, the Dutch government adopted a motion to stop the use of arrangements in the Netherlands. See

Accountancy Live, Dutch Sandwich T ax Loophole Looks Likely to be Closed, April 12, 2013,

https://www.accountancylive.com/dutch-sandwich-tax-loophole-looks-set-be-closed. According to information

received from the Embassy of the Netherlands, the Netherlands has adopted unilateral measures, including exchange of

information with treaty partners regarding legal entities incorporated in the Netherlands which lack economic substance

that are engaged in financial transactions.

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Netherlands constitute prohibited state aid; the inquiry was later expanded to all member states. 28

In addition, the European Union has agreed to add an anti-abuse clause to its provision to prevent

double taxation within member states, which may have implications for these arrangements in the

future. 29 Although new laws have been passed, commentators still point to the Netherlands as a

major tax haven. 30

Some have identified the United States and the United Kingdom (UK) as having tax haven

characteristics. Luxembourg Prime Minister Jean-Claude Junker urged other EU member states to

challenge the United States for tax havens in Delaware, Nevada, and Wyoming. 31 One website

offering offshore services mentions, in their view, several overlooked tax havens which include

the United States, United Kingdom, Denmark, Iceland, Israel, and Portugal’s Madeira Island. 32

(Others on their list and not listed in Table 1 were Hungary, Brunei, Uruguay, and Labuan

[Malaysia]). 33 In the case of the United States the article mentions the lack of reporting

requirements and the failure to tax interest and other exempt passive income paid to foreign

entities, the limited liability corporation which allows a flexible corporate vehicle not subject to

taxation, and the ease of incorporating in certain states (Delaware, Nevada, and Wyoming). Issues

have recently been raised in the Netherlands about its role in tax avoidance

Another website includes in its list of tax havens Delaware, Wyoming, and Puerto Rico, along

with other jurisdictions not listed in Table 1: the Netherlands, Campione d’Italia, a separate

listing for Sark (identified as the only remaining “fiscal paradise”), the UK, and a coming

discussion for Canada. 34 Sark is an island country associated with Guernsey, part of the Channel

Islands, and Campione d’Italia is an Italian town located within Switzerland.

The Economist reported a study by a political scientist experimenting with setting up sham

corporations; the author succeeded in incorporating in Wyoming and Nevada, as well as the UK

and several other places. 35 Michael McIntyre discusses three U.S. practices that aid international

evasion: the failure to collect information on tax exempt interest income paid to foreign entities,

the system of foreign institutions that act as qualified intermediaries (see discussion below) but do

not reveal their clients, and the practices of states such as Delaware and Wyoming that allow

EY T ax Insights, “European Union, Ireland, Luxembourg and Netherlands: State Aid – Commission Investigates

T ransfer Pricing Arrangements on Corporate Taxation of Apple (Ireland), Starbucks (Netherlands) and Fiat Finance

and T rade (Luxembourg),” Ernst and Young, June 2014, http://taxinsights.ey.com/archive/archive-news/europeanunion—ireland—luxembourg-and-netherlands—state-aid—commission.aspx. A further inquiry in Luxembourg

regarding Amazon was opened in October, 2014, and a general inquiry of all member states was initiated in December

2014. See European Commission, State aid: Commission Extends Information Enquiry on T ax Rulings Practice to all

Member States, December 17, 2014, at http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-14-2742_en.htm.

28

29 Council of the European Union, Parent -Subsidiary Directive: Council Agrees to Add Anti-Abuse Clause Against

Corporate T ax Avoidance, December 9, 2014, http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/

ecofin/146127.pdf.

30

“ Despite New Laws, the Netherlands Remains Near T op of New T ax Haven Ranking,” DutchNews.nl, December 23,

2021, https://www.dutchnews.nl/news/2021/03/despite-new-laws-the-netherlands-remains-near-top-of-new-tax-havenranking/.

31 Charles Gnaedinger, “Luxembourg P.M Calls out U.S. States as T ax Havens” Tax Notes International, April 6, 2009,

p. 13.

32 See http://www.offshore-fox.com/offshore-corporations/offshore_corporations_0401.html.

33 Another offshore website lists in addition to the countries in T able 1 Austria, Campione d’Italia, Denmark, Hungary,

Iceland, Madeira, Russian Federation, United Kingdom, Brunei, Dubai, Lebanon, Canada, Puerto Rico, South Africa,

New Zealand, Labuan, Uruguay, and the United States. See http://www.mydeltaquest.com/english/.

34 See http://www.offshore-manual.com/taxhavens/.

35 “Haven Hypocrisy,” The Economist, March 26, 2008.

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people to keep secret their identities as stockholder or depositor. 36 Some of these problems have

been addressed, in part, by FATCA.

In a meeting in late April 2009, Eduardo Silva, of the Cayman Islands Financial Services

Association, claimed that Delaware, Nevada, Wyoming, and the UK were the greatest offenders

with respect to, among other issues, tax fraud. He suggested that Nevada and Wyoming were

worse than Delaware because they permit companies to have bearer shares, which allows

anonymous ownership. A U.S. participant at the conference noted that legislation in the United

States, S. 569 (111th Congress), would require disclosure of beneficial owners in the United

States. 37

Nicholas Shaxson, in his book Treasure Islands, organizes tax havens into four categories: (1)

continental European havens such as Switzerland and Luxembourg; (2) a British zone of

influence (which includes the City of London 38 as well as countries formally related to the UK,

such as Jersey, Guernsey, the Isle of Man, Bermuda, and many of the islands in the West Indies

and Caribbean, and those influenced by the UK); (3) a U.S. zone of influence (the United States

itself, some of its states, along with the Virgin Islands, Marshall Islands, Liberia, and Panama),

and (4) other jurisdictions. 39 Anthony van Fossen, in his study of Pacific Island tax havens,

indicates that connection with the UK and specifically with the City of London is a contributor to

a successful tax haven. While the United States has limited the activities of some islands in its

sphere of influence, one of the most important tax havens in this area is the Marshall Islands,

which specializes in flags of convenience. 40

In addition, any country with a low tax rate could be considered as a potential location for shifting

income to. In addition to Ireland, three other countries in the OECD not included in Table 1 have

tax rates below 20%: Iceland, Poland, and the Slovak Republic. 41 Most of the eastern European

countries not included in the OECD have tax rates below 20%. 42

The Tax Justice Network probably has the largest list of tax havens, and it includes some specific

cities and areas. 43 In addition to the countries listed in Table 1, its initial 2005 list included in the

Americas and Caribbean, New York and Uruguay; in Africa, Mellila, Sao Tome e Principe,

Somalia, and South Africa; in the Middle East and Asia, Dubai, Labuan (Malaysia), Tel Aviv, and

Taipei; in Europe, Alderney, Belgium, Campione d’Italia, City of London, Dublin, Ingushetia,

Madeira, Sark, Trieste, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, and Frankfurt; and in the Indian

and Pacific oceans, the Marianas. Jordan is the only country listed in Table 1 that is not included

in the Tax Justice Network’s list. Currently, it has a list of corporate tax havens; of the top 20

havens, five are not listed in Table 1 (United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, Belgium, China,

and Hungary). It also has a financial secrecy index: of the top 20, 10 are not in Table 1 (United

States, Japan, Netherlands, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom, Taiwan, Germany, Thailand,

36 Michael McIntyre, “A Program for International T ax Reform,” Tax Notes, February 23, 2009, pp. 1021-1026.

37 Charles Gnaedinger, “U.S., Cayman Islands Debate T ax Haven Status,” Tax Notes, May 4, 2009, pp. 548-545.

38 T he City of London is the small, 1.22 square mile area at the center of the larger city of London. It contains the

financial district.

39 Nicholas Shaxson, Treasure Islands: Uncovering the Damage of Offshore Bankers and Tax Havens, Palgrave

MacMillan, New York, 2011.

40 Anthony van Fossen, Tax Havens and Sovereignty in the Pacific Islands, St. Lucia, Queensland, Australia,

University of Queensland Press, 2012.

41 See http://www.oecd.org/document/60/0,3343,en_2649_34897_1942460_1_1_1_1,00.html.

42 For tax rates see http://www.worldwide-tax.com/index.asp#partthree.

43 T ax Justice Network, Tax Us if You Can, September 2005.

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Canada, and Qatar). 44 The United States is often included in lists of financial secrecy jurisdictions

that can affect other countries because of state laws that shield owners. The recent leak of the

Pandora papers found numerous instances of trusts, with the top five states South Dakota, Florida,

Delaware, Texas, and Florida. 45 Delaware is the state estimated to have the largest number of

shell corporations, and Alaska, Wyoming, Nevada, and South Dakota are also noted as states that

have laws favoring shell corporations and trusts.46

Ronen Palan, Richard Murphy, and Christian Chavagneux report 11 different lists of tax havens.

Although the Tax Justice Network is the largest such list, a few countries not on this list appear on

others. 47 Eight countries appeared on all lists: the Bahamas, Bermuda, the Cayman Islands,

Guernsey, Jersey, and Malta. Palan, Murphy, and Chavagneux also suggest adding Belgium to the

Netherlands and Luxembourg as a location for holding companies in Europe. In addition, they

discuss the aspects of rules in the United States and the United Kingdom that might justify

identification as a tax haven.

Johannesen and Zucman, in a study focusing on bank secrecy provide a list of tax havens in their

online appendix. 48 Compared to Table 1, they exclude Ireland, Jordan, Lebanon, Maldives, and

Tonga, but include Austria, Belgium, Chile, Malaysia, Trinidad and Tobago, and Uruguay.

Corpnet, a research group at the University of Amsterdam, uses a large network data system to

identify offshore financial centers (OFCs). 49 It divides them into two groups: sinks, where excess

earnings end, and conduits, where these earnings flow to sinks. Of the top 20 sink OFCs, all but

two, Taiwan and Guyana, appear in Table 1. Of the top five conduits, three (Switzerland,

Singapore, and Ireland) appear, but two do not (the Netherlands and the UK).

Garcia-Bernardo and Janský provide a list of the top countries associated with profit shifting:

Cayman Islands, Netherlands, China, Hong Kong, Bermuda, British Virgin Islands, Switzerland,

Puerto Rico, Ireland, Singapore, and Luxembourg. 50

44 T ax Justice Network, The State of Tax Justice 2020: Tax Justice in the time of COVID-19, November 2020,

https://taxjustice.net/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/The_State_of_Tax_Justice_2020_ENGLISH.pdf.

45 Greg Haas, “ Nevada, South Dakota Among States Singled Out in Pandora Papers Investigation,” 8NewsNow,

October 4, 2021, https://www.8newsnow.com/news/local-news/nevada-south-dakota-among-states-singled-out-inpandora-papers-investigation/.

46 Chuck Collins, “ How T ax Haven States Enable Billionaires to Hide T rillions,” The Nation, April 1, 2021,

https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/tax-haven-delaware-south-dakota/. See also T he United States plays a

larger role in the Pandora Papers leak than it did in the previous Panama Papers (released in 2016) and the Paradise

Papers (released in 2017.) See Jeremy T imkin, “ T he Pandora Papers Shed New Light On T he U.S. As A T ax Haven ,”

Forbes, October 12, 2021, https://www.forbes.com/sites/insider/2021/10/12/the-pandora-papers-shed-new-light-on-theus-as-a-tax-haven/?sh=195ef13a1f59. For a detailed discussion of the use of private corporations and trusts to conceal

assets, see Debbie Cenziper and Will Fitzgibbon, “T he ‘Cowboy Cocktail’: How Wyoming Became One of the

World’s T op T ax Havens,” Washington Post, December 20, 2021, https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/

interactive/2021/wyoming-trusts-finance-pandora-papers/.

47 Ronen Palan, Richard Murphy, and Christian Chavagneux, Tax Havens: How Globalization Really Works, Ithaca,

Cornell University Press, 2012.

48 Niels Johannesen and Gabriel Zucman, “T he End of Bank Secrecy? An Evaluation of the G20 T ax Haven

Crackdown,” American Economic Journal: Economic Policy, vol. 6, no. 1 (February 2014), pp. 65 -91,

https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/pol.6.1.65.

49

See https://www.ofcmeter.org/.

50 Javier Garcia-Bernardo and Petr Janský, “Profit Shifting of Multinational Corporations Worldwide,” March 2021,

Institute of Development Studies, https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/20.500.12413/16467/

ICT D_WP119.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y.

