Investigative Oversight: An Introduction to the Law, Practice and Procedure of Congressional Inquiry

Congressional research reportApr 7, 1995

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Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress

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The adversarial, often confrontational, and sometimes high profile nature of congressional

investigations sets it apart from the more routine, accommodative facets of the oversight process

experienced in authorization, appropriations or confirmation exercises. While all aspects of

legislative oversight share the common goals of informing Congress so as to best accomplish its

tasks of developing legislation, monitoring the implementation of public policy, and of disclosing

to the public how its government is performing, the inquisitorial process also sustains and

vindicates Congress’ role in our constitutional scheme of separated powers and checks and

balances. The rich history of congressional investigations from the failed St. Clair expedition in

1792 through Teapot Dome, Watergate, Iran-Contra and Whitewater has established, in law and

practice, the nature and contours of congressional prerogatives necessary to maintain the integrity

of the legislative role in that constitutional scheme.

This report will provide an overview of some of the more common legal, procedural and practical

issues, questions, and problems that committees have faced in the course of an investigation.

Following a summary of the case law developing the scope and limitations of the power of

inquiry, the essential tools of investigative oversight—subpoenas, staff interviews and

depositions, grants of immunity, and the contempt power—are described. Next, some of the

special problems of investigating the executive are detailed, with particular emphasis on claims of

presidential executive privilege, the problems raised by attempts to access information with

respect to open or closed civil or criminal investigative matters, or to obtain information that is

part of the agency deliberative process, and the effect on congressional access of statutory

prohibitions on public disclosure. The discussion then focuses on various procedural and legal

requirements that accompany the preparation for, and conduct of, an investigative hearing,

including matters concerning jurisdiction, particular rules and requirements for the conduct of

such proceedings, and the nature, applicability and scope of certain constitutional and common

law testimonial privileges that may be claimed by witnesses. The case law and practice respecting

the rights of minority party members during the investigative process is also reviewed. The report

concludes with a description of the roles played by the offices of House General Counsel and

Senate Legal Counsel in such investigations.

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I. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 1

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II. THE LEGAL BASIS FOR OVERSIGHT .................................................................................. 1

III. THE TOOLS OF OVERSIGHT ................................................................................................ 4

A. The Subpoena Power............................................................................................................ 4

B. Staff Depositions .................................................................................................................. 6

C. Congressional Grants of Immunity....................................................................................... 7

IV. ENFORCEMENT OF THE INVESTIGATIVE POWER ....................................................... 10

A. The Contempt Power.......................................................................................................... 10

B. Perjury and False Statements Prosecutions ........................................................................ 12

V. INVESTIGATING THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH................................................................... 13

A. Presidential Claims of Executive Privilege ........................................................................ 14

B. Effect of Statutory Prohibitions on Public Disclosure on Congressional Access ............... 16

C. Accessing Information in Open and Closed Civil and Criminal Cases: The Special

Problem of Overseeing the Justice Department ................................................................... 18

D. Access to Grand Jury Materials.......................................................................................... 22

VI. INVESTIGATIVE OVERSIGHT HEARINGS ...................................................................... 24

A. Jurisdiction and Authority .................................................................................................. 24

B. Rules Applicable to Hearings ............................................................................................. 24

C. Conducting Hearings .......................................................................................................... 26

D. Constitutional and Common Law Testimonial Privileges of Witnesses............................. 27

VII. RIGHTS OF MINORITY PARTY MEMBERS IN THE INVESTIGATORY

PROCESS................................................................................................................................... 41

VIII. ROLE OF THE OFFICES OF SENATE LEGAL COUNSEL AND HOUSE

GENERAL COUNSEL .............................................................................................................. 45

A. Senate Legal Counsel ......................................................................................................... 45

B. House General Counsel ...................................................................................................... 47

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Author Contact Information .......................................................................................................... 50

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The adversarial, often confrontational, and sometimes high profile nature of congressional

investigations sets it apart from the more routine, accommodative facets of the oversight process

experienced in authorization, appropriations or confirmation exercises.1 While all aspects of

legislative oversight share the common goals of informing Congress so as to best accomplish its

tasks of developing legislation, monitoring the implementation of public policy, and of disclosing

to the public how its government is performing, the inquisitorial process also sustains and

vindicates Congress’ role in our constitutional scheme of separated powers and checks and

balances. The rich history of congressional investigations from the failed St. Clair expedition in

1792 through Teapot Dome, Watergate, Iran-Contra and Whitewater has established, in law and

practice, the nature and contours of congressional prerogatives necessary to maintain the integrity

of the legislative role in that constitutional scheme.

This report will provide an overview of some of the more common legal, procedural and practical

issues, questions, and problems that committees have faced in the course of an investigation.

Following a summary of the case law developing the scope and limitations of the power of

inquiry, the essential tools of investigative oversight—subpoenas, staff interviews and

depositions, grants of immunity, and the contempt power—are described. Next, some of the

special problems of investigating the executive are detailed, with particular emphasis on claims of

presidential executive privilege, the problems raised by attempts to access information with

respect to open or closed civil or criminal investigative matters, or to obtain information that is

part of the agency deliberative process, and the effect on congressional access of statutory

prohibitions on public disclosure. The discussion then focuses on various procedural and legal

requirements that accompany the preparation for, and conduct of, an investigative hearing,

including matters concerning jurisdiction, particular rules and requirements for the conduct of

such proceedings, and the nature, applicability and scope of certain constitutional and common

law testimonial privileges that may be claimed by witnesses. The case law and practice respecting

the rights of minority party members during the investigative process is also reviewed. The report

concludes with a description of the roles played by the offices of House General Counsel and

Senate Legal Counsel in such investigations.

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Numerous Supreme Court precedents establish and support a broad and encompassing power in

the Congress to engage in oversight and investigation that reaches all sources of information that

enable it to carry out its legislative function. In the absence of a countervailing constitutional

privilege or a self-imposed statutory restriction upon its authority, Congress and its committees,

have virtually, plenary power to compel information needed to discharge its legislative function

from executive agencies, private persons and organizations, and within certain constraints, the

information so obtained may be made public.

More particularly, although there is no express provision of the Constitution which specifically

authorizes the Congress to conduct investigations and take testimony for the purposes of

1

For a general overview of the oversight process see Congressional Research Service, Congressional Oversight Manual

(February 1995).

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performing its legitimate functions, numerous decisions of the Supreme Court have firmly

established that the investigatory power of Congress is so essential to the legislative function as to

be implicit in the general vesting of legislative power in Congress.2 Thus, in Eastland v. United

States Servicemen’s Fund the Court explained that “[t]he scope of its power of inquiry ... is as

penetrating and far-reaching as the potential power to enact and appropriate under the

Constitution.”3 In Watkins v. United States the Court further described the breadth of the power of

inquiry: “The power of the Congress to conduct investigations is inherent in the legislative

process. That power is broad. It encompasses inquiries concerning the administration of existing

laws as well as proposed or possibly needed statues.”4 The Court went on to emphasize that

Congress’ investigative power is at its peak when the subject is alleged waste, fraud, abuse, or

maladministration within a government department. The investigative power, it stated,

“comprehends probes into departments of the Federal Government to expose corruption,

inefficiency, or waste.”5 “[T]he first Congresses”, it continued, held “inquiries dealing with

suspected corruption or mismanagement of government officials”6 and subsequently, in a series of

decisions, “[t]he Court recognized the danger to effective and honest conduct of the Government

if the legislative power to probe corruption in the Executive Branch were unduly hampered.”7

Accordingly, the Court stated, it recognizes “the power of the Congress to inquire into and

publicize corruption, maladministration, or inefficiencies in the agencies of Government.”8

But while the congressional power of inquiry is broad, it is not unlimited. The Supreme Court has

admonished that the power to investigate may be exercised only “in aid of the legislative

function”9 and cannot be used to expose for the sake of exposure alone. The Watkins Court

underlined these limitations: “There is no general authority to expose the private affairs of

individuals without justification in terms of the functions of the Congress ... nor is the Congress a

law enforcement or trial agency. These are functions of the executive and judicial departments of

government. No inquiry is an end in itself, it must be related to, and in furtherance of, a legitimate

task of the Congress.”10 Moreover, an investigating committee has only the power to inquire into

matters within the scope of the authority delegated to it by its parent body.11 But once having

established its jurisdiction and authority, and the pertinence of the matter under inquiry to its area

of authority, a committee’s investigative purview is substantial and wide-ranging.12

The foundation cases establishing Congress’ broad power to probe are illustrative and

illuminating. They arose out of the Teapot Dome investigations, the 1920’s scandal regarding oil

company payoffs to officials in the Harding Administration. A major concern of the congressional

2

E.g., McGrain v. Daugherty, 272 U.S. 135 (1927); Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178 (1957); Barenblatt v.