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Methods of Corporate Tax Avoidance

Prior to the 2018, U.S. multinationals were not taxed on income earned by foreign subsidiaries

until it was repatriated to the U.S. parent as dividends, although some passive and related

company income that is easily shifted was (and remains) taxed currently under anti-abuse rules

referred to as Subpart F. (Foreign affiliates or subsidiaries that are majority U.S. owned are

referred to as controlled foreign corporations, or CFCs, and many of these related firms are

wholly owned.) Taxes on income that is repatriated (or, less commonly, earned by branches and

taxed currently) were allowed a credit for foreign income taxes paid. (A part of a parent company

treated as a branch is not a separate entity for tax purposes, and all income is part of the parent’s

income.)

The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA; P.L. 115-97), enacted in 2017, eliminated the tax on dividends

of foreign subsidiaries and instead imposed a minimum tax on foreign source income aimed at

limiting profit-shifting, the tax on global intangible low-taxed income, or GILTI. 51 This regime

allowed a deduction for 10% of tangible assets, aimed at approximating income from tangible

investments, and allowed a 50% (37.5% after 2025) deduction of the remainder. TCJA lowered

the corporate tax rate from 35% to 21% leading to an effective tax rate on GILTI of 10.5%

(13.125% after 2025). TCJA also enacted a deduction for foreign derived intangible income

(FDII) of U.S. companies, intended to make firms largely indifferent between holding intangibles

used to serve foreign markets in the United States or abroad. Income eligible for the deduction

was domestic income reduced by 10% of intangible assets, with a deduction for the remainder of

37.5% (20.875% after 2025), multiplied by the share of sales of goods and services that was

exported.

Credits are allowed for foreign taxes, limited to the amount of tax imposed by the United States,

so that they, in theory, cannot offset taxes on domestic income. For GILTI only 80% of foreign

taxes is allowed as credits. The limit is imposed on an overall basis, allowing excess credits in

high-tax countries to offset U.S. tax liability on income earned in low-tax countries, although

separate limits apply to passive, active, GILTI, and branch income. Other countries either employ

this system of deferral and credit or, in most cases, exempt income earned in foreign jurisdictions.

Most countries have some form of anti-abuse rules similar to Subpart F.

If a firm can shift profits to a low-tax jurisdiction from a high-tax one, its taxes will be reduced

without affecting other aspects of the company. Tax differences also affect real economic activity,

which in turn affects revenues, but it is this artificial shifting of profits that is the focus of this

report. 52

Because the United States taxes all income earned in its borders as well as imposing a residual tax

on income earned abroad by U.S. persons, tax avoidance relates both to U.S. parent companies

shifting profits abroad to low-tax jurisdictions and the shifting of profits out of the United States

by foreign parents of U.S. subsidiaries. In the case of U.S. multinationals, one study suggested

that about half the difference between profitability in low -tax and high-tax countries, which could

arise from artificial income shifting, was due to transfers of intellectual property (or intangibles)

and most of the rest through the allocation of debt. 53 However, a study examining import and

51 See CRS Report R45186, Issues in International Corporate Taxation: The 2017 Revision (P.L. 115 -97), by Jane G.

Gravelle and Donald J. Marples for a discussion of the changes in international tax rules in 2017.

52 Effects on economic activity are addressed in CRS Report RL34115, Reform of U.S. International Taxation:

Alternatives, by Jane G. Gravelle.

53 Harry Grubert, “Intangible Income, Intercompany Transactions, Income Shifting and the Choice of Locations,”

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export prices suggests a very large effect of transfer pricing in goods (as discussed below). 54

Some evidence of the importance of intellectual property can also be found from the types of

firms that repatriated profits abroad following a temporary tax reduction enacted in 2004; onethird of the repatriations were in the pharmaceutical and medicine industry and almost 20% in the

computer and electronic equipment industry. 55

The TCJA added a provision that was aimed in part at U.S. subsidiaries of foreign parents, in the

form of the base erosion and anti-abuse tax (BEAT) applying to large firms that have significant

related party payments. BEAT imposed a tax on a base increased by certain payments to foreign

related companies, such as royalties and interest. It, however, excluded the cost of goods sold,

and also excluded purchases of services if a certain mark-up method is used. The BEAT tax rate is

10% (12.5% after 2025) and is paid if larger than the regular minimum tax. BEAT is temporarily

allowed certain domestic tax credits, but not the foreign tax credit, and no credits are allowed

after 2025.

Allocation of Debt and Earnings Stripping

One method of shifting profits from a high-tax jurisdiction to a low-tax one is to borrow more in

the high-tax jurisdiction and less in the low-tax one. This shifting of debt can be achieved without

changing the overall debt exposure of the firm. A more specific practice is referred to as earnings

stripping, where either debt is associated with related firms or unrelated debt is not subject to tax

by the recipient. As an example of the former earnings stripping method, a foreign parent may

lend to its U.S. subsidiary. Alternatively, an unrelated foreign borrower not subject to tax on U.S.

interest income might lend to a U.S. firm.

The U.S. tax code currently contains provisions to address interest deductions and earnings

stripping. It applies an allocation of the U.S. parent’s interest for purposes of the limit on the

foreign tax credit. The amount of foreign source income is reduced when part of U.S. interest is

allocated and the maximum amount of foreign tax credits taken is limited, a provision that affects

firms with excess foreign tax credits.56 There is no allocation rule, however, applying directly to

GILTI, so that a U.S. parent could operate its subsidiary with all equity finance in a low-tax

jurisdiction and take all of the interest on the overall firm’s debt as a deduction. A proposal now

under consideration in President Biden’s budget and in several congressional proposals would

introduce such an allocation rule, so that the share of worldwide interest deducted in the United

States would be proportionate to the U.S. share of worldwide income. 57

The United States has thin capitalization rules that apply generally and can limit interest

deductions. (Most of the United States’ major trading partners have similar rules.) A section of the

Internal Revenue Code (163(j)) disallows deductions for net interest exceeding 30% of adjusted

taxable income (currently earnings before taxes, interest depreciation, and amortization, or

EBITDA, but expanded to earnings before taxes and interest, or EBIT after 2022).

National Tax Journal, vol. 56, March 2003, Part II, pp. 221-242.

54

Simon J. Pak and John S. Zdanowicz, U.S. Trade With the World, An Estimate of 2001 Lost U.S. Federal Income Tax

Revenues Due to Over-Invoiced Imports and Under-Invoiced Exports, October 31, 2002.

55 See CRS Report R40178, Tax Cuts on Repatriation Earnings as Economic Stimulus: An Economic Analysis, by

Donald J. Marples and Jane G. Gravelle.

56 In 2004 the interest allocation rules were changed to allocate worldwide interest, but the implementation of that

provision was delayed and has not yet taken place. See CRS Report RL34494, The Foreign Tax Credit’s Interest

Allocation Rules, by Jane G. Gravelle and Donald J. Marples.

57 See CRS Report R45186, Issues in International Corporate Taxation: The 2017 Revision (P.L. 115 -97), by Jane G.

Gravelle and Donald J. Marples.

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The possibility of earnings stripping received more attention after a number of U.S. firms

inverted; that is, arranged to move their parent firm abroad so that U.S. operations became a

subsidiary of that parent. The American Jobs Creation Act of 2004 (AJCA; P.L. 108-357)

addressed the general problem of inversion by treating firms that subsequently inverted as U.S.

firms if the former U.S. shareholders owned at least 80% of the new firm. If U.S. shareholders

owned 60% to 80%, a tax would be imposed on the transfer of assets. During consideration of

this legislation there were also proposals for broader earnings stripping restrictions as an

approach to this problem that would have reduced the excess interest deductions. This general

earnings stripping proposal was not adopted. However, the AJCA mandated a Treasury

Department study on this and other issues; that study focused on U.S. subsidiaries of foreign

parents and was not able to find clear evidence on the magnitude. 58

Noted in the Treasury’s mandated study, there is relatively straightforward evidence that U.S.

multinationals allocate more interest to high-tax jurisdictions, but it is more difficult to assess

earnings stripping by foreign parents of U.S. subsidiaries, because the entire firm’s accounts are

not available. The Treasury study focused on this issue and used an approach that had been used

in the past of comparing these subsidiaries to U.S. firms. The study was not able to provide

conclusive evidence about the shifting of profits out of the United States due to high leverage

rates for U.S. subsidiaries of foreign firms but did find evidenc e of shifting for inverted firms.

A study of profit shifting worldwide estimated that 28% of profit shifting was due to allocation of

debt in high-tax countries, with 72% due to transfer pricing. 59

Inversions have recently become an issue. Although some firms inverted following the 2004

legislation based on an activity exception, that approach was limited by regulation. In 2014, a

number of U.S. firms inverted, or considered inversion, by merging with a smaller foreign firm.

Regulatory changes largely eliminated inversions, although further provisions to limit them were

adopted in the TJCA. There are proposals for further restrictions.60

Transfer Pricing

The second major way that firms can shift profits from high-tax to low-tax jurisdictions, and the

one that appears most important, is through the pricing of assets, goods, and services sold

between affiliates. To properly reflect income, prices of assets, goods, and services sold by related

companies should be the same as the prices that would be paid by unrelated parties. By lowering

the price of assets, goods, and services sold by parents and affiliates in high-tax jurisdictions and

raising the price of purchases, income can be shifted.

An important and growing issue of transfer pricing is with the transfers to rights to intellectual

property, or intangibles. If a patent developed in the United States is sold or licensed to an

affiliate in a low-tax country income will be shifted if the royalty or other payment is lower than

the true value of the license. For many goods there are similar products sold or other methods

(such as cost plus a markup) that can be used to determine whether prices are set appropriately.

Intangibles, such as new inventions or new drugs, tend not to have comparables, and it is very

58 U.S. Department of T reasury, Report to Congress on Earnings Stripping, Transfer Pricing and U.S. Income Tax

Treaties, November 2007.

59 Jost H. Hecklemeyer and Michael Overesch, “ Multinationals’ Profit Response to T ax Differentials: Effect Size and

Shifting Channels,” Canadian Journal of Economics, vol. 50. iss. 4 (November 2017): pp. 965 -994.

60 See CRS Report R43568, Corporate Expatriation, Inversions, and Mergers: Tax Issues, by Donald J. Marples and

Jane G. Gravelle for a discussion.

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difficult to know the royalty that would be paid in an arms-length price. Therefore, intangibles

represent particular problems for policing transfer pricing.

Investment in intangibles is favorably treated in the United States because costs, other than

capital equipment and buildings, are expensed for research and development, which is also

eligible for a tax credit. In addition, advertising to establish brand names is also deductible.

Overall these treatments tend to produce an effective low, zero, or negative tax rate for overall

investment in intangibles. Thus, there are significant incentives to make these investments in the

United States. On average, the benefit of tax deductions or credits when making the investment

tend to offset the future taxes on the return to the investment. However, for those investments that

tend to be successful, it is advantageous to shift profits to a low -tax jurisdiction, so that there are

tax savings on investment and little or no tax on returns. As a result, these investments can be

subject to negative tax rates, or subsidies, which can be significant.

Transfer pricing rules with respect to intellectual property are further complicated because of cost

sharing agreements, where different affiliates contribute to the cost.61 If an intangible is already

partially developed by the parent firm, affiliates contribute a buy-in payment for the rights to that

asset for given markets. It is very difficult to determine arms-length pricing in these cases where a

technology is partially developed and there is risk associated with the expected outcome.

Following the buy-in payment, the foreign affiliate can contribute to further research in the

United States and obtain the rights to the technology going forward. For a firm that has already

developed a successful product, such as a cell phone, it is unlikely they would make such a cost

sharing arrangement with an unrelated party. One study found some evidence that firms with cost

sharing arrangements were more likely to engage in profit shifting. 62

One problem with shifting profits to some tax haven jurisdictions is that, if real activity is

necessary to produce the intangible these countries may not have labor and other resources to

undertake the activity. However, firms had developed techniques to take advantage of tax laws in

other countries to achieve both a productive operation while shifting profits to no-tax

jurisdictions. An example is the double Irish, Dutch sandwich method that has been used by some

U.S. firms, including, as exposed in news articles, Google. 63 In this arrangement, the U.S. firm

transfers its intangible asset to an Irish holding company. This company has a subsidiary sales

company that sells advertising (the source of Google’s revenues) to Europe. However,

sandwiched between the Irish holding company and the Irish sales subsidiary is a Dutch

subsidiary, which collects royalties from the sales subsidiary and transfers them to the Irish

holding company. The Irish holding company claims company management (and tax home) in

Bermuda, with a 0% tax rate, for purposes of the corporate income tax. This strategy allows the

Irish operation to avoid even the low Irish tax of 12.5% and, by using the Dutch sandwich, to

avoid Irish withholding taxes (which are not due on payments to European Union companies).