United States, 360 U.S. 109 (1950); Eastland v. United States Servicemen’s Fund, 421 U.S. 491 (1975); Nixon v.

Administrator of General Services, 433 U.S. 425 (1977); see also, United States v. A.T.T., 551 F.2d 384 (D.C. Cir.

1976) and 567 F.2d 1212 (D.C. Cir. 1977).

3

421 U.S. at 504, n. 15 (quoting Barenblatt, supra, 360 U.S. at 111).

4

354 U.S. at 187.

5

Id.

6

Id. at 182.

7

Id. at 194-95.

8

Id. at 200 n. 33.

9

Kilbourn v. Thompson, 103 U.S. 168, 204 (1880).

10

Watkins v. United States, supra, 354 U.S. at 187.

11

United States v. Rumely, 345 U.S. 41, 42, 44 (1953); Watkins v. United States, supra, 354 U.S. at 198.

12

Wilkinson v. United States, 365 U.S. 408-09 (1961).

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oversight investigation was the failure of Attorney General Harry M. Daugherty’s Justice

Department to prosecute the alleged government malefactors. When congressional committees

attempting to investigate came up against refusals by subpoenaed witnesses to provide

information, the issue went to the Supreme Court and provided it with the opportunity to issue a

seminal decision describing the constitutional basis and reach of congressional oversight. In

McGrain v. Daugherty,13 the Supreme Court focused specifically on Congress’ authority to study

“charges of misfeasance and nonfeasance in the Department of Justice.” The Court noted with

approval that “the subject to be investigated” by the congressional committee “was the

administration of the Department of Justice—whether its functions were being properly

discharged or were being neglected or misdirected, and particularly whether the Attorney General

and his assistants were performing or neglecting their duties in respect of the institution and

prosecution of proceedings to punish crimes ....”14 In its decision, the Court sustained the

contempt arrest of the Attorney General’s brother for withholding information from Congress,

since Congress “would be materially aided by the information which the investigation was

calculated to elicit.”15 Thus, the Supreme Court unequivocally precluded any blanket claim by the

Executive that oversight could be barred regarding “whether the Attorney General and his

assistants were performing or neglecting their duties in respect of the institution and prosecution

of proceedings.”16

In another Teapot Dome case that reached the Supreme Court, Sinclair v. United States,17 a

different witness at the congressional hearings refused to provide answers, and was prosecuted for

contempt of Congress. The witness had noted that a lawsuit had been commenced between the

government and the Mammoth Oil Company, and declared, “I shall reserve any evidence I may

be able to give for those courts. . . and shall respectfully decline to answer any questions

propounded by your committee.”18 The Supreme Court upheld the witness’s conviction for

contempt of Congress. The Court considered and rejected in unequivocal terms the witness’s

contention that the pendency of lawsuits gave an excuse for withholding information. Neither the

laws directing that such lawsuits be instituted, nor the lawsuits themselves, “operated to divest the

Senate, or the committee, of power further to investigate the actual administration of the land

laws.”19

The Court further explained: “It may be conceded that Congress is without authority to compel

disclosures for the purpose of aiding the prosecution of pending suits; but the authority of that

body, directly or through its committees, to require pertinent disclosures in aid of its own

constitutional power is not abridged because the information sought to be elicited may also be of

use in such suits.”20 In other words, those persons having evidence in their possession, including

officers and employees of executive agencies, can not lawfully assert that because lawsuits are

pending involving the government, “the authority of [the Congress], directly or through its

committees, to require pertinent disclosures” is somehow “abridged.”

13

273 U.S. 135, 151 (1927).

Id. at 177.

15

Id.

16

Id.

17

279 U.S. 263 (1929).

18

Id., at 290.

19

Id. at 295.

20

Id. at 295.

14

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The Supreme Court in the Teapot Dome cases therefore enunciated in the clearest manner the

independence of Congress’ power to probe. The coincidental focus on the Justice Department and

the ability of committees to look deeply into all aspects of its sensitive law enforcement function

underlines the potential breadth of that power with respect to other Executive Branch agencies

and private sector entities as well.

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The power of inquiry, with the accompanying process to enforce it, has been deemed “an

essential and appropriate auxiliary to the legislative function.”21 A properly authorized subpoena

issued by a committee or subcommittee has the some force or effect as a subpoena issued by the

parent House itself.22 To validly issue a subpoena, individual committees or subcommittees must

be delegated this authority. Both Senate23 and House24 rules presently empower all standing

committees and subcommittee to require the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the

production of documents. Special or select committees must be specifically delegated that

authority by Senate or House resolution.25 The rules or practices of standing committees may

restrict the issuance of subpoenas only to full committees or in certain instances allow issuance

by a committee chairman alone, with or without the concurrence of the ranking minority member.

As previously indicated, committees may issue subpoenas in furtherance of an investigation

within their subject matter jurisdiction as defined by Senate26 and House27 rules which confer

both legislative and oversight jurisdiction. Subpoenas may be issued on the basis of either source

of authority.

Congressional subpoenas are most frequently served by the U.S. Marshal’s office or by

committee staff, or less frequently by the Senate or House Sergeants-at-Arms. Service may be

effected anywhere in the United States. The subpoena power reaches aliens present in the United

States.28 Securing compliance of United States nationals and aliens residing in foreign countries

presents more complex problems.29

21

McGrain v. Daugherty, supra, 273 U.S. at 174-75.

Id. at 158.

23

Senate Rule XXVI(1)(All Senate rules hereinafter cited were in effect as of 1993 unless otherwise indicated and may

found in Sen. Doc. No. 103-3 compiled by the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration).

24

House Rule XI(2)(m)(1)(All House rules hereinafter cited were in effect as of 1993 unless otherwise indicated and

may be found in “Rules Adopted By The Committee of the House of Representatives”, compiled by the House Rules

Committee as a committee print).

25

See, e.g., S.Res. 23, 100th Cong. (Iran-Contra); Sen. Res. 495, 96th Cong. (Billy Carter/Libya).

26

Senate Rule XXV.

27

House Rule X.

28

Eisler v. United States, 170 F.2d 273, 279 (D.C. Cir. 1948), cert. dismissed, 338 U.S. 883 (1949).

29

See generally, Gary E. Davidson, Congressional Extraterritorial Investigative Powers: Real or Illusory ?, 8 Emory

International Law Review 99 (1994).