61 T he T reasury Department issued new proposed regulations relating to cost sharing ar rangements. See T reasury

Decision 9441, Federal Register, vol. 74, No. 2, January 5, 2009, pp. 340 -39, http://www.transferpricing.com/pdf/

T D_9441.pdf. These rules include a periodic adjustment which would, among other aspects, examine outcomes. See

“Cost Sharing Periodic Payments Not Automatic, Officials Say,” Tax Notes, February 23, 2009, p. 955.

62 Michael McDonald, “Income Shifting from T ransfer Pricing: Further Evidence from T ax Return Data ,” U.S.

Department of the T reasury, Office of T ax Analysis, OT A T echnical Working Paper 2, July 2008.

63 Jesse Drucker, “Google 2.4% Rate Shows How $60 Billion Lost to T ax Loopholes,” Bloomberg, October 21, 2010,

posted at http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010-10-21/google-2-4-rate-shows-how-60-billion-u-s-revenue-lost-to-taxloopholes.html, and “Yahoo, Dell Swell Netherlands’ $13 T rillion T ax Haven,” Bloomberg, January 23, 2013, posted at

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-01-23/yahoo-dell-swell-netherlands-13-trillion-tax-haven.html.

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More recently, European countries have complained about companies such as Google, Apple,

Amazon, Facebook, and Starbucks using this strategy in some cases.

Ireland eliminated the double Irish arrangements as well as other arrangements that resulted in no

foreign tax. 64 Profits can also be shifted directly to a tax haven, as in the case of Yahoo, where the

Dutch intermediary can transfer profits directly to the tax haven (in this case, the Cayman islands)

because it does not collect a withholding tax, as would be the case with France or Ireland. 65

Contract Manufacturing

When a subsidiary is set up in a low-tax country and profit shifting occurs, as in the acquisition of

rights to an intangible, a further problem occurs: this low -tax country may not be a desirable

place to actually manufacture and sell the product. For example, an Irish subsidiary’s market may

be in Germany and it would be desirable to manufacture in Germany. But to earn profits in

Germany with its higher tax rate does not minimize taxes. Instead the Irish firm may contract

with a German firm as a contract manufacturer, who will produce the item for cost plus a fixed

markup. Subpart F taxes on a current basis certain profits from sales income, so the arrangement

must be structured to qualify as an exception from this rule. There are complex and changing

regulations on this issue. 66

Check-the-Box, Hybrid Entities, and Hybrid Instruments

Another technique for shifting profit to low-tax jurisdictions was greatly expanded with the

check-the-box provisions. These provisions were originally intended to simplify questions of

whether a firm was a corporation or a partnership. Their application to foreign circumstances

through the disregarded entity rules has led to the expansion of hybrid entities, where an entity

can be recognized as a corporation by one jurisdiction but not by another. For example, a U.S.

parent’s subsidiary in a low-tax country can lend to its subsidiary in a high-tax country, with the

interest deductible because the high-tax country recognizes the firm as a separate corporation.

Normally, interest received by the subsidiary in the low -tax country would be considered passive

or tainted income subject to current U.S. tax under Subpart F. However, under check-the-box

rules, the high-tax corporation can elect to be disregarded as a separate entity. Thus, from the

perspective of the United States, there would be no interest income paid because the two are the

same entity. Check-the-box and similar hybrid entity operations also can be used to avoid other

types of Subpart F income, for example from contract manufacturing arrangements. According to

David R. Sicular, this provision, which began as a regulation, has been, albeit temporarily,

Editorial Board, “Ireland, Still Addicted to T ax Breaks,” New York Times, October 20, 2014,

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/20/opinion/ireland-still-addicted-to-tax-breaks.html?_r=0; Charlie T aylor, “ Google

Used ‘Double-Irish’ to Shift $75.4bn in Profits Out of Ireland,” Irish Times, April 17, 2021,

https://www.irishtimes.com/business/technology/google-used-double-irish-to-shift-75-4bn-in-profits-out-of-ireland1.4540519.

65

Szu Ping Chang, “Facebook Hid £440m in Cayman Islands T ax Haven,” T he T elegraph, December 23, 2012, at

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/newsbysector/banksandfinance/9763615/Facebook-hid-440m-in-Cayman-Islandstax-haven.html; Lori Hinnant, “Europe T akes On T ech Giants And T ax Havens,” Associated Press, at

http://www.manufacturing.net/news/2012/12/europe-takes-on-tech-giants-and-tax-havens. News reports also indicated

that Apple moved some of its operations out of Ireland and to Jersey. See Nick Hopkin s and Simon Bowers, “ Apple

Secretly Moved Parts of Empire to Jersey After Row Over T ax, The Guardian, November 6, 2017,

https://www.theguardian.com/news/2017/nov/06/apple-secretly-moved-jersey-ireland-tax-row-paradise-papers.

64

66 See for example William W. Chip, “‘Manufacturing’ Foreign Base Company Sales Income,” Tax Notes, November

19, 2007, pp. 803-808.

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codified (called the look-through rules). 67 The look-through rules expand the scope of check-thebox to more related parties and circumstances. They began as temporary provisions but have been

extended numerous times. Currently, they expired at the end of 2025.

Hybrid entities relate to issues other than Subpart F. For example, a reverse hybrid entity formerly

could be used to allow U.S. corporations to benefit from the foreign tax credit without having to

recognize the underlying income. As an example, a U.S. parent could have set up a holding

company in a county that was treated as a disregarded entity, and the holding company could

have owned a corporation that was treated as a partnership in another foreign jurisdiction. Under

flow-through rules, the holding company was liable for the foreign tax and, because it was not a

separate entity, the U.S. parent corporation was therefore liable, but the income could have been

retained in the foreign corporation that was viewed as a separate corporate entity from the U.S.

point of view. In this case, the entity was structured so that it was a partnership for foreign

purposes but a corporation for U.S. purposes.68 Provisions in P.L. 111-226 eliminated this

practice.

In addition to hybrid entities that achieve tax benefits by being treated differently in the United

States and the foreign jurisdiction, there were also hybrid instruments that can avoid taxation by

being treated as debt in one jurisdiction and equity in another. 69 The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act,

however, contained provisions limiting hybrid instruments and entities tax benefits by

disallowing a deduction by a related party for an interest or royalty payment to a recipient in a

foreign country if that payment is not taxed (or is included in income and then deducted) in the

foreign country.

Cross Crediting and Sourcing Rules for Foreign Tax Credits

Income from a low-tax country that is received in the United States can escape taxes because of

cross crediting: the use of excess foreign taxes paid in one jurisdiction or on one type of income

to offset U.S. tax that would be due on other income. In some periods in the past the foreign tax

credit limit was proposed on a country-by-country basis, although that rule proved to be difficult

to enforce given the potential to use holding companies. Foreign tax credits have subsequently

been separated into different baskets to limit cross crediting. Currently, there are four baskets:

active, passive, GILTI, and branch.

Because firms could choose when to repatriate income under prior law, they could arrange

realizations to maximize the benefits of the overall limit on the foreign tax credit. That is, firms

that had income from jurisdictions with taxes in excess of U.S. taxes could also elect to realize

income from jurisdictions with low taxes and use the excess credits to offset U.S. tax due on that

income. Studies suggest that between cross crediting and deferral, U.S. multinationals typically

paid virtually no U.S. tax on foreign source income. 70 Limited data are available to determine the

67 See David R. Sicular, “T he New Look-T hrough Rule: W(h)ither Subpart F? Tax Notes, April 23, 2007, pp. 349-378

for a discussion of the look-through rules under Section 954(c)(6).

68

For a discussion of reverse hybrids see Joseph M. Calianno and J. Michael Cornett, “Guardian Revision: Proposed

Regulations Attach Guardian and Reverse Hybrids,” Tax Notes International, October 2006, pp. 305-316.

69 See Sean Foley, “U.S. Outbound: Cross border Hybrid Instrument T ransactions to gain Increased Scrutiny During

IRS Audit,” http://www.internationaltaxreview.com/?Page=10&PUBID=35&ISS=24101&SID=692834&TYPE=20.

Andrei Kraymal, International Hybrid Instruments: Jurisdiction Dependent Characterization, Houston Business and Tax

Law Journal, 2005, http://www.hbtlj.org/v05/v05Krahmalar.pdf.

70

Government Accountability Office, U.S. Multinational Corporations: Effective Tax Rates are Correlated With Where

Income is Reported, GAO-08-950, August 2008. Melissa Costa and Jennifer Gravelle, “T axing Multinational

Corporations: Average T ax Rates,” Tax Law Review, vol. 65, no. 3, spring 2012, pp. 391-414; Jennifer Gravelle, Who

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tax rates in the new GILTI regime adopted by the TCJA. However, two popular tax havens,

Bermuda and the Cayman islands, that have no corporate tax showed negligible taxes in 2018,

after the tax revisions, as well as 2016, before revisions were being considered. The tax rate on

U.S. CFCs of large companies was 1.9% in 2016 and 0.5% in 2018 for Bermuda and 0.4% in the

Cayman Islands in both years. 71

The Magnitude of Corporate Profit Shifting

This section examines the evidence on the existence and magnitude of profit shifting and the

techniques that are most likely to contribute to it.

Evidence on the Scope of Profit Shifting

There is ample, and simple, evidence that profits appear in countries inc onsistent with an

economic motivation. This section first examines the profit share of income of controlled

corporations compared to the share of gross domestic product and how it has changed recently. 72

The first set of countries, acting as a reference point, includes the remaining G-7 countries that

are also among the United States’ major trading partners. These countries account for 15% of

pretax profits and 31% of rest-of-world gross domestic product. The second group of countries

includes larger countries from Table 1 (with gross domestic product [GDP] of at least $15

billion), plus the Netherlands, which is widely considered a tax conduit for U.S. multinationals

because of its holding company rules. These countries account for about 27% of earnings and 5%

of rest-of-world GDP. The third group of countries includes smaller countries listed in Table 1,

with GDP less than $10 billion. These countries account for 17% of earnings and less than onetenth of 1% of rest-of-world GDP. 73

Will Benefit from a T erritorial T ax, Presented at the 105 th Conference of the National T ax Association, 2012.

71

Rates calculated for cash taxes paid divided by profits, Country-by-Country reports, Internal Revenue Service,

Statistics of Income, https://www.irs.gov/statistics/soi-tax-stats-country-by-country-report.

72 Data on earnings and profits of controlled foreign corporations are taken from Lee Mahoney and Randy Miller,

Controlled Foreign Corporations 2004, Internal Revenue Service Statistics of Income Bulletin, Summer 2008,

http://www.irs.ustreas.gov/pub/irs-soi/04coconfor.pdf. Data on gross domestic product (GDP) from Central Intelligence

Agency, The World Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook. Data for profits for 2008

and 2010 multinational earnings from U.S. Statistics of Income, U.S. Corporations and T heir Controlled Foreign

Corporations, http://www.irs.gov/uac/SOI-T ax-Stats-Controlled-Foreign-Corporations. Data on GDP from Central

Intelligence Agency, The World Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook. Most GDP

data to compare with the 2004 earnings is from 2008 and based on the exchange rate, but for some countries only

earlier years and data based on purchasing power parity were available. GDP data to compare with 2010 earnings were

from 2013 data. T hese data are those posted on the website at the time the ratios were calculated. Because GDP data

are from somewhat later years, the ratios may be slightly understated. For 2016 and 2018, data on earnings was from

the new country-by-country reports, Internal Revenue Service, Statistics of Income, https://www.irs.gov/statistics/soitax-stats-country-by-country-report. Data on GDP by country for 2016 and 2018, was from Central Intelligence

Agency, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/field/gdp-official-exchange-rate/, and worldwide GDP was from

https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/world/#economy.

73 T hese ratios changed compared to 2004 and 2010. For 2004, the remaining G-7 countries accounted for 38% of rest -

of-world GDP and 32% of earnings, the countries in Table 3 accounted for 5% of rest -of-world GDP and 30% of

earnings, and the countries in Table 4 accounted for less than 1% of rest -of-world GDP and 14% of earnings. For 2010,

the remaining G-7 countries accounted for 21% of rest -of-world GDP and 12% earnings, the countries in T able 3

accounted for 4% of rest -of-world GDP and 40% of earnings, and the countries in T able 4 accounted for less than 1/10

of 1% of rest-of-world GDP and 18% of earnings. T he lower share for the remaining G7 countries may reflect the

effects of the recession that affected these countries.

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As indicated in Table 2, income-to-GDP ratios in the large G-7 countries in 2010 ranged from

0.2% to 3.3%, the larger amounts reflecting in part the United States’ relationships with some of

its closest trading partners. Overall, this income as a share of GDP is 0.7%. Outside the UK and

Canada, this income as a share of GDP is around 0.3% to 0.6% and does not vary with country

size (Japan, for example, has over twice the GDP of Italy). Canada and the UK also have

appeared on some tax haven lists, and the larger income shares could partially reflect that fact. 74

There has been relatively little change in the aggregate between 2004 and 2010 (the latest year

IRS data on earnings of multinational firms are available).

Table 2. U.S. Company Foreign Profits Relative to Gross Domestic

Product (GDP), G-7

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Foreign

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2004

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Foreign

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2010

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Foreign

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2016

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Foreign

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2018

Canada

2.6

3.3

1.0

2.2

France

0.3

0.6

0.2

0.2

Germany

0.2

0.4

0.3

0.4

Italy

0.2

0.3

0.2

0.3

Japan

0.3

0.4

0.5

0.6

United Kingdom

1.3

2.1

0.6

2.8

Weighted Average

0.6

0.7

0.4

0.9

Country

Source: Congressional Research Service (CRS) calculations, see text.

Table 3 reports the share for the larger tax havens listed in Table 1 for which data are available,

plus the Netherlands. In general, U.S. source profits as a percentage of GDP are considerably

larger than those in Table 2. Although the shares fluctuated over time, they are particularly large

in Luxembourg, Ireland and Singapore. In most cases, the shares are well in excess of those in

Table 2.

Table 3. U.S. Foreign Company Profits Relative to GDP, Larger Countries

(GDP at Least $15 billion) on Tax Haven Lists and the Netherlands

Country

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2004

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2010

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2016

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2018

Costa Rica

1.2

—

1.3

5.6

Cyprus

9.8

13.6

6.1

2.1

Hong Kong

2.8

2.6

0.3

4.7

Ireland

7.6

41.9

7.9

12.3

74 One offshore website points out that Canada can be desirable as a place to establish a holding company; see Shelter

Offshore, http://www.shelteroffshore.com/index.php/offshore/more/canada_offshore.

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Tax Havens: International Tax Avoidance and Evasion

Country

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2004

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2010

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2016

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2018

Luxembourg

18.2

127.0

-3.0

39.4

Netherlands

4.6

17.1

4.2

7.3

Panama

3.0

0.1

1.3

1.4

Singapore

3.4

4.7

8.9

25.4

Switzerland

3.5

12.3

-0.8

7.2

Source: CRS calculations, see text.

Note: Dashes indicate data not available. Profits data for Costa Rica, which were listed separately in the 2008

tax data indicate a 1.2% share.

Table 4 examines the small tax havens listed in Table 1 for which data are available. In Bermuda,

the British Virgin Islands, and the Cayman Islands profits are consistently multiples of total GDP.

In other jurisdictions in Table 4, profits are a large share of output. Some of the increase in Jersey

may reflect the movement of some operations by a large U.S. company from Ireland. 75 These

numbers clearly indicate that the profits in these countries do not appear to derive from economic

motives related to productive inputs or markets but rather reflect income easily transferred to lowtax jurisdictions.

Table 4. U.S. Foreign Company Profits Relative to GDP,

Small Countries on Tax Haven Lists

Country

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2004

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2010

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2016

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2018

Bahamas

43.3

70.8

179.3

28.3

Barbados

13.2

5.7

25.5

221.1

Bermuda

645.7

1614.0

406.4

1586.6

British Virgin Islands

354.7

1803.7

222.7

339.11

Cayman Islands

546.7

2065.5

105.7

2230.4

Curacao

—

—

3.2

3.6

Guernsey

11.2

—

8.6

47.1

Isle of Man

—

—

—

31.0

Jersey

35.3

—

1.8

398.4

Liberia

61.1

—

—

—

Malta

0.5

—

0.9

11.6

Nick Hopkins and Simon Bowers, “ Apple Secretly Moved Parts of Empire to Jersey After Row Over T ax Affairs,”

T he Guardian, November 6, 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/news/2017/nov/06/apple-secretly-moved-jerseyireland-tax-row-paradise-papers. Apple had a major subsidiary incorporated in Ireland, but under Irish and U.S. law

was stateless.

75

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Country

Marshall Islands

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2004

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2010

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2016

Profits of U.S.

Controlled

Corporations as a

Percentage of

GDP, 2018

339.8

—

—

—

Mauritius

4.2

—

1129.6

515.0

Netherland Antilles

8.9

—

—

—

Source: CRS calculations, see text.

Notes: Dashes indicate data not available. Using 2008 earnings shares were 23.6% in Guernsey, 21.8% in Jersey,

31.0% in Liberia, 1.1% in Malta, and 6.6% in Mauritius. Based on the combined GDP in Curacao and St. Maartin,

the share for the Netherland Antilles grew to 24%.

The data do not indicate a change in the location of profits between 2016 before consideration of

the TCJA and 2018 after it was enacted.

Evidence of profit shifting has been presented in many other studies. Grubert and Altshuler report

that profits of controlled foreign corporations in manufacturing relative to sales in Ireland are

three times the group mean. 76 GAO reported higher shares of pretax profits of U.S. multinationals

than of value added, tangible assets, sales, compensation, or employees in low-tax countries such

as Bermuda, Ireland, the UK Caribbean, Singapore, and Switzerland. 77 Costa and Gravelle

reported similar results for tax havens using subsequent data. 78 Martin Sullivan reports the return

on assets for 1998 averaged 8.4% for U.S. manufacturing subsidiaries, but with returns of 23.8%

in Ireland, 17.9% in Switzerland, and 16.6% in the Cayman Islands. 79 More recently, he noted

that of the 10 countries that accounted for the most foreign multinational profits, the 5 countries

with the highest manufacturing returns for 2004 (the Netherlands, Bermuda, Ireland, Switzerland,

and China) all had effective tax rates below 12% while the 5 countries with lower returns

(Canada, Japan, Mexico, Australia, and the United Kingdom) had effective tax rates in excess of

23%. 80 A number of econometric studies of this issue have been done. 81 Studies in the next

section focusing on the cost of profit shifting also provide evidence.

76 Harry Grubert and Rosanne Altshuler, “Corporate Taxes in a World Economy: Reforming the T axation of Cross-

Border Income,” in John W. Diamond and George Zodrow, eds., Fundamental Tax Reform: Issues, Choices and

Implications, Cambridge, MIT Press, 2008.

77 Government Accountability Office, U.S. Multinational Corporations: Effective Tax Rates are Correlated With Where

Income is Reported, GAO-08-950, August 2008.

78 Melissa Costa and Jennifer Gravelle, “U.S. Multinationals Business Activity: Effective Tax Rate and Location

Decisions, National T ax Association Proceedings from the 103 rd Annual Conference, 2010; http://www.ntanet.org/

images/stories/pdf/proceedings/10/13.pdf.

79 Martin Sullivan, U.S. Citizens Hide Hundreds of Billions in the Caymans, Tax Notes, May 24, 2004, p. 96.

80 Martin Sullivan, “Extraordinary Profitability in Low-T ax Countries,” Tax Notes, August 25, 2008, pp. 724-727. Note

that the effective tax rates for some countries differ considerably depending on the source of data; the Netherlands would

be classified as a low tax country based on data controlled foreign corporations but high tax based on BEA data. See

Government Accountability Office, U.S. Multinational Corporations: Effective Tax Rates are Correlated With Where

Income is Reported, GAO-08-950, August 2008.

See James R. Hines, Jr., “Lessons from Behavioral Responses to International T axation,” National Tax Journal, vol.

52 (June 1999): 305-322, and Joint Committee on T axation, Economic Efficiency and Structural Analyses of

Alternative U.S. Tax Policies for Foreign Direct Investment, JCX-55-08, June 25, 2008, for reviews. Studies are also

discussed in U.S. Department of T reasury, The Deferral of Income of Earned Through Controlled Foreign

Corporation, May 2000, http://www.treas.gov/offices/tax-policy/library/subpartf.pdf.

81

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Estimates of the Cost and Sources of Corporate Tax Avoidance

There are no official estimates of the cost of international corporate tax avoidance, although a

number of researchers have made estimates, nor are there official estimates of the cost of

individual tax evasion. 82 In general, the estimates are not reflected in the overall tax gap estimate.

The magnitude of corporate tax avoidance has been estimated through a variety of techniques and

not all are for total avoidance. Some address only avoidance by U.S. multinationals and not by

foreign parents of U.S. subsidiaries. Some focus only on a particular source of avoidance. 83

Estimates of the potential revenue cost of income shifting by multinational corporations vary

considerably, with some estimates in excess of $100 billion annually. The only study by the IRS

in this area is an estimate of the international gross tax gap (not accounting for increased taxes

collected on audit) related to transfer pricing based on audits of returns. They estimated a cost of

about $3 billion, based on examinations of tax returns for 1996-1998. 84 This estimate would

reflect an estimate not of legal avoidance, but of non-compliance, and for reasons stressed in the

study has a number of limitations. One of those is that an audit does not detect all noncompliance, and it would not detect avoidance mechanisms which are, or appear to be, legal.

Some idea of the potential magnitude of the revenue lost from profit shifting by U.S.

multinationals might be found in the estimates of the revenue gain from taxing foreign income in

full to be $45.4 billion in FY2021. 85 This number may be low because of the pandemic, as their

estimate rises to $62.6 billion in FY2022, and $73.1 in FY2023. If most of the profit in low-tax

countries has been shifted there to avoid U.S. tax rates, the projected revenue gain from taxing

foreign source income in full would provide an idea of the general magnitude of the revenue cost

of profit shifting by U.S. parent firms. The Administration’s estimates for raising the tax rate on

GILTI to 21%, ending the deduction for tangible assets and imposing a per country foreign tax

credit limit, which is tantamount to taxing this income at the current rate, were estimated at $53.4

billion for FY2023. 86 These estimates could be either an overstatement or an understatement of

the cost of tax avoidance. They could be overstated because some of the profits abroad accrue to

real investments in countries that have lower tax rates than the United States and thus do not

reflect artificial shifting. They could be an understatement because they do not reflect the tax that

could be collected by the United States rather than foreign jurisdictions on profits shifted to low tax countries. For example, Ireland has a tax rate of 12.5% and the United States has a 35% rate,

so taxing that income in full (absent behavioral changes) would only collect the excess of the U.S.

tax over the Irish tax on shifted revenues, or about two-thirds of lost revenue.

82 T he IRS tax gap does not include international noncompliance. This point was made by the T reasury Inspector

General for T ax Administration, in testimony before the House Ways and Means Committee, May 9, 2019,

https://www.treasury.gov/tigta/congress/congress_05092019.pdf. Corporate tax avoidance would not be considered in

the tax gap estimates in any case because they are not viewed as evasion.

83 T his discussion focuses on the consequences for U.S. revenues, but profit shifting also affects revenues in other

countries. For a review of the literature and issues, see International Monetary Fund, Spillovers in International

Corporate T axation, May 9. 2014, http://www.imf.org/external/np/pp/eng/2014/050914.pdf.

84 U.S. Department of the T reasury, IRS, Report on the Application and Administration of Section 482, 1999.

85

Joint Committee on T axation, Estimates Of Federal T ax Expenditures For Fiscal Years 2020 -2024, JCX-23-20,

November 5, 2020, https://www.jct.gov/publications/2020/jcx-23-20/.

86 Department of the Treasury, General Explanations of the Administration’s Fiscal Year 2022 Revenue Proposals,

May 2021, https://home.treasury.gov/system/files/131/General-Explanations-FY2022.pdf.

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Earlier Academic Studies

Altshuler and Grubert estimated for 2002 that the corporate tax could be cut to 28% if deferral

were ended, and based on corporate revenue in that year the gain was about $11 billion. 87 That

year was at a low point because of the recession; if the share had remained the same, the gain

would have been around $26 billion for FY2014. 88 The projection of the effects of deferral in tax

expenditures has increased much faster than revenues, however.

Researchers have looked at differences in pretax returns and estimated the revenue gain if returns

were equated. This approach should provide some estimates of the magnitude of overall profit

shifting for multinationals, whether through transfer pricing, leveraging, or some other technique.