22

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A witness seeking to challenge the legal sufficiency of a subpoena, i.e., the committee’s authority,

alleged constitutional rights violations, subpoena breadth, has only limited remedies available to

raise such objections. The Supreme Court has ruled that courts may not enjoin the issuance of a

congressional subpoena, holding that the Speech or Debate Clause of the Constitution30 provides

“an absolute bar to judicial interference” with such compulsory process.31 As a consequence, a

witness’ sole remedy generally is to refuse to comply, risk being cited for contempt, and then

raise objections as a defense in a contempt prosecution.

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Challenges to the legal sufficiency of subpoenas must overcome formidable judicial obstacles.

The standard to be applied in determining whether the congressional investigating power has

been properly asserted was articulated in Wilkinson v. United States: (1) the committee’s

investigation of the broad subject matter area must be authorized by Congress; (2) the

investigation must be pursuant to “a valid legislative purpose”; and (3) the specific inquiries must

be pertinent to the broad subject matter areas which have been authorized by the Congress.32

With respect to authorization, a committee’s authority derives from the enabling rule or resolution

of its parent body. In construing the scope of such authorizations, the Supreme Court has adopted

a mode of analysis not unlike that ordinarily followed in determining the meaning of a statute: it

looks first to the words of the authorizing rule or resolution itself, and then, if necessary, to the

usual sources of legislative history, including floor statements, reports and past committee

practice.33

As to the requirement of “valid legislative purpose,” the Supreme Court has made it clear that

Congress does not have to state explicitly what it intends to do as a result of an investigation.34

When the purpose asserted is supported by reference to specific problems which in the past have

been, or in the future may be, the subject of appropriate legislation, it has been held that a court

cannot say that a committee of Congress exceeds its power when it seeks information in such

areas.35

Finally, in determining the pertinency of questions to the subject matter under investigation, the

courts have required only that the specific inquiries be reasonably related to the subject matter

under investigation.36 An argument that pertinence must be shown “with the degree of

explicitness and clarity required by the Due Process Clause” has been held to confuse the

standard applicable in those rare cases when the constitutional rights of individuals are implicated

by congressional investigations with the far more common situation of the exercise of legislative

oversight over the administration of the law which does not involve an individual constitutional

right or prerogative. It is, of course, well established that the courts will intervene to protect

constitutional rights from infringement by Congress, including its committees and members.37

30

U.S. Const., Art. I, sec. 6, cl. 1.

Eastland v. United States Servicemen’s Fund, 421 U.S. 491, 503-07 (1975).

32

365 U.S. 399, 408-09 (1961).

33

Barenblatt v. United States, 360 U.S. 109, 117 1959); Watkins v. United States, supra, 354 U.S. at 209-215.

34

In re Chapman, 166 U.S. 661, 669 (1897).

35

Shelton v. United States, 404 F.2d 1292, 1297 (D.C. Cir. 1968), cert. denied, 393 U.S. 1024 (1969).

36

Sinclair v. United States, supra, 279 U.S. at 299; Ashland Oil, Inc. v. F.T.C., 409 F.Supp. at 305.

37

See, e.g., Yellin v. United States, 374 U.S. 109, 143, 144 (1969); Watkins v. United States, supra; United States v.

Ballin, 144 U.S. 1, 5 (1892).

31

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But “[w]here constitutional rights are not violated, there is no warrant to interfere with the

internal procedures of Congress.”38

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Committees normally rely on informal staff interviews to gather information preparatory to

investigatory hearings. However, with more frequency in recent years, congressional committees

have utilized staff conducted depositions as a tool in exercising the investigatory power.39 Staff

depositions afford a number of advantages for committees engaged in complex investigations.

Staff depositions may assist committees in obtaining sworn testimony quickly and confidentially

without the necessity of Members devoting time to lengthy hearings which may be unproductive

because witnesses do not have the facts needed by the committee or refuse to cooperate.

Depositions are conducted in private and may be more conducive to candid responses than would

be the case at a public hearing. Statements made by witnesses that might defame or even tend to

incriminate third parties can be verified before they are repeated in an open hearing. Depositions

can enable a committee to prepare for the questioning of witnesses at a hearing or provide a

screening process which can obviate the need to call some witnesses. The deposition process also

allows questioning of witnesses outside of Washington thereby avoiding the inconvenience of

conducting field hearings requiring the presence of Members.

Certain disadvantages may also inhere. Unrestrained staff may be tempted to engage in tangential

inquiries. Also depositions present a “cold record” of a witness’s testimony and may not be as

useful for Members as in person presentations. Finally, in the current absence of any definitive

case law precedent, legal questions may be raised concerning the ability to enforce a subpoena for

a staff deposition by means of contempt sanctions, and to the applicability to such a deposition of

various statutes that proscribe false material statements.40

At present neither House has rules that expressly authorize staff depositions. On a number of

occasions such specific authority has been granted pursuant to Senate and House resolutions.41

When granted, a committee will normally adopt procedures for taking depositions, including

provisions for notice (with or without a subpoena), transcription of the deposition, the right to be

accompanied by counsel, and the manner in which objections to questions are to be resolved.42

38

Exxon Corporation v. F.T.C., 589 F.2d 582, 590 (D.C. Cir. 1978). The issues raised by witness claims of

constitutional and common law privileges are more fully discussed below at pp. 53-85. On claims that a committee

subpoena is overbroad or burdensome see discussions, infra, at pp. 40-42.

39

E.g., S. Res. 229, 103d Cong. (Whitewater); S. Res. 23, 100th Cong. (Iran-Contra); H. Res. 12, 100th Cong. (IranContra); H. Res. 320, 100th Cong. (impeachment proceedings of Judge Alcee Hastings); S. Res. 495, 96th Cong. (Billy

Carter/Libya).

40

See Jay R. Shampansky, Staff Depositions in Congressional Investigations, CRS Report No. 91-679, August 27,

1991 (suggesting that the criminal contempt procedure would be available if a committee adopted rules of procedure

providing for Member involvement if a witness raises objections and refuses to answer; and that analogous case law

under false statements and obstruction of Congress statutes would support prosecutions for false statements made

during a deposition.).

41

See examples cited at footnote 39, supra.

42

See, e.g., Senate Permanent Committee on Investigations Rule 9; House Iran-Contra Committee Rule 6, H. Res. 12,

133 Cong. Rec. 822 (1987).

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The Fifth Amendment to the Constitution provides in part that “no person . . . shall be compelled

in any criminal case to be a witness against himself ...” The privilege against self-incrimination is

available to a witness in a congressional investigation.43 When a witness before a committee

asserts his constitutional privilege, the committee may obtain a court order which compels him to

testify and grants him immunity against the use of his testimony and information derived from

that testimony in a subsequent criminal prosecution. He may still be prosecuted on the basis of

other evidence.

The privilege against self-incrimination is an exception to the public’s right to every person’s

evidence. However, a witness’ Fifth Amendment privilege can be restricted if the government

chooses to grant him immunity. Immunity is considered to provide the witness with the

constitutional equivalent of his Fifth Amendment privilege.44 Immunity grants may be required in

the course of an investigation because “many offenses are of such a character that the only

persons capable of giving useful testimony are those implicated in the crime.”45 Such grants may

be militated when a committee is convinced that the testimony elicited will produce new or vital

facts that would otherwise be unavailable or to allow a witness to implicate persons of greater

rank or authority. Grants of immunity have figured prominently in a number of major

congressional investigations, including Watergate (John Dean and Jeb Magruder) and Iran-Contra

(Oliver North and John Poindexter).

The scope of the immunity which is granted, and the procedure to be employed, are outlined in 18

U.S.C. §§ 6002, 6005. If a witness before the House or Senate or a committee or subcommittee of

either body asserts his privilege, or if a witness who has not yet been called is expected to assert

his privilege, an authorized representative of the House or of the committee may apply to a

federal district court for an order directing the individual to testify or provide other information

sought by the Congress.46 If the testimony is to be before the full House or Senate, the request for

the court order must be approved by an affirmative vote of a majority of the Members present of

the House or Senate. If the testimony is to be given before a committee or subcommittee, the

request for the order must be approved by an affirmative vote of two-thirds of the Members of the

full committee.47

At least ten days prior to applying to the court for the order, the Attorney General48 must be

notified of the Congress’ intent to seek the order,49 and issuance of the order will be delayed by

the court for as much as twenty additional days at the request of the Attorney General.50 Notice to

the Attorney General is required so that he can identify in his files any information which would

43

See Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178 (1957); Quinn v. United States, 349 U.S. 155 (1955).

See generally Kastigar v. United States, 406 U.S. 441 (1972).

45

Kastigar v. United States, 406 U.S. at 446.

46

18 U.S.C. § 6005(a); See also Application of Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, 655 F.2d 1232

(D.C. Cir.), cert. denied, 454 U.S. 1084 (1981).

47

18 U.S.C. § 6005(b).

48

Notice should be given to an independent counsel where one has been appointed, since he would have the powers

usually exercised by the Justice Department. See 28 U.S.C. § 594.

49

18 U.S.C. § 6005(b). The Justice Department may waive the notice requirement. Application of Senate Permanent

Subcommittee on Investigations, 655 F.2d at 1236.

50

18 U.S.C. § 6005(c).

44

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provide an independent basis for prosecuting the witness, and place that information under seal.

Neither the Attorney General nor an independent counsel would have a right to veto a

committee’s application for immunity.51 The role of the court in issuing the order is ministerial

and therefore, if the procedural requirements under the statutes are met, the court may not refuse

to issue the order or impose conditions on the grant of immunity.52 However, although the court

lacks power to review the advisability of granting immunity, it might be able to consider the

jurisdiction of Congress and the committee over the subject area and the relevance of the

information that is sought to the committee’s inquiry.53

After an immunity order has been issued by the court and communicated to the witness by the

chairman, the witness can no longer decline to testify on the basis of his privilege, “but no

testimony or other information compelled under the order (or any information directly or

indirectly derived from such testimony or other information) may be used against the witness in

any criminal case, except a prosecution for perjury, giving a false statement, or otherwise failing

to comply with the order.”54 The immunity that is granted is “use” immunity, not “transactional”

immunity.55 That is, neither the immunized testimony that the witness gives to the committee, nor

information derived from that testimony, may be used against him in a subsequent criminal

prosecution, except one for falsely testifying to the committee or for contempt. However, he may

be convicted of the crime (the “transaction”) on the basis of evidence independently obtained by

the prosecution and sealed before his congressional testimony, and/or on the basis of information

obtained after his congressional appearance but which was not derived, either directly or

indirectly, from his congressional testimony.

In determining whether to grant immunity to a witness, a committee may consider, on the one

hand, its need for his testimony in order to perform its legislative, oversight, and informing

functions, and on the other, the possibility that the witness’ immunized congressional testimony

could jeopardize a successful criminal prosecution against him. If a witness is prosecuted after

giving immunized testimony, the burden is on the prosecutor to establish that the case was not

based on the witness’ previous testimony or evidence derived therefrom.56

Recent appellate court decisions reversing the convictions of key Iran-Contra figures Lt. Colonel

Oliver North57 and Rear Admiral John Poindexter58 appear to make the prosecutorial burden

substantially more difficult, if not insurmountable, in high profile cases. Despite extraordinary

efforts by the Independent Counsel and his staff to avoid being exposed to any of North’s or

Poindexter’s immunized congressional testimony, and the submission of sealed packets of

evidence to the district court to show that the material was obtained independently of any

immunized testimony to Congress, the appeals court in both cases remanded the cases for a

51

See H.R. Rept. No. 91-1549, 91st Cong., 2d Sess. 43 (1970).

Id. See also S.Rept. No. 91-617, 91st Cong., 1st Sess. 145 (1969); Application of U.S. Senate Select Committee on

Presidential Campaign Activities, 361 F.Supp. 1270 (D.D.C. 1973).

53

Application of U.S. Senate Select Committee, 361 F.Supp. at 1278-79.

54

18 U.S.C. § 6002.

55

The constitutionality of granting a witness only use immunity, rather than transactional immunity, was upheld in

Kastigar v. United States, supra.

56

Kastigar v. United States, supra, 406 U.S. at 460.

57

United States v. North, 910 F.2d 843 (D.C. Cir.), modified, 920 F.2d 940 (D.C. Cir. 1990) cert. denied, 111 S.Ct.

(1991).

58

951 F.2d 369 (D.C. Cir. 1991).

52

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further determination whether the prosecution had directly or indirectly used immunized

testimony.

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The court of appeals in North emphasized that the insulation of the prosecution from exposure to

the immunized congressional testimony does not automatically prove that this testimony was not

used against the defendant.59 The court held that “Kastigar is instead violated whenever the

prosecution puts on a witness whose testimony is shaped, directly or indirectly, by compelled

testimony, regardless of how or by whom he was exposed to that compelled testimony.”60 From

this the court reasoned that “the use of immunized testimony . . . to augment or refresh

recollection is an evidentiary use” and must therefore be strictly scrutinized under the Kastigar

standard.61 Thus, the court of appeals held that the presentation of “testimony of grand jury or

trial witnesses that has been derived from or influenced by the [defendant’s] immunized

testimony” was a forbidden use of the compelled testimony under both the Fifth Amendment and

Kastigar.62

Upon remanding the case to the district court, the court of appeals insisted that a strict application

of the Kastigar test be applied to the government’s evidence if the prosecution of North was to

continue. The lower court was required to hold a full Kastigar hearing that would:

inquire into the content as well as the sources of the grand jury and trial witnesses’

testimony. That inquiry must proceed witness-by-witness; if necessary, it will proceed lineby-line and item-by-item. For each grand jury and trial witness, the prosecution must show

by a preponderance of the evidence that no use whatsoever was made of any of the

immunized testimony either by the witness or by the Office of Independent Counsel in

questioning the witness. This burden may be met by establishing that the witness was never

exposed to North’s immunized testimony, or that the allegedly tainted testimony contains no

evidence not “canned” by the prosecution before such exposure occurred.63

Similarly, in Poindexter, the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals reversed all five of Poindexter’s

convictions because the Independent Counsel failed to show that Poindexter’s compelled

testimony was not used against him at his trial, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 6002 and the Fifth

Amendment.64 Relying on the North standards outlined above, the appeals court held that the

testimony of many of the prosecution’s key witnesses, including that of Oliver North himself, was

impermissibly influenced by the witnesses’ exposure to Poindexter’s immunized testimony for

purposes of refreshment.65 Upon remand in both cases, the Independent Counsel moved to

59

United States v. North, 920 F.2d at 942.

Id. ( emphasis in original).

61

United States v. North, 910 F.2d at 860. Because several years passed between the events at issue and the trial of

North, the Independent Counsel had allowed potential witnesses to refresh their recollection with North’s immunized

testimony before they testified at the grand jury and at trial. Id.

62

Id. at 865. See also id. at 869 (“Where immunity testimony is used before a grand jury, the prohibited act is

simultaneous and coterminous with the presentation; indeed, they are one and the same.”). The court of appeals

criticized the district court for failing to inquire into “the extent to which the substantive content of the witnesses’

testimony may have been shaped, altered, or affected by the [defendant’s] immunized testimony.” Id. at 863. The court

further noted that it was legally irrelevant under Kastigar if the witnesses themselves, rather than the government,

presented the immunized testimony. Id. at 871.

63

Id. at 872.

64

United States v. Poindexter, supra, 951 F.2d at 375-77.

65

Id.