Martin Sullivan, using Commerce Department data, estimates that, based on differences in pretax

returns, the cost for 2004 was between $10 billion and $20 billion. Sullivan subsequently reports

an estimated $17 billion increase in revenue loss from profit shifting between 1999 and 2004,

which suggests that earlier number may be too small. 89 Sullivan suggests that the growth in profit

shifting may be due to check-the-box. Sullivan subsequently estimated a $28 billion loss for 2007

which he characterized as conservative. 90 Charles Christian and Thomas Schultz, using rate of

return on assets data from tax returns, estimated $87 billion was shifted in 2001, which, at a 35%

tax rate, would imply a revenue loss of about $30 billion. 91 Adjusted proportionally to revenue,

that amount would be $70 billion in 2014. As a guide for potential revenue loss from avoidance,

these estimates suffer from two limits. The first is the inability to determine how much was

shifted out of high-tax foreign jurisdictions rather than the United States, which leads to a range

of estimates. At the same time, if capital is mobile, economic theory indicates that the returns

should be lower, the lower the tax rate. Thus the results could also understate the overall profit

shifting and the revenue loss to the United States.

Simon Pak and John Zdanowicz examined export and import prices, and estimated that lost

revenue due to transfer pricing of goods alone was $53 billion in 2001. 92 This estimate should

cover both U.S. multinationals and U.S. subsidiaries of foreign parents, but is limited to one

technique. Kimberly Clausing, using regression techniques on cross-country data, which

estimated profits reported as a function of tax rates, estimated that revenues of over $60 billion

87 Harry Grubert and Rosanne Altshuler, “Corporate Taxes in the World Economy,” in Fundamental Tax Reform:

Issues, Choices, and Implications ed. John W. Diamond and George R. Zodrow, Cambridge, MIT Press, 2008 .

88

For historical and projected revenues, see Congressional Budget Office, http://www.cbo.gov/publication/

45010, 2014.

89 “Shifting Profits Offshore Costs U.S. T reasury $10 Billion or More,” Tax Notes, September 27, 2004, pp. 1477-1481;

“U.S. Multinationals Shifting Profits Out of the United States,” Tax Notes, March 10, 2008, pp. 1078-1082. $75 billion

in profits is artificially shifted abroad. If all of that income were subject to U.S. tax, it would result in a ga in of $26

billion for 2004. Sullivan acknowledges that there are many difficulties in determining the revenue gain. Some of this

income might already be taxed under Subpart F, some might be absorbed by excess foreign tax credits, and the

effective tax rate may be lower than the statutory rate. Sullivan concludes that an estimate of between $10 billion and

$20 billion is appropriate. Altshuler and Grubert suggest that Sullivan’s methodology may involve some double

counting; however, their own analysis finds that multinationals saved $7 billion more between 1997 and 2002 due to

check-the-box rules. Some of this gain may have been at the cost of high -tax host countries rather than the United

States, however. See Rosanne Altshuler and Harry Grubert, “Governments and Multinational Corporations in the Race

to the Bottom,” Tax Notes International, February 2006, pp. 459-474 .

90 Martin Sullivan, “T ransfer Pricing Costs U.S. At Least $28 Billion,” Tax Notes, March 22, 2010, pp. 1439-1443.

91

Charles W. Christian and T homas D. Schultz, ROA-Based Estimates of Income Shifting by Multinational

Corporations, IRS Research Bulletin, 2005 http://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-soi/05christian.pdf.

92 Simon J. Pak and John S. Zdanowicz, U.S. Trade With the World, An Estimate of 2001 Lost U.S. Federal Income Tax

Revenues Due to Over-Invoiced Imports and Under-Invoiced Exports, October 31, 2002.

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are lost for 2004 by applying a 35% tax rate to an estimated $180 billion in corporate profits

shifted out of the United States. 93 She estimates that the profit-shifting effects are twice as large

as the effects from shifts in actual economic activity. This methodological approach differs from

others that involve direct calculations based on returns or prices and is subject to the econometric

limitations with cross-country panel regressions. In theory, however, it had an overall of coverage

of shifting (that is both outbound by U.S. parents of foreign corporations and inbound by foreign

parents of U.S. corporations and covering all techniques).

Clausing and Reuven Avi-Yonah estimate the revenue gain from moving to a formula

apportionment based on sales that is on the order of $50 billion per year because the fraction of

worldwide income in the United States is smaller than the fraction of worldwide sales. 94 While

this estimate is not an estimate of the loss from profit shifting (since sales and income could differ

for other reasons), it is suggestive of the magnitude of total effects from profit shifting. A similar

result was found by another study that applied formula apportionment based on an equal weight

of assets, payroll, and sales. 95

A later study by Clausing indicated that the revenue loss from profit shifting may have been as

high as $90 billion in 2008, although an alternative data set indicates profit shifting of $57

billion. 96 For the last five years, the first method yielded losses ranging from 20% to 30% of

profits. Using the second method, the range was 13% to 20%. If rising proportional to revenue,

the 2014 level would be $66 billion to $104 billion.

More Recent Studies

Alex Cobham and Petr Janský estimated a loss of $50 to $80 billion for 2012. 97 Their study also

estimated worldwide profit shifting and their method was to examine differentials in profitability

compared to other measures of real economic activity. For the same year, Maria Alvarez-Martinex

estimated a loss for the United States of 36 billion euros, which would be $47 billion at the

exchange rate at that time. 98 Alvarez-Martinex used a general equilibrium model based on

estimated behavioral responses from other literature to tax rate differentials. Gabriel Zucman,

using two different methodologies, found the revenue cost for profit shifting could range from

$55 billion to $133 billion for 2013. 99 The lower number is from estimating the share of profits

booked in tax havens and not repatriated, which would be assumed to be taxed fully if made

93 Kimberly Clausing, “ Multinational Firm T ax Avoidance and T ax Policy,” National Tax Journal, vol. 62, December

2009, pp. 703-725, Working Paper, March 2008. Her method involved estimating the profit differentials as a function

of tax rate differentials over the period 1982-2004 and then applying that coefficient to current earnings.

94 Kimberly A. Clausing and Reuven S. Avi-Yonah, Reforming Corporate Taxation in a Global Economy: A Proposal

to Adopt Formulary Apportionment, Brookings Institution: T he Hamilton Project, Discussion paper 2007 -2008, June

2007.

95 Douglas Shackelford and Joel Slemrod, “T he Revenue Consequences of Using Formula apportionment to Calculate

U.S. and Foreign Source Income: A Firm Level Analysis,” International Tax and Public Finance, vol. 5, no. 1, 1998,

pp. 41-57.

96 Kimberly A. Clausing, “T he Revenue Effects of Multinational Firm Income Shifting,” Tax Notes, March 28, 2011,

pp. 1580-1586.

97 “Measuring Misalignment: T he Location of US Multinationals’ Economic Activity versus the Location of T heir

Profits,” Development Policy Review, vol. 37 (2019), pp. 91-110.

98 “ How Large is the Corporate T ax Base Erosion and Profit Shifting? A General Equilibrium Approach,” Economic

Systems Research, published online Feb. 2021, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/

09535314.2020.1865882?scroll=top&needAccess=true&.

99 Gabriel Zucman, “T axing Across Borders: T racing Personal Wealth and Corporate Profits,” Journal of Economic

Perspectives, vol. 28, no. 4, fall 2014, pp, 121-148.

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subject to U.S. taxes. The second examines the decline in effective tax rate over time, and the

residual, after accounting for other factors (about two-thirds), is attributed to profit shifting.

Thomas R. Tørsløv, Ludvig S. Wier, and Gabriel Zucman estimated that losses were equal to 14%

of revenue collected in 2015, indicating a loss of $47 billion given revenue collections of $329

billion in that year. 100 This study used data on the profitability of foreign affiliates and compared

that profitability with local firms to estimate profit shifting.

Kimberly Clausing estimated that the revenue loss from profit shifting was over $100 billion in

2017, using new country-by-country data to estimate the responsiveness of profits to tax rates.101

The only estimate found of the revenue loss from profit shifting after the TCJA was enacted, by

the Tax Justice Network, indicates a loss of $77 billion. 102 This study is a worldwide study based

on the misalignment of profits and economic activity.

It is very difficult to develop a separate estimate for U.S. subsidiaries of foreign multinational

companies because there is no way to observe the parent firm and its other subsidiaries. An

exception is for studies that are multi-country. Several studies have documented that these firms

have lower taxable income and that some have higher debt to asset ratios than domestic firms.

There are many other potential explanations these differing characteristics, however, and

domestic firms that are used as comparisons also have incentives to shift profits when they have

foreign operations. No quantitative estimate has been made. 103 However, some evidence of

earnings stripping for inverted firms was found. 104

Importance of Different Profit Shifting Techniques

Some studies have attempted to identify the importance of techniques used for profit shifting.

Grubert has estimated that about half of income shifting was due to transfer pricing of intangibles

and most of the remainder to shifting of debt. 105 In a subsequent study, Altshuler and Grubert find

that multinationals saved $7 billion more between 1997 and 2002 due to check-the-box rules. 106

100

The Missing Profits of Nations, National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper 24701, April 2020,

https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w24701/w24701.pdf.

101

T ax Policy Center, How Big is Profit Shifting?, May 17, 2020, https://www.taxpolicycenter.org/sites/default/files/

clausing_how_big_0.pdf.

102 T he T ax Justice Network, The State of Tax Justice 2021: Tax Justice in the time of COVID-19, November 2021,

https://taxjustice.net/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/State_of_Tax_Justice_Report_2021_ENGLISH.pdf.

103

T hese studies are discussed and new research presented in U.S. Department of T reasury, Report to Congress on

Earnings Stripping, Transfer Pricing and U.S. Income Tax Treaties, November 2007. One study used a different

approach, examining taxes of firms before and after acquisition by foreign versus domestic acquirers, but the problem

of comparison remains and the sample was very small; that study found no differences. See Jennifer L. Blouin, Julie H.

Collins, and Douglas A. Shackelford, “Does Acquisition by Non -U.S. Shareholders Cause U.S. firms to Pay Less

T ax?” Journal of the American Taxation Association, spring 2008, pp. 25-38. Harry Grubert, Debt and the Profitability

of Foreign Controlled Domestic Corporations in the United States, Office of T ax Analysis T echnical Working Paper

No. 1, July 2008, http://www.ustreas.gov/offices/tax-policy/library/otapapers/otatech2008.shtml#2008.

In addition to the 2007 T reasury study cited above, see Jim A. Seida and William F. Wempe, “Effective T ax Rate

Changes and Earnings Stripping Following Corporate Inversion,” National Tax Journal, vol. 57, December 2007, pp.

805-828. T hey estimated $0.7 billion of revenue loss from four firms that inverted. Inverted firms may, however,

behave differently from foreign firms with U.S. subsidiaries.

104

Harry Grubert, “Intangible Income, Intercompany Transactions, Income Shifting, and the Choice of Location,”

National Tax Journal, vol. 56, March 2003, part 2.

105

106 Rosanne Altshuler and Harry Grubert, “Governments and Multinational Corporations in the Race to the Bottom,”

Tax Notes International, February 2006, pp. 459-474.

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Some of this gain may have been at the cost of high-tax host countries rather than the United

States, however.

Some of the estimates discussed here conflict with respect to the source of profit shifting. The

Pak and Zdanowich estimates suggest that transfer pricing of goods is an important mechanism of

tax avoidance, whereas Grubert suggests that the main methods of profit shifting are due to

leverage and intangibles. The estimates for pricing of goods may, however, reflect errors, or

money laundering motives rather than tax motives. Much of the shifting was associated with trade

with high-tax countries; for example, Japan, Canada, and Germany accounted for 18% of the

total. 107 At the same time, about 14% of the estimate reflected transactions with countries that

appear on tax haven lists: the Netherlands, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Ireland.

A study by Jost Hekemeyer and Michael Overesch based on an analysis of 25 empirical studies

found that transfer pricing was considerably more important than debt, accounting for an

estimated 72% of the total, although their review covered studies on non-U.S. multinationals. 108

The growing importance of firms holding substantial intangible assets may point to a growing

important of transfer pricing of intangibles. Hekemeyer and Overesch also found that reported

profits on average decrease by 0.8% with a one percentage point change in the tax differential

between two locations.

Some evidence that points to the importance of intangibles and the associated profits in tax haven

countries can be developed by examining the sources of dividends repatriated during the

“repatriation holiday” enacted in 2004. 109 Under the tax regime prior to the TCJA, retaining

profits abroad was the method used to avoid U.S. taxes on profits earned in low -tax countries.