60

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dismiss the prosecutions upon his determination that he could not meet the strict standards set by

the appeals court in its decisions.

While the North and Poindexter rulings in no way diminish a committee’s authority to immunize

testimony or the manner in which it secures immunity pursuant to the statute, it does alter the

calculus as to whether to seek such immunity. Independent Counsel Lawrence E. Walsh observed

that “[t]he legislative branch has the power to decide whether it is more important perhaps even to

destroy a prosecution than to hold back testimony they need. They make that decision. It is not a

judicial decision or a legal decision but a political decision of the highest importance.”66 It has

been argued that the constitutional dimensions of the crisis created by the Iran-Contra affair

required the type of quick, decisive disclosures that could result from a congressional

investigation but not from the slower, more deliberate criminal investigation and prosecution

process.67 Under this view, the demands of a national crisis may justify sacrificing the criminal

prosecution of those involved in order to allow Congress to uncover and make public the truth of

the matter at issue. The role of Congress as overseer, informer, and legislator arguably warrants

this sacrifice. The question becomes more difficult as the sense of national crisis in a particular

circumstance is less acute, and the object is, for example, to trade-off a lesser figure in order to

reach someone higher up in a matter involving “simple” fraud, abuse or maladministration at an

agency. In the end, case-by-case assessments by congressional investigators will be needed,

guided by the sensitivity that these are political judgments.

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ȱ

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ǯȱ‘Žȱ˜—Ž–™ȱ˜ Ž›ȱ

While the threat or actual issuance of a subpoena often provides sufficient leverage for effective

compliance with investigative information demands, it is through the contempt power that

Congress may act with ultimate force in response to actions which obstruct the legislative process

in order to punish the contemnor and/or to remove the obstruction. The Supreme Court early

recognized the power as an inherent attribute of Congress’ legislative authority, reasoning that if it

did not possess this power, it “would be exposed to every indignity and interruption that rudeness,

caprice or even conspiracy may mediate against it.”68

There are three different kinds of contempt proceedings available. Both the House and Senate

may cite a witness for contempt under their inherent contempt power or under a statutory criminal

contempt procedure. The Senate also has a third option, enforcement by means of a statutory civil

contempt procedure. The three proceedings may be briefly described.69

66

Lawrence E. Walsh, The Independent Counsel and the Separation of Powers, 25 Hous. L. Rev. 1, 9 (1988).

Michael Gilbert, The Future of Congressional Use Immunity After United States, v. North, 30 Amer. Crim.L.Rev.

417, 430-31 (1993). See also, Arthur L. Limon and Mark A. Belnick, Congress Had to Immunize North, Wash. Post,

July 29, 1990, at p. C7.

68

Anderson v. Dunn, 19 U.S. (6 Wheat) 204 (1821).

69

For a more comprehensive treatment of the history and legal development of the congressional contempt power, see

Jay R. Shampansky, Congress’ Contempt Power, CRS Report No. 86-83A, February 28, 1986.

67

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(1) Inherent Contempt

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Under the inherent contempt power, the individual is brought before the House or Senate by the

Sergeant-at-Arms, tried at the bar of the body, and can be imprisoned in the Capitol jail. The

purpose of the imprisonment or other sanction may be either punitive or coercive. Thus, the

witness can be imprisoned for a specified period of time as punishment, or for an indefinite

period (but not, at least in the case of the House, beyond the end of the Congress) until he agrees

to comply. When a witness is cited for contempt under the inherent contempt process, prompt

judicial review is available by means of a petition for a writ of habeas corpus. In an inherent

contempt proceeding, although Congress would not have to afford the contemnor the whole

panoply of procedural rights available to a defendant in a criminal case, notice and an opportunity

to be heard would have to be granted. Also, some of the requirements imposed by the courts

under the statutory criminal contempt procedure might be mandated by the due process clause in

the case of inherent contempt proceedings.70

The inherent contempt power has not been exercised by either House in over sixty years because

it has been considered to be too cumbersome and time consuming for a modern Congress with a

heavy legislative workload that would be interrupted by a trial at the bar.

(2) Statutory Contempt

Recognizing the problems with use of the inherent contempt process, a statutory criminal

contempt procedure was enacted in 1857 which, with only minor amendments, is codified today

at 2 U.S.C. §§192 and 194. Under 2 U.S.C. § 192, a person who has been subpoenaed to testify or

produce documents before the House or Senate or a committee and who fails to do so, or who

appears but refuses to respond to questions, is guilty of a misdemeanor, punishable by a fine of up

to $1,000 and imprisonment for up to one year. Section 194 establishes the procedure to be

followed if the House or Senate refers a witness to the courts for criminal prosecution. A

contempt citation must be approved by the subcommittee, the full committee, and the full House

or Senate (or by the presiding officer if Congress is not in session). The criminal procedure is

punitive in nature. It is not coercive because a witness generally will not be able to purge himself

by testifying or supplying subpoenaed documents after he has been voted in contempt by the

committee and the House or the Senate. Under the statute, after a contempt has been certified by

the President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House, it is the “duty” of the U.S. Attorney “to

bring the matter before the grand jury for its action.” It remains unclear whether the “duty” of the

U.S. Attorney to present the contempt to the grand jury is mandatory or discretionary, since the

sparse case law that is relevant to the question provides conflicting guidance.71

This potential conflict between the statutory language of §194 and the U.S. Attorney’s

prosecutorial discretion was highlighted by the inability of the House of Representatives in 1982

to secure a contempt prosecution against the Administrator of the Environmental Protection

Agency, Ann Burford. Burford, at the direction of President Reagan, had asserted executive

privilege as grounds for refusing to respond to a subpoena demand for documents. She was cited

for contempt by the full House and the contempt resolution was certified by the Speaker and

70

See, Groppi v. Leslie, 404 U.S. 496 (1972).

See Todd D. Peterson, Prosecuting Executive Branch Officials for Contempt of Congress, 66 NYUL Rev. 563

(1991); Hearing, “Prosecution of Contempt of Congress”, Before the Subcomm. on Administrative Law and

Governmental Relations, House Comm. on the Judiciary, 98th Cong. 1st Sess. 21-35 (1983) (Statement and Testimony

of Stanley Brand).

71

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forwarded to the U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia for presentment to the grand jury.

Relying on his prosecutorial discretion he deferred doing so.

The Burford controversy may be seen as unusual, involving highly sensitive political issues of the

time. In the vast majority of cases there is likely to be no conflict between the interests of the two

political branches, and the U.S. Attorney can be expected to initiate prosecution in accordance

with § 194.

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(3) Civil Contempt

As an alternative to both the inherent contempt power of each House and criminal contempt,

Congress enacted a civil contempt procedure which is applicable only to the Senate.72 Upon

application of the Senate,73 the federal district court is to issue an order to a person refusing, or

threatening to refuse, to comply with a Senate subpoena. If the individual still refuses to comply,

he may be tried by the court in summary proceedings for contempt of court, with sanctions being

imposed to coerce his compliance. Civil contempt might be employed when the Senate is more

concerned with securing compliance with the subpoena or with clarifying legal issues than with

punishing the contemnor. Civil contempt can be more expeditious than a criminal proceeding and

it also provides an element of flexibility, allowing the subpoenaed party to test his legal defenses

in court without necessarily risking a criminal prosecution. Civil contempt is not authorized for

use against executive branch officials refusing to comply with a subpoena.

(4) Alternatives to Contempt

When an executive branch official refuses to comply with a congressional subpoena and the

dispute cannot be resolved by negotiation and compromise, none of the three types of contempt

proceedings may be completely satisfactory. The statutory civil contempt procedure in the Senate

is inapplicable in the case of a subpoena to an executive branch official. Inherent contempt has

been described as “unseemly” and cumbersome. And if the criminal contempt method is utilized,

the U.S. Attorney, who is an executive branch appointee may, as occurred in the Burford case,

rely on the doctrine of prosecutorial discretion as grounds for deferring seeking an indictment.