This provision allowed, for a temporary period, dividends to be repatriated with an 85%

deduction, leading to a tax rate of 5.25%. The pharmaceutical and medicine industry accounted

for $99 billion in repatriations or 32% of the total. The computer and electronic equipment

industry accounted for $58 billion or 18% of the total. Thus these two industries, which are high

tech firms, accounted for half of the repatriations. The benefits were also highly concentrated in a

few firms. According to a recent study, five firms (Pfizer, Merck, Hewlett-Packard, Johnson &

Johnson, and IBM) are responsible for $88 billion, over a quarter (28%) of total repatriations. 110

The top 10 firms (adding Schering-Plough, Du Pont, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Eli Lilly, and

PepsiCo) accounted for 42%. The top 15 (adding Procter and Gamble, Intel, Coca-Cola, Altria,

and Motorola) accounted for over half (52%). These are firms that tend to, in most cases, have

intangibles either in technology or brand names.

Finally, as shown in Table 5, which lists all countries accounting for at least 1% of the total of

eligible dividends (and accounting for 87% of the total), most of the dividends were repatriated

from countries that appear on tax haven lists.

Data are presented in “Who’s Watching our Back Door?” Business Accents, Florida International University, Fall

2004, pp. 26-29.

108 Jost H. Heckemeyer and Michael Overesch, Multinationals’ Profit Response to T ax Differentials: Effect Size and

Shifting Channels, Center for European Economic Research, Discussion Paper 13 -045, 2013, http://ftp.zew.de/pub/

zew-docs/dp/dp13045.pdf.

107

109 Data are taken from Melissa Redmiles, “T he One-T ime Dividends-Received Deduction,” Internal Revenue Service

Statistics of Income Bulletin, spring 2008, http://www.irs.ustreas.gov/pub/irs-soi/08codivdeductbul.pdf.

110 Rodney P. Mock and Andreas Simon, “Permanently Reinvested Earnings: Priceless,” Tax Notes, November 17,

2008, pp. 835-848.

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Table 5. Source of Dividends from “Repatriation Holiday”:

Countries Accounting for At Least 1% of Dividends

Country

Percentage of Total

Netherlands

28.8

Switzerland

10.4

Bermuda

10.2

Ireland

8.2

Luxembourg

7.5

Canada

5.9

Cayman Islands

5.9

United Kingdom

5.1

Hong Kong

1.7

Singapore

1.7

Malaysia

1.2

Source: Internal Revenue Service.

Methods of Avoidance and Evasion by Individuals

Individual evasion of taxes may take different forms, and they are all facilitated by the growing

international financial globalization and ease of making transactions on the Internet. Individuals

can purchase foreign investments directly (outside the United States), such as stocks and bonds,

or put money in foreign bank accounts and simply not report the income (although it is subject to

tax under U.S. tax law). There has been little or no withholding information on individual

taxpayers for this type of action. They could also use structures such as trusts or shell

corporations to evade tax on investments, including investments made in the United States, which

may take advantage of U.S. tax laws that exempt interest income and capital gains of nonresidents from U.S. tax. Rather than using withholding or information collection, the United

States has largely relied in the past on the Qualified Intermediary (QI) program where beneficial

owners are not revealed. To the extent any information gathering from other countries is done it is

through bilateral information exchanges rather than multilateral information sharing. The

European Union had developed a multilateral agreement but the United States does not

participate.

New developments in information exchange may affect individual tax evasion both in the United

States and abroad. In 2010, Congress enacted the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA)

as part of the Hiring Incentives to Restore Employment Act (HIRE; P.L. 111-147). 111 FATCA

recently become effective and requires foreign financial institutions to report information on asset

holders or be subject to a 30% withholding rate. Its effectiveness is yet to be determined, although

revenue projections when enacted did not predict a significant effect.

One hundred twelve countries (but not the United States) signed a multilateral information

exchange agreement that set reporting standards, which should eventually lead to fuller exchange

111 See CRS Report R43444, Reporting Foreign Financial Assets Under Titles 26 and 31: FATCA and FBAR , by Erika

K. Lunder.

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of tax information by most countries. 112 The OECD also developed a common reporting standard

(CRS) for the exchange of information, with 91 countries participating. 113 The United States does

not participate and does not provide reciprocal information under FATCA, which might require

congressional action. The United States, due to laws enacted by some states, is viewed by some

as one of the most important financial secrecy jurisdictions, although not necessarily as a tax

haven (although states accommodating secrecy may cause revenue losses to other states by

avoiding state income taxes).

Tax Provisions Affecting the Treatment of Income by Individuals

The ability of U.S. persons (whether firms or individuals) to avoid tax on U.S. source income that

they would normally be subject to arises from U.S. rules that do not impose withholding taxes on

many sources of income paid abroad. In general, interest and capital gains are not subject to

withholding. Dividends, non-portfolio interest (such as interest payments by a U.S. subsidiary to

its parent), capital gains connected with a trade or business, and certain rents are subject to tax,

although treaty arrangements widely reduce or eliminate the tax on dividends. In addition, even

when dividends are potentially subject to a withholding tax, new techniques have developed to

transform, through derivatives, those assets into exempt interest. 114

The elimination of tax on interest income was unilaterally initiated by the United States in 1984,

and other countries began to follow suit. 115 Currently, fears of capital flight are likely to keep

countries from changing this treatment. However, it has been accompanied with a lack of

information reporting and lack of information sharing that allows U.S. citizens, who are liable for

these taxes, to avoid them whether on income invested abroad or income invested in the United

States channeled through shell corporations and trusts. Citizens of foreign countries can also

evade the tax, and the U.S. practice of not collecting information contributes to the problem.

Based on actual tax cases, Guttenberg and Avi-Yonah describe a typical way that U.S. individuals

can easily evade tax on domestic income through a Cayman Islands operation with little expense

using current technology. The individual, using the Internet, can open a bank account in the name

of a Cayman corporation that can be set up for a minimal fee. Money can be electronically

transferred without any reporting to tax authorities, and investments can be made in the United

States or abroad. Investments by non-residents in interest bearing assets and most capital gains

are not subject to a withholding tax in the United States. 116

In addition to corporations, foreign trusts can be used to accomplish the same approach. Trusts

may involve a trust protector who is an intermediary between the grantor and the trustees, but

whose purpose may actually be to carry out the desires of the grantor. Some taxpayers argue that

these trusts are legal but in either case they can be used to protect income from taxes, including

those invested in the United States, from tax, while retaining control over and use of the funds.

112 OECD, https://www.oecd.org/tax/exchange-of-tax-information/crs-mcaa-signatories.pdf.

113

OECD, https://www.oecd.org/tax/automatic-exchange/about-automatic-exchange/CbC-MCAA-Signatories.pdf.

114 See Joint Committee on Taxation Tax Compliance and Enforcement Issues With Respect to Offshore Entities and

Accounts, JCX-23-09, March 30, 2009, p. 6 for a discussion.

115

Reuven Avi-Yonah describes this history in testimony before the Committee on Select Revenue Measures of the

Ways and Means Committee, March 5, 2008.

116 Joseph Guttentag and Reuven Avi-Yonah, “Closing the International Tax Gap,” in Max B. Sawicky, ed. Bridging

the Tax Gap: Addressing the Crisis in Federal Tax Administration , Washington, DC, Economic Policy Institute, 2005.

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Limited Information Reporting Between Jurisdictions

In the past, the international taxation of passive portfolio income by individuals has been easily

subject to evasion because there was no multilateral reporting of interest income. Even in those

cases in which bilateral information sharing treaties, referred to as Tax Information Exchange

Agreements (TIEAs) were in place, they had limits. As pointed out by Avi-Yonah, most of these

agreements were restricted to criminal matters, which are a minor part of the revenues involved

and pose difficult issues of evidence. Also, these agreements sometimes required that the

activities related to the information being sought constitute crimes in both countries, which can be

a substantial hurdle in cases of tax evasion. The OECD has adopted a model agreement with the

dual criminality requirements. 117 TIEAs usually allowed for information only upon request,

requiring the United States and other countries to identify the potential tax evaders in advance

and they do not override bank secrecy laws.

In some cases the countries themselves have little or no information of value. One article, for

example, discussing the possibility of an information exchange agreement with the British Virgin

Islands, a country with more than 400,000 registered corporations, where laws require no

identification of shareholders or directors, and require no financial records, noted: “Even if the

BVI signs an information exchange agreement, it is not clear what information could be

exchanged.”118

U.S. Collection of Information on U.S. Income and Qualified

Intermediaries

Under the QI program, the United States did not require U.S. financial institutions to identify the

true beneficiaries of interest and exempt dividends. The IRS set up a QI program in 2001, under

which foreign banks that received payments certify the nationality of their depositors and reveal

the identity of any U.S. citizens. 119 However, although QIs are supposed to certify nationality, 120

apparently some relied on self-certification. 121 QIs are also subject to audit. However, UBS, the

Swiss bank involved in a tax abuse scandal that helped clients set up offshore plans, was a QI,

and that event raised some questions about the QI program.

A nonqualified intermediary must disclose the identity of its customers to obtain the exemption

for passive income such as interest and or the reduced rates arising from tax treaties, but there are

also questions about the accuracy of disclosures.

The FATCA provisions in P.L. 111-147 strengthened the rules affecting qualified intermediaries’

identification of asset holders, with backup withholding provisions. The projected revenue gain

was quite small (less than $1 billion per year) relative to projected costs (discussed below).

117

T estimony of Reuven Avi-Yonah, Subcommittee on Select Revenue Measures, Ways and Means Committee, March

31, 2009.

118 “Brown Pushes U.K. T ax havens On OECD Standards” Tax Notes International, April 20, 2009, pp. 180-181.

119

A very clear and brief explanation of the origin of the QI program and of the requirements can be found in Martin

Sullivan, “Proposals to Fight Offshore T ax Evasion,” Tax Notes, April 20, 2009, pp. 264-268.

120 For additional discussion of the QI program, see Joint Committee on T axation, Tax Compliance and Enforcement

Issues With Respect to Offshore Entities and Accounts, JCX-23-09, March 30, 2009.

121 Martin A. Sullivan, “Proposals to Fight Offshore T ax Evasion,” Tax Notes, April 20, 2009.

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European Union Savings Directive

The European Union, in its savings directive, has developed among its members an option of

either information reporting or a withholding tax. The reporting or withholding option covers the

member countries as well as some other countries. Three states, Austria, Belgium, and

Luxembourg, have elected the withholding tax. While this multilateral agreement aids these

countries’ tax administration, the United States is not a participant.

FATCA and the Common Reporting Standard

Recently, steps have been taken to provide for the automatic sharing of information. In the Hiring

Incentives to Restore Employment (HIRE) Act of 2010, P.L. 111-147, the United States enacted

the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (FATCA), which required foreign financial institutions

to report beneficial owners of accounts or face withholding taxes. The implementation of FATCA

took some time as it involved bilateral agreements, but most countries are now participating. 122

FATCA applies only to institutions that receive payments from the United States. The OECD has

adopted the automatic exchange of information (AEOI) using the common reporting standard

(CRS) which, as noted above, has 112 signatories. The United States is a notable non-participant

in CRS, relying on FATCA to provide information about its own citizens but not providing for

reciprocity (which would probably require action by Congress). As a result, the United States, and

particularly the laws of some of its states (such as Delaware, Nevada, South Dakota, and

Wyoming) have caused it to be viewed by some as one of the major tax havens for individuals in

other countries. Because of the delay in implementation of both FATCA and CRS, it has been

difficult to measure the effectiveness. One study found that these provisions had reduced evasion

by 67%. 123 A study of FATCA found that it reduced investment into the United States from tax

havens during 2012-2015 by 21%. 124

Estimates of the Revenue Cost of Individual Tax

Evasion

A number of different approaches have been used to estimate corporate tax avoidance, however,

all of these approaches rely on data reported on assets and income. For individual evasion,

estimates are much more difficult because the initial basis of the estimate is the amount of assets

held abroad whose income is not reported to the tax authorities. In addition to this estimate, the

expected rate of return and tax rate are needed to estimate the revenue cost.

Prior Estimates

Joseph Guttentag and Avi-Yonah estimate a value of $50 billion in individual tax evasion, based

on an estimate of holdings by high net worth individuals invested outside the United States at

122 For a current list of countries see Internal Revenue Service, FAT CA Registration Country Jurisdiction Listing,

https://www.irs.gov/businesses/corporations/fatca-registration-country-jurisdiction-listing.

123 Leo Ahrens & Fabio Bothner, “ T he Big Bang: T ax Evasion After Automatic Exchange of Information Under

FAT CA and CRS,” New Political Economy, vol. 25, iss. 6 (2020), https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/

13563467.2019.1639651.

124 Lisa de Simone, Rebecca Lester, and Kevin Markle, “ T ransparency and T ax Evasion: Evidence from the Foreign

Account T ax Compliance Act (FAT CA),” Journal of Accounting Research, vol. 58. iss.1 (March 2020), pp. 105-154.

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$1.5 trillion. 125 Using a rate of return of 10% and a tax rate of approximately one-third, they

obtain an estimate of $50 billion. They also summarize two other estimates in 2002 of $40 billion

for the international tax gap by the IRS and $70 billion by an IRS consultant.

To the extent that the earnings are interest, the 10% rate of return may be too high, while if it is

dividends and capital gains, the tax rate is too high. Using a tax rate of 15% (currently applicable

to capital gains and dividends) would lead to about $23 billion. In the case of equity investments,

if a third of the return is in dividends and half of capital gains is never realized, the tax rate would

be 10% or about $15 billion assuming the 10% return. During 2002 and beginning in 2011,

however, the tax rate on capital gains and dividends is 20%, indicating a loss of $20 billion rather

than $15 billion. For interest, since investors can earn tax free returns in the neighborhood of 4%

to 5% on domestic state and local bonds, to yield a 5% after-tax return at a 35% tax rate would

require a pretax yield of about 7.7%. The estimate would then be $40 billion.

The Tax Justice Network has estimated a worldwide revenue loss for all countries of $255 billion

from individual tax evasion, basically using a 7.5% return and a 30% tax rate. 126 These

assumptions would be consistent with a $33 billion loss for the United States using the $1.5

trillion figure. Their worldwide numbers are consistent with $11 trillion in offshore wealth. Their

more recent estimates place wealth at $21 trillion to $32 trillion, which would double or triple

these estimates. 127 Thus the cost for the United States could be much larger approaching $100

billion.

Zucman estimates $1.2 trillion in U.S. financial wealth abroad based on anomalies in investment

data, with an estimated tax loss of $36 billion in 2013. 128 There is no way to know whether the

high-profile cases of prosecuting individuals, tax amnesty, or the imminent arrival of FATCA

might have reduced these amounts of wealth.

Post FATCA/CRS Estimate

The Tax Justice Network has estimated a loss of $37 billion for the United States and $182 billion

for the world. 129

Alternative Policy Options to Address Corporate

Profit Shifting

Because much of the corporate tax revenue loss arises from activities that either are legal or

appear to be so, it is difficult to address these issues other than with changes in the tax law.

Outcomes would likely be better if there is international cooperation. Currently, the possibilities

125 Joseph Guttentag and Reuven Avi-Yonah, “Closing the International Tax Gap,” in Max B. Sawicky, ed. Bridging

the Tax Gap: Addressing the Crisis in Federal Tax Administration , Washington, D.C., Economic Policy Institute, 2005.

126

T ax Justice Network, Tax Us If You Can, September 2005.

127T ax Justice Network, Estimating the Price of Offshore, July 22, 2012, at http://www.taxjustice.net/cms/

front_content.php?idcat=148.

Gabriel Zucman, “T axing Across Borders: T racing Personal Wealth and Corporate Profits,” Journal of Economic

Perspectives, vol. 28, no. 4, Fall 2014, pp. 121-148.

128

129 T he T ax Justice Network, The State of Tax Justice 2021, November 2021 , https://taxjustice.net/wp-content/uploads/

2021/11/State_of_Tax_Justice_Report_2021_ENGLISH.pdf.

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for international cooperation appear to play a bigger role in options for dealing with individual

evasion than with corporate avoidance.

Several of the issues addressed below, such as hybrid entities and instruments, transfer pricing for

intangibles, and debt also have been considered in the OECD action plan on base erosion and

profit shifting. 130

Broad Changes to International Tax Rules

The first set of provisions would introduce broad changes in international tax rules .

Strengthen GILTI and Rules Preventing Corporate Inversions

One approach to mitigate the rewards of profit shifting is to strengthen GILTI, by decreasing

deductions and imposing a per country limit on the foreign tax credit. The Biden Administration

proposed to increase the GILTI tax rate to 21%, eliminating the deduction for tangible deductions,

and imposing a per country foreign tax credit limit. In a separate provision, the corporate tax rate

would be increased to 28%, so that GILTI would still not be taxed at full rates. 131 This measure

was estimated to raise $553 billion over ten years (or about $55 billion a year). The increased tax

rates on GILTI would also allow changes in FDII, which was designed to help encourage holding

intangible assets in the United States. The Administration proposal would have eliminated FDII

with a revenue gain of $124 billion over 10 years.

Several congressional proposals would also increase the effectiveness of GILTI. S. 20

(Klobuchar), S. 714 (Whitehouse), H.R. 1785 (Doggett), and S. 991 (Sanders) would increase

GILTI by taxing income at ordinary rates, eliminating the deduction for tangible assets, and

providing for a per-country limit on the corporate tax. Except for S. 991, which also returns the

corporate rate to 35%, these proposals for GILTI are the same as the Administration’s proposal.

The last three bills also repeal the deduction for FDII.

Following reconciliation, the House Build Back Better Act (BBBA; H.R. 5376 ) includes a

number of corporate tax revisions, many of them similar to the Biden Administration’s proposals

and the various congressional proposals discussed above. There were two versions of the BBBA,

one with the Ways and Means Committee legislative recommendations and one passed by the

House.

The first version increases the corporate tax rate to 26.5% and makes a series of changes affecting

GILTI and taxation of foreign source income in general. It accelerates the deduction for GILTI to

the 37.5% now scheduled for after 2025, making the tax rate 16.5625%. It also accelerates the

lower deduction for FDII, leading to a tax rate of 20.7% and allows a carryforward of unused

GILTI and FDII deductions. It reduces the deduction for tangible assets from 10% to 5% and

increases the share of foreign taxes credited from 80% to 95%. Foreign oil and gas extraction

income would be included in GILTI. Under BBBA, GILTI income and loss applies on a per

country basis (so that losses in one country could not offset gains in another country). It allows

losses a one-year carryforward. The BBBA proposal applies the foreign tax credit limit on a per130 See OECD, “Action Plan on Base Erosion and Profit Shifting,” http://www.oecd.org/ctp/BEPSActionPlan.pdf. For a

discussion of OECD base erosion proposals, see CRS Report R44900, Base Erosion and Profit Shifting (BEPS):

OECD/G20 Tax Proposals, by Jane G. Gravelle.

131 Department of the Treasury, General Explanations of the Administration ’s Fiscal Year 2022 Revenue Proposals,

May 2021, https://home.treasury.gov/policy-issues/tax-policy/revenue-proposals.

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country basis for all baskets: GILTI, passive, and active (it eliminates the branch basket). It no

longer allocates interest and head office costs to foreign source income (increasing the limit).

Unused foreign tax credits could be carried forward for 5 years rather than 10 years and the oneyear carryback would be eliminated. These changes together raise revenues by $221 billion over

10 years.

A different version of the BBBA passed the House, which did not increase the corporate tax rate

but instead imposed a minimum tax of 15% on financial income. Most of the international

revisions are unchanged although adjustments are made in the GILTI and FDII deductions to

directly increase tax rates (because the corporate rate does not increase). These changes increased

the rate on GILTI to 15.015% and the rate on FDII to 15.792%. The Senate Finance Committee

draft of the proposal contains similar provisions.

Senator Wyden, chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, along with Senators Brown and

Warner, had previously proposed draft legislation that would eliminate the deemed deduction for

tangible investment from GILTI. It would exempt income in countries with tax rates higher than

the U.S. rate and impose a per country limit on foreign tax credits for the remaining countries as

well as a per country limit on losses. The amount of any deduction, either GILTI or FDII, is yet to

be determined, as is the share of foreign tax credits allowed (80% or more). The proposal would

apply the same exclusion for countries with high tax rates and the same limit on the foreign tax

credit to Subpart F income, and apply the high tax exclusion to branch income. (Currently,

Subpart F income is excluded if taxes are 90% or more of the U.S. rate, with a similar rule

applied through regulation to GILTI, but not to branch income. Both are eligible for credits for

100% of foreign taxes paid.) The income eligible for the deduction for FDII would be revised

from a provision based on an estimate of intangible income to a percentage (not specified in the

proposal) of research costs and certain worker training costs conducted in the United States. The

deduction percentages for GILTI and FDII would be equated. Eligible training costs would be

defined as apprenticeship and training programs that lead to a postsecondary credential and are

provided to non-highly compensated employees.

Some of the issues surrounding strengthening GILTI have focused on the real effects of repeal on

the allocation of capital. Traditionally, economic analysis has suggested that eliminating deferral

would increase economic efficiency, although recently some have argued that this gain would be

offset by the loss of production of some efficient firms from high-tax countries. The elimination

of the deduction for tangible assets is focused on this issue.

Taxing GILTI at full rates would largely eliminate the value of the planning techniques discussed

in this report. There are concerns, however, that firms could avoid the effects of full taxation by

having their parent incorporate in other countries without taxes on foreign subsidiaries. The most

direct and beneficial to reducing firms’ tax liabilities of these planning approaches, inversion, has

been addressed by legislation in 2004. 132 Other legislative and regulatory changes have taken

place as well so that little activity now takes place. 133 It would be possible to further limit

inversions. The Administration’s proposals treat as a U.S. firm any firm where former U.S.

shareholders own 50% of the firm and some of the introduced bills contain this provision as well

as treating a firm managed and controlled in the United States as a U.S. firm. These changes are

also included in S. 1501 and H.R. 2976. The Senate Finance Committee draft adds a provision,

132 Firms with 80% continuity of ownership would be treated as U.S. firms and firms with at least 60% continuity of

ownership would be subject to tax on the transfer of assets for the next 10 years.

133 See CRS Report R43568, Corporate Expatriation, Inversions, and Mergers: Tax Issues, by Donald J. Marples and

Jane G. Gravelle for a discussion.

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not included in the House-passed bill, to tighten the rules for inversions, by treating inverted

firms as domestic firms if the ownership is 65% (rather than 80% under current law). It also treats

inverted firms as subject to taxes on gains for assets transferred if ownership is 50% (rather than

60% under current law). Mergers with minority ownership would be another method to avoid

GILTI, although mergers involve real changes in organization that would not likely be undertaken

to gain a small tax benefit. Another possibility is that more direct portfolio investment (i.e.,

buying shares of stock by individual investors) in foreign corporations will occur. There has been

a significant growth in this direct investment, although the evidence suggests this investment has

been due to portfolio diversification and not tax avoidance. 134

The increased tax rates in GILTI would also allow changes in FDII, which was designed to help

encourage holding intangible assets in the United States. The Administration proposal would have

eliminated FDII with a revenue gain of $124 billion over 10 years.

The OECD/G20 proposal for addressing worldwide profit shifting includes a provision to impose

a worldwide minimum tax of 15%, the global base erosion, or GLoBE, tax. 135 Worldwide

adoption of a minimum tax would also reduce profit shifting out of the United States by foreign

multinationals. The United States, along with 137 other countries, including the G20, have agreed

to this proposal. 136

Worldw ide Allocation of Interest

Most of the major proposals discussed in the previous section also contain a provision for

allocating interest deductions in the United States limited to the share of worldwide income.

Specifically, the Administration proposal and the BBBA, as well as some other bills would limit

the share of interest deducted to 110% of the share of worldwide earnings before interest, taxes,

depreciation, and amortization (EBITDA). This provision would directly address profit shifting

through borrowing and deducting interest in the United States. Stricter anti-inversion rules would

also limit the ability to use debt to shift profits.

Altering or Strengthening BEAT

The Administration proposal would replace the current base erosion and anti-abuse tax (BEAT)

with the stopping harmful inversions and ending low -tax developments (SHIELD), which

disallows deductions for payments to related firms in tax havens. This proposal was estimated to

raise $390.5 billion over 10 years. The BBBA (both the House-passed version and the Senate

Finance Committee draft) would alter BEAT. The earlier version increases the BEAT tax rate

from 10% (12.5% after 2025) to 12.5% in 2024 and 2025, and 15% after 2025 and allows tax

credits. It adds to the base payments to foreign related parties for inventory that is required to be

capitalized (such as inventory to produce tangible property) and payments for inventory in excess

of cost. Because of the tax credits, the proposal raises only $26.7 billion over ten years. The

134

See CRS Report RL34115, Reform of U.S. International Taxation: Alternatives, by Jane G. Gravelle. See also

“ International Corporate T ax Reform Proposals: Issues and Proposals,” Forthcoming, Florida Tax Review, by Jane G.