There are, however, various alternatives to the three modes of contempt in the case of an

executive branch official. (1) The contemnor could be cited for criminal contempt and be

prosecuted by an independent counsel, rather than by the U.S. Attorney, if the standards under the

law governing the appointment of such counsels are satisfied; (2) the committee can seek

declaratory or other relief in the courts; (3) the appropriations for the agency or department

involved can be cut off or reduced when requested information has not been supplied; and (4) in

an exceptional case, the official might be impeached.

ǯȱŽ›“ž›¢ȱŠ—ȱŠ•œŽȱŠŽ–Ž—œȱ›˜œŽŒž’˜—œȱ

(1) Testimony Under Oath

A witness under oath before a congressional committee who willfully gives false testimony is

subject to prosecution for perjury under 18 U.S.C. 1621 of the United States Code. The essential

72

73

See 2 U.S.C. 288d and 28 U.S.C. 1364.

Usually brought by the Senate Legal Counsel. 2 U.S.C 288 d(a).

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elements for such prosecution are: (1) a false statement, (2) “willfully” made, (3) before a

“competent tribunal”, (4) involving a “material matter.” The requirement of a competent tribunal

is important to note because it is an element of the offense within the particular control of

committees.

For a legislative committee to be competent for perjury purposes a quorum must be present.74 The

problem has been ameliorated in recent years with the adoption of rules establishing less than a

majority of Members as a quorum for taking testimony, normally two members for House

committees75 and one member for Senate committees.76 The requisite quorum must be present at

the time the alleged perjurious statement is made, not merely at the time the session convenes. No

prosecution for perjury will lie for statements made only in the presence of committee staff unless

the committee has deposition authority and has taken formal action to allow it.

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(2) Unsworn Statements

Most statements made before Congress, at both the investigatory and hearing phases of oversight,

are unsworn. The practice of swearing in all witnesses at hearings is a rare practice. But

prosecutions may be brought to punish congressional witnesses for giving willfully false

testimony not under oath. Under 18 U.S.C. 1001 false statements before a “department or agency

of the United States” are punishable by a fine of up to $10,000 or imprisonment up to five years,

or both. The courts have held that section 1001 is applicable to false statements made to

congressional committees.77

Until recently it was thought that 18 U.S.C. 1505, which proscribes attempts to obstruct

congressional proceedings, was applicable to unsworn false statements. However, the Court of

Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit ruled in 1991 that section 1505 applies only to

corrupt efforts to obstruct congressional inquiries by subverting witnesses, not to false statements

by the defendant himself in such proceedings.78

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  ȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ

When Congress directs its investigatory powers at Executive Branch departments and agencies,

and at times at the White House itself, such probes have often become contentious, provoking the

Executive to assert rights to shield from disclosure information Congress deems essential to carry

out its oversight functions. The variety of grounds proffered are often lumped in an

undifferentiated manner under the rubric “executive privilege”. However, in order to evaluate and

assess the weight of such withholding claims, it is more useful, and accurate, to distinguish

between claims that have a constitutional basis and those that do not, and then to separate out

amongst the non-constitutional claims those based on law from those resting on executive policy

preferences.

74

Christoffel v. United States, 378 U.S. 89 (1949).

House Rule XI (2) (h) (1).

76

Senate Rule XXVI (7) (a) (2).

77

United States v. Bramlett, 348 U.S. 503, 509 (1955); United States v. Poindexter, 951 F.2d 369, 386-88 (D.C. Cir.

1991).

78

United States v. Poindexter, supra, 951 F.2d at 377-86.

75

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In some, rare, instances the executive response to a congressional demand to produce information

may be an assertion of presidential executive privilege, a doctrine which, like Congress’ powers

to investigate and cite for contempt, has constitutional roots. No decision of the Supreme Court

has yet resolved the question whether there are any circumstances in which the Executive Branch

can refuse to provide information sought by the Congress on the basis of executive privilege.

Indeed, most such disputes are settled short of litigation through employment of the political

process and negotiations,79 and the few that reach a judicial forum find the courts highly reluctant

to rule on the merits.80 However, in United States v. Nixon,81 involving a judicial subpoena issued

to the President at the request of the Watergate Special Prosecutor,82 the Supreme Court found a

constitutional basis for the doctrine of executive privilege in “the supremacy of each branch

within its own assigned area of constitutional duties” and in the separation of powers,83 and

although it considered presidential communications with close advisors to be “presumptively

privileged,” the Court rejected the President’s contention that the privilege was absolute,

precluding judicial review whenever it is asserted.84

Having concluded that in the case before it the claim of privilege was not absolute, the Court

resolved the “competing interests” (the President’s need for confidentiality vs. the judiciary’s

need for the materials in a criminal proceeding) “in a manner that preserves the essential

functions of each branch,”85 and held that the judicial need for the tapes outweighed the

President’s “generalized interest in confidentiality ...” 86 The Court was careful to limit the scope

of its decision, noting that “we are not here concerned with the balance between the President’s

generalized interest in confidentiality ... and congressional demands for information”.87

79

Joel D. Bush, Congressional-Executive Access Disputes: Legal Standards and Political Settlements, 9 J. of Law and

Politics, 717, 735-46(1993); Peter M. Shane, Legal Disagreements and Negotiation in a Government of Laws, 71 Minn.

L. Rev. 461 (1987); Stephen W. Stathis, Executive Cooperation: Presidential Recognition of the Investigatory

Authority of Congress and the Courts, 3 J. of Law and Politics 183 (1986); Richard Ehlke, Congressional Access To

Information From The Executive: A Legal Analysis, CRS Report No. 86-50A, March 10, 1986.

80

See, e.g., United States v. AT&T, 551 F.2d 784 (D.C. Cir. 1976) and 567 F.2d 121 (D.C. Cir 1977), where the appeals

court twice refused to balance the asserted constitutional interests, instead remanding the case for further negotiations

under the supervision of the district court; and United States v. U.S. House of Representatives, 556 F.2d 150, 152

(D.D.C. 1983), where the district court refused to enjoin transmission by the House of Representatives of a contempt

citation of the Administrator of the EPA to the United States Attorney on grounds alleging constitutional executive

privilege, stating that when “constitutional disputes arise concerning the separation of powers of the legislative and

executive branches, judicial intervention should be delayed until all possibilities for settlement have been exhausted . . .

judicial restraint is essential to maintain the delicate balance of powers among the branches established by the

Constitution.” In both instances negotiated resolutions ultimately ended the immediate disputes.

81

418 U.S. 683 (1974).

82

The subpoena was for certain tape recordings and documents relating to the President’s conversations with aides and

advisors. The materials were sought for use in a criminal trial.

83

418 U.S. at 705, 706. See also id. at 708, 711.

84

Id. at 705, 708. Citing Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. (1 Cranch) 137, 177 (1803), the Court held that it had the

authority to review the President’s claim of executive privilege. 418 U.S. at 703-05. The materials in question in United

States v. Nixon related to confidential communications between the President and his advisors. The Court indicated that

it might proceed differently and accord more deference to the executive’s claims in a case involving military or

diplomatic matters. Id. at 706.

85

Id. at 707.

86

Id. at 713.

87

Id. at 712, n. 19.

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Although United States v. Nixon did not involve a presidential claim of executive privilege in

response to a congressional subpoena, in Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign

Activities v. Nixon,88 the court of appeals, prior to the Nixon ruling, reviewed the President’s

assertion of executive privilege as grounds for not complying with a Senate committee subpoena

for tape recordings.89 The appeals court found that “the presumption that the public interest favors

confidentiality [in presidential communications] can be defeated only by a strong showing of

need by another institution of government—a showing that the responsibilities of that institution

cannot responsibly be fulfilled without access to records of the President’s deliberations . . . .”

According to the court, “the showing required to overcome the presumption favoring

confidentiality” rests “on the nature and appropriateness of the function in the performance of

which the material [is] sought, and the degree to which the material [is] necessary to its

fulfillment . . . . [T]he sufficiency of the committee’s showing must depend solely on whether the

subpoenaed evidence is demonstrably critical to the responsible fulfillment of the committee’s

functions.”90 The court found that, in the circumstances of that case, the need for the tapes was

“merely cumulative” in light of the fact that the House Judiciary Committee had begun an

inquiry, with express constitutional authority, into impeachment of the President, and the fact that

the Judiciary Committee already had copies of the tapes subpoenaed by the Senate Committee.91

Since the Kennedy Administration it has been established by executive policy directives that

presidential executive privilege may be asserted only by the President personally. The latest such

directive, issued by President Reagan in November 1982,92 and still in effect, requires that when

an agency head believes that a congressional information request raises substantial questions of

executive privilege he is to notify and consult with the Attorney General and the Counsel to the

President. If the matter is deemed to justify invocation of the privilege, it is reported to the

President who makes his decision. If the President invokes the privilege, the agency head advises

the requesting committee.

There has been only one instance in which the full House or Senate has voted a contempt citation

against the head of an executive department or agency, that of Anne Gorsuch Burford,

Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, in 1982.93 Several cabinet members have

been found in contempt by committees or subcommittees, although these disputes were resolved

before contempt votes by the parent body. In two instances, cabinet members were cited for

88

498 F.2d 725 (D.C. Cir. 1974).

The subpoena was for tapes of conversations between the President and presidential counsel John Dean. The

committee sought a declaratory judgment that its subpoena was lawful and that the President’s refusal to comply with

it, on the basis of executive privilege, was unlawful.

90

498 F.2d at 730.

91

Id at 732-33.

92

Memorandum from the President to the Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies on Procedures Governing

Responses to Congressional Requests for Information (November 4, 1982), reprinted in Congressional Oversight

Manual, supra footnote 1, at pp. 197-98. The Department of Justice Office of Legal Counsel lists 64 instances of

presidential invocation of executive privilege in the face of congressional requests for information between 1792 and

October 1981. 6 OLC 751 (1982). President Reagan invoked the privilege in November 1982 in the EPA investigation.

See, “Contempt of Congress”, H. Rept. No. 97-968, 97th Cong., 2d Sen. 1982. The last recorded invocation was by

President Bush in August 1991. See Congressional Oversight Manual at pp. 199-204; and Mark J. Rozell, Executive

Privilege in the Bush Administration: Constitutional Problems, Bureaucratic Responses, 1 Miller Center Journal 63, 7172 (1994).

93

H. Res. 632, 97th Cong., 128 Cong. Rec. 31746-76 (1982).

89

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contempt by full committees.94 Five other cabinet secretaries have been cited for contempt by

subcommittees.95

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ǯȱŽŒȱ˜ȱŠž˜›¢ȱ›˜‘’‹’’˜—œȱ˜—ȱž‹•’Œȱ’œŒ•˜œž›Žȱ˜—ȱ

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Upon occasion Congress has found it necessary and appropriate to limit its access to information

it would normally be able to obtain by exercise of its constitutional oversight prerogatives.96 But

where a statutory confidentiality or non-disclosure provision barring public disclosure of

information is not explicitly applicable to the Congress, the courts have consistently held that

agencies and private parties may not deny Congress access to such information on the basis of

such provisions. 97 Release to a congressional requestor is not deemed to be disclosure to the

public generally.98 Moreover, courts may not require agencies to delay the surrender of documents

to Congress in order to give advance notice to affected parties, “for the judiciary must refrain

from slowing or otherwise interfering with the legitimate investigating functions of Congress”.99

Once documents are in congressional hands, the courts have held they must presume that the

committees of Congress will exercise their powers responsibly and with due regard for the rights

of affected parties.100 Nor may a court block congressional disclosure of information obtained

from an agency or private party, at least when disclosure would serve a valid legislative

purpose.101 Finally, the legal obligation to surrender requested documents has been held to arise

from the official request102

Executive agencies have in the past unsuccessfully raised several statutes of general applicability

as potential barriers to the disclosure of information to congressional committees. Agencies have

94

H.R. Rept. No. 94-693, 94th Cong., 1st Session (1975)(Secretary of State Henry R. Kissinger); H.R. Rept. No. 97-898,

97th Cong. 2d Sess. (1982)(Secretary of the Interior James G. Watt).

95

Secretary of Commerce Rogers C.B. Morton (1975); Secretary of Health Education and Welfare Joseph Califano

(1978); Secretary of Energy Charles Duncan (1980); Secretary of Energy James Edwards (1980); and Attorney General

William French Smith (1984).

96

See, e.g., 1 U.S.C. 112b limiting congressional access to international agreements, other than treaties, where, in the

opinion of the President, public disclosure would be prejudicial to the national security, to the foreign relations

committees of each House under conditions of secrecy removable only by the President; 26 U.S.C. 6103(d), 6104(a)(2)

limiting inspection of tax information to the Senate Finance Committee, House Ways and Means Committee, and the

Joint Committee on Taxation, or any committees “specifically authorized by a resolution of the House or Senate”; 10

U.S.C. 1582, which provides that in reporting to Congress on certain sensitive positions created in the Defense

Department, “the Secretary may omit any item if he considers a full report on it would be detrimental to the national

security”; and under 50 U.S.C. 402g, j(b), the Congress’ ability to obtain information about the Central Intelligence

Agency, particularly with regard to expenditures, is very limited.

97

See, e.g., F.T.C. v. Owens-Corning Fiberglass Corp., 626 F.2d 966, 970 (D.C. Cir. 1980); Exxon Corp. v. F.T.C.,

589 F.2d 582, 585-86 (D.C. Cir. 1978), cert. denied, 441 U.S. 943 (1979); Ashland Oil Co., Inc. v. F.T.C. 548 F.2d 977,

979 (D.C. Cir. 1976).

98

F.T.C. v. Owens-Corning Fiberglass Corp. 626 F.2d at 970; Exxon Corp. v. F.T.C., 589 F.2d at 589; Ashland Oil

Co., Inc. v. F.T.C., 548 F.2d at, 979; Moon v. CIA, 514 F.Supp. 836, 840-41 (SDNY 1981).

99

F.T.C. v. Owens-Corning Fiberglass Corp., 626 F.2d at 970; F.T.C. v. Anderson, 631 F.2d 741, 747 (D.C. Cir.

1970); Exxon Corp. v. F.T.C., 589 F.2d at 588-9.

100

F.T.C. v. Owens-Corning Fiberglass Corp., 626 F.2d at 970; Exxon Corp. V. F.T.C., 589 F.2d at 589; Ashland Oil

Corp. v. F.T.C., 548 F.2d at 979; Moon v. CIA, 514 F.Supp at 849-51.

101

Doe v. McMillan, 412 U.S. 306 (1973); F.T.C. v. Owens-Corning Fiberglass Corp. 626 F.2d at 970.

102

Ashland Oil Co., Inc. v. F.T.C., 548 F.2d at 980-81.