Gravelle.

135

See CRS In Focus IF11874, International Tax Proposals Addressing Profit Shifting: Pillars 1 and 2 , by Jane G.

Gravelle for more information on this proposal.

136

OECD, “Members of the OECD/G20 Inclusive Framework on BEPS joining the October 2021 Statement on a T wo Pillar Solution to Address the T ax Challenges Arising from the Digitalisation of the Economy as of 4 November 2021,”

https://www.oecd.org/tax/beps/oecd-g20-inclusive-framework-members-joining-statement-on-two-pillar-solution-toaddress-tax-challenges-arising-from-digitalisation-october-2021.pdf.

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House-passed version makes the same general changes but increases the BEAT rate to 12.5% in

2023, 15% in 2024, and 18% in 2025 and after. It is estimated to raise $24.9 billion over 10 years.

Formula Apportionment and the OECD Pillar One Proposal

Another approach to addressing income shifting is through formula apportionment, which would

be a major change in the international tax system. With formula apportionment, income would be

allocated to different jurisdictions based on their shares of some combination of sales, assets, and

employment. This approach is used by many states in the United States and by the Canadian

provinces to allocate income. (In the past, a three factor apportionment was used, but some states

have moved to a sales based system.) Studies have estimated a significant increase in taxes from

adopting formula apportionment. Slemrod and Shackleford estimate a 38% revenue increase from

an equally weighted three-factor system.137 A sales-based formula has been proposed by AviYonah and Clausing that they estimate would raise about 35% of additional corporate revenue, or

$50 billion annually over the 2001-2004 period. 138

The ability of a formula apportionment system to address some of the problems of shifting

income becomes problematic with intangible assets. 139 If all capital were tangible capital, such as

buildings and equipment, a formula apportionment system based on capital would at least lead to

the same rate of return for tax purposes across high-tax and low-tax jurisdictions. Real distortions

in the allocation of capital would remain, since capital would still flow to low -tax jurisdictions,

but paper profits could not be shifted. An allocation system based on assets becomes more

difficult when intangible assets are involved. It is probably as difficult to estimate the stock of

intangible investment (given lack of information on the future pattern of profitability) as it is to

allocate it under arms-length pricing. In the case of an allocation based on sales, profits that might

appropriately be associated with domestic income as they arise from domestic investment in

R&D would be allocated abroad. Moreover, new avenues of tax planning, such as selling to an

intermediary in a low-tax country for resale, would complicate the administration of such a plan.

Whether the benefits are greater than the costs is in some dispute. 140

One problem is that if the United States adopted the system, there could be double taxation of

some income and no taxation of other income unless there were a multinational plan. The

European Union has been considering a formula apportionment applied to its member states,

based on property, gross receipts, number of employees, and cost of employment. 141 This

proposal and the consequences for different countries are discussed by Devereux and Loretz. 142 If

137 Douglas Shackelford and Joel Slemrod, “T he Revenue Consequences of Using Formula apportionment to Calculate

U.S. and Foreign Source Income: A Firm Level Analysis,” International Tax and Public Finance, vol. 5, no. 1, 1998,

pp. 41-57.

138 Kimberly A. Clausing and Reuven A. Avi-Yonah, Reforming Corporate Taxation in a Global Economy: A Proposal

to Adopt Formulary Apportionment, Brookings Institution: T he Hamilton Project, Discussion paper 2007 -08, June

2007.

139 T hese and other issues are discussed by Rosanne Altshuler and Harry Grubert, “Formula Apportionment: Is it Better

than the Current System and Are T here Better Alternatives?” National Tax Journal, vol. 63, no. 4, pt. 2, December

2010, pp. 1145-1184.

140 Ibid.

141 See European Commission, ‘European Corporate T ax Base: Making Business Easier and Cheaper,” press release,

March 16, 2011, http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-11-319_en.htm?locale=en

142 Michael P. Devereux and Simon Loretz, “T he Effects of EU formula Apportionment on Corporate T ax Revenues,”

Fiscal Studies, Vol. 29, no. 1, March 2008, pp. 1-33. http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/cgi-bin/fulltext/119399105/

PDFST ART ?CRET RY=1&SRET RY=0.

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the European Union adopted such a plan it would be easier for the United States to adopt a similar

apportionment formula without as much risk of double or no taxation with respect to its major

trading partners.

The OECD/G20 proposal (Pillar 1) would apply a limited form of formula apportionment, by

allocating a share of the residual profits of large digital companies to the market countries (where

digital services are used, or where products are bought and sold in on-line market places). 143

Eliminate Check-the-Box, Hybrid Entities, and Hybrid Instruments

A number of proposals have been made to eliminate check-the-box and the look-through rules (S.

725, S. 991, and H.R. 1786). A more general change would require legal entities to be

characterized in a consistent manner by the United States and the country in which an entity is

established. This proposal has been made by McIntyre. 144 Rules requiring that legal entities be

characterized in a consistent manner by the United States and by the country in which they are

established and that tax benefits arising from inconsistent treatment of instruments be denied

would address this particular class of provisions that undermine Subpart F and the matching of

credits and deductions with income. President Obama’s first budget proposal included a provision

that disallows a subsidiary to treat a subsidiary chartered in another country as a disregarded

entity.

Foreign Tax Credits: Source Royalties as Domestic Income for Purposes of the

Foreign Tax Credit Limit or Create Separate Basket; Restrict Credits for Taxes

Producing an Economic Benefit

As noted above, one of the issues surrounding the cross-crediting of the foreign tax credit is the

use of excess credits to shield royalties from U.S. tax on income that could be considered U.S.

source income. Two options might be considered to address that issue: sourcing these royalties as

domestic income for purposes of the credit or putting them into a separate foreign tax credit

basket. 145 President Biden’s proposal and the BBBA include a provision to restrict the crediting of

taxes that are in exchange for an economic benefit (such as payments that are the equivalent of

royalties).

Options to Address Individual Evasion

Most of the options for addressing individual evasion involve more information reporting and

additional enforcement. There are options that would involve fundamental changes in the law,

such as shifting from a residence to a source basis for passive income. That is, the United States

would tax this passive income earned in its borders, just as is the case for corporate and other

active income. This change involves, however, many other economic and efficiency effects that

143

See CRS In Focus IF11874, International Tax Proposals Addressing Profit Shifting: Pillars 1 and 2 , by Jane G.

Gravelle for more information on this proposal.

144

Michael McIntyre, “A Program for International T ax Reform,” Tax Notes, February 23, 2009, pp. 1021-1026.

145 Harry Grubert, “T ax Credits, Source Rules, T rade and Electronic Commerce: Behavioral Margins and the Design of

International T ax Systems,” Tax Law Review, vol. 58, January 2005; also issued as CESIFO Working Paper no. 1366,

December 2004; Harry Grubert and Rosanne Altshuler, “Corporate T axes in a World Economy: Reforming the

T axation of Cross-Border Income,” in John W. Diamond and George Zodrow, eds., Fundamental Tax Reform: Issues,

Choices and Implications, Cambridge, MIT Press, 2008.

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are probably not desirable. The remainder of the proposals discussed here do not involve any

fundamental changes in the tax itself, but rather focus on administration and enforcement.

Strengthening FATCA

FATCA applies only to foreign financial institutions that hold U.S. accounts, and does not apply

to other financial institutions that may impede U.S. tax enforcement. The Stop Tax Haven Abuse

Act (S. 725 and H.R. 1786) would provide sanctions modeled on anti-money-laundering

provisions to encourage cooperation of other financial institutions. These would include

prohibiting U.S. banks from dealing with offending foreign banks and ensuring that credit and

debit cards issued by the foreign banks do not work in the United States. The bill would also

create an evidentiary presumption that individuals who create or finance offshore entities control

them. It also would create a presumption that money transferred offshore has not been taxed. The

burden would be on the taxpayer to disprove these presumptions. The bill would strengthen

FATCA disclosure requirements to ensure that checking accounts and derivatives are disclosed. It

would legally require what is already in Treasury guidance that requires banks to comply with

FATCA if they discover through money laundering due diligence that a foreign entity is

controlled by a U.S. taxpayer. It would also allow the IRS to share taxpayer information with

other regulators and law enforcement agencies and require foreign holding companies (passive

foreign investment companies) to file tax returns. It would require banks and brokers that

discover through money laundering due diligence that the beneficial owner of a foreign account is

a U.S. taxpayer to disclose that information to the IRS. Other parts of the bills would extend the

scope of money laundering due diligence to investment advisors to hedge funds and private

equity funds.

The legislation also would increase the ability to use John Doe summons (where the identity of

the taxpayer is not known) by presuming that payments to non-FATCA compliant banks involve

tax compliance issues and to make it easier to issue multiple summonses.

Another possible adjustment to FATCA is to lower the minimum amount (currently $50,000) on

which accounts must be reported. The common reporting standard used by other countries does

not contain these minimum requirements.

Finally, an increase in IRS resources, which might require additional funding, could be needed to

take full advantage of the data received by IRS under FATCA. A report by the Government

Accountability Office (GAO) made recommendations to IRS for improved use of data. It also

made legislative recommendations that overlapping filing requirements and limits between tax

compliance and financial crimes be coordinated and that agencies have shared access to data. 146

Using Information from FBAR and Individual Income Tax

Reporting

Individuals are required to file a report to the Treasury Department on foreign accounts that

exceed $10,000, in a Report of Foreign Bank and Financial Accounts (FBAR) under Financial

Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN). Individuals are also required to report foreign bank

account information on their individual tax return for accounts of $50,000 or more (Form 8938).

146 GAO, Foreign Asset Reporting: Actions Needed to Enhance Compliance Efforts, Eliminate Overlapping

Requirements, and Mitigate Burdens on U.S. Persons Abroad, GAO-19-180, April 1, 2019, https://www.gao.gov/

products/gao-19-180.

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The GAO report recommended legislation to allow these reports to be coordinated or information

shared. 147 The Stop Tax Haven Abuse Act provided that FBAR reports could be used in tax

administration, and also changed the amount requiring an FBAR to the highest amount during the

reporting period. It also clarified that suspicious activity reports could be used for tax

administration.

FATCA and the Common Reporting Standard

Although the common reporting standard (CRS) was modeled on FATCA, the United States does

not participate and does not provide reciprocal information to other countries. Although providing

this information does not aid the IRS in collecting revenue, it leads to the United States (because

of various state laws that do not disclose beneficial owners) to be considered as a major tax haven

by other countries. Legislative changes would probably be required to provide full reciprocity and

it would increase burdens on U.S. financial institutions. At the same time, if another major bloc of

countries (such as the European Union) were to impose withholding taxes on payments to U.S.

banks, such reciprocity would be needed to avoid withholding.

Another alternative is to replace FATCA with participation in CRS. 148 This shift would have the

advantage of imposing only one type of reporting standard and thus would be simpler for foreign

financial institutions. As with reciprocity, it would probably require legislation.

Incentives/Sanctions for Tax Havens

Avi-Yonah and Guttenberg suggest a carrot and stick approach to tax havens.149 They argue that

little of the benefit of tax havens flows to their sometimes needy residents, but rather to the

professionals providing banking and legal services, who often live elsewhere. They suggest

transitional aid to move away from these offshore activities. For non-cooperating tax havens, they

suggest the Treasury use its existing authority to deny benefits of the interest exemption. They

suggest that tax havens cannot continue to exist unless the wealthy countries permit it, because

funds are not productive in tax havens.

Author Information

Jane G. Gravelle

Senior Specialist in Economic Policy

147

Ibid.

148 For a discussion see Noam Noked, “ Should the United States Adopt CRS?” Michigan Law Review, vol. 118, June

2019, http://michiganlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/117MichLRevOnline118_Noked.pdf; and Nicholas

Shaxson, “How to T ackle T ax Havens,” Journal of International Affairs, 2019, https://jia.sipa.columbia.edu/onlinearticles/how-tackle-tax-havens.

149

Reuven Avi-Yonah, T estimony before the Committee on Select Revenue Measures of the Ways and Means

Committee, March 5, 2008; Joseph Guttentag and Reuven Avi-Yonah, “Closing the International T ax Gap,” in Max B.

Sawicky, ed., Bridging the Tax Gap: Addressing the Crisis in Federal Tax Administratio n, Washington, DC, Economic

Policy Institute, 2005.

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Disclaimer

This document was prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS). CRS serves as nonpartisan

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under the direction of Congress. Information in a CRS Report should not be relied upon for purposes other

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R40623 · VERSION 23 · UPDATED

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This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

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