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attempted to withhold documents on the basis of the deliberative process exemption incorporated

by Exemption 5 of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).103 But the courts have made it plain

that the agency privileges made applicable to public requesters by Exemption 5, as well as all the

other exemptions of the FOIA, are expressly inapplicable to the legislature: “This section is not

authority to withhold information from Congress.”104 In Murphy v. Department of the Army an

appeals court explained that FOIA exemptions were no basis for withholding from Congress

because of “the obvious purpose of the Congress to carve out for itself a special right of access to

privileged information not shared by others. Congress, whether as a body, through committees, or

otherwise, must have the widest possible access to executive branch information, if it is to

perform its manifold responsibilities effectively. If one consequence of the facilitation of such

access is that some information will be disclosed to congressional authorities but not to private

persons, that is but an incidental consequence of the need for informed and effective

lawmakers”.105 A similar provision in the Privacy Act also prevents its use as a withholding

vehicle against Congress.106

A frequently cited statute used to justify non-disclosure is the Trade Secrets Act, 18 U.S.C. 1905,

a criminal provision which generally proscribes the disclosure of trade secrets and confidential

business information by a federal officer or employee “unless otherwise authorized by law.”

There is no indication in the legislative history of its revision and codification that it was intended

to prevent agency disclosures to committees or to have it apply to Congress and its employees or

any other legislative branch support agency or its employees,107 and as a matter of statutory

construction it would have been unusual for Congress to have subjected, sub silento, its staff to

criminal sanctions for such disclosures, particularly in light of its well-established oversight and

investigative prerogatives, and its speech or debate privilege. In any event, there appears little

doubt that disclosure to Congress of proprietary information covered by § 1905 would be deemed

to be “authorized by law”. The Supreme Court in Chrysler v. Brown108 held that disclosure

authorization can stem from both congressional enactments and agency regulations. In this

instance, there are at least two potential sources of disclosure authorization. The first is 2 U.S.C.

190d, which directs all standing committees of the Congress to engage in continuous legislative

oversight of the administration and application of laws within their respective jurisdictions, and

“may require a Government agency” to assist in doing so. In 1955, the Attorney General of the

United States opined that the authorization required by the Trade Secrets Act was “reasonably

implied” under § 190d.109 A second source is the rules of each House authorizing committee

oversight.

103

5 U.S.C. 552(b)(5).

5 U.S.C. 552(d).

105

612 F.2d 1151, 1155-58 (D.C. Cir. 1979).

106

5 U.S.C. 552a (b)(9).

107

See discussion of legislative history in CNA Financial Corp. v. Donovan, 830 F.2d 1132, 1144-52 (D.C. Cir. 1987).

108

441 U.S. 281, 301-16 (1979).

109

41 Op. Atty. Gen. 221 (1955).

104

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Congressional oversight of the conduct of civil and criminal enforcement matters by agencies,

and most particularly the Department of Justice (DOJ), has raised sensitive questions respecting

the exercise of prosecutorial discretion by the executive and interference with protected rights of

individuals who may be the subject of such enforcement actions. However, a review of

congressional investigations that have implicated DOJ or DOJ investigations over the past 70

years, from the Palmer Raids and Teapot Dome to Watergate and through Iran-Contra and Rocky

Flats,110 demonstrates that DOJ has been consistently obliged to submit to congressional

oversight, regardless of whether litigation is pending, so that Congress is not delayed unduly in

investigating misfeasance, malfeasance, or maladministration in DOJ or elsewhere. A number of

these inquiries spawned seminal Supreme Court rulings that today provide the legal foundation

for the broad congressional power of inquiry.111 All were contentious and involved Executive

claims that committee demands for agency documents and testimony were precluded on the basis

of constitutional or common law privilege or policy.

In the majority of instances reviewed, the testimony of subordinate DOJ employees, such as line

attorneys and FBI field agents, was taken formally or informally, and included detailed testimony

about specific instances of the Department’s failure to prosecute alleged meritorious cases. In all

instances, investigating committees were provided with documents respecting open or closed

cases that included prosecutorial memoranda, FBI investigative reports, summaries of FBI

interviews, memoranda and correspondence prepared during the pendency of cases, confidential

instructions outlining the procedures or guidelines to be followed for undercover operations and

the surveillance and arrests of suspects, and documents presented to grand juries not protected

from disclosure by Rule 6(e) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure, among other similar

“sensitive” materials.

The reasons advanced by the Executive for declining to provide information to Congress about

civil proceedings have included avoiding prejudicial pre-trial publicity, protecting the rights of

innocent third parties, protecting the identity of confidential informants, preventing disclosure of

the government’s strategy in anticipated or pending judicial proceedings, the potentially chilling

effect on the exercise of prosecutorial discretion by DOJ attorneys, and precluding interference

with the President’s constitutional duty to faithfully execute the laws.112

As has been recounted previously, the Supreme Court has repeatedly reaffirmed the breadth of

Congress’ right to investigate the government’s conduct of criminal and civil litigation.113 The

110

See Morton Rosenberg, “Legal and Historical Substantiality of Former Attorney General Civilette’s Views as to the

Scope and Reach of Congress’ Authority to Conduct Oversight of the Department of Justice,” CRS, October 15, 1993,

reprinted in Hearing, “EPA’s Criminal Enforcement Program”, before the Subcommittee on Oversight and

Investigations, House Committee on Energy and Commerce, 103d Cong., 1st Sess. 12-41 (1993). For an in-depth

description of the most recent investigation of the DOJ, see Staff Report, Damaging Disarray: Organizational

Breakdown and Reform in the Justice Department’s Environmental Crimes Program, House Subcomm. on Oversight

and Investigations, Comm. on Energy and Commerce, 103rd Congress., 2d Session (Dec. 1994) (Comm. Print No. 103T).

111

See notes, 13-20, supra, and accompanying text for a review of McGrain v. Daugherty and Sinclair v. United States.

112

A leading statement of the executive branch position is found in an opinion of Attorney General Robert Jackson. 40

Op. A.G. 45 (1941).

113

See discussion of case law, supra at notes 2-8 and 13-20, and accompanying text.

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courts have also explicitly held that agencies may not deny Congress access to agency

documents, even in situations where the inquiry may result in the exposure of criminal corruption

or maladministration of agency officials. The Supreme Court has noted, “[B]ut surely a

congressional committee which is engaged in a legitimate legislative investigation need not grind

to a halt whenever responses to its inquiries might potentially be harmful to a witness in some

distinct proceeding . . . or when crime or wrongdoing is exposed.”114 Nor does the actual

pendency of litigation disable Congress from the investigation of facts which have a bearing on

that litigation, where the information sought is needed to determine what, if any, legislation

should be enacted to prevent further ills.115

Although several lower court decisions have recognized that congressional hearings may have the

result of generating prejudicial pre-trial publicity, they have not suggested that there are any

constitutional or legal limitations on Congress’ right to conduct an investigation during the

pendency of judicial proceedings. Instead, the cases have suggested approaches, such as granting

a continuance or a change of venue, to deal with the publicity problem.116 For example, the court

in one of the leading cases, Delaney v. United States, entertained “no doubt that the committee

acted lawfully, within the constitutional powers of Congress duly delegated to it” but went on to

describe the possible consequences of concurrent executive and congressional investigations:

We think that the United States is put to a choice in this matter: If the United States, through

its legislative department, acting conscientiously pursuant to its conception of the public

interest, chooses to hold a public hearing inevitably resulting in such damaging publicity

prejudicial to a person awaiting trial on a pending indictment, then the United States must

accept the consequences that the judicial department, charged with the duty of assuring the

defendant a fair trial before an impartial jury, may find it necessary to postpone the trial until

by lapse of time the danger of the prejudice may reasonably be thought to have been

substantially removed.117

The Delaney court distinguished the case of a congressional hearing generating publicity relating

to an individual not under indictment at the time (as was Delaney):

Such a situation may present important differences from the instant case. In such a situation

the investigative function of Congress has its greatest utility: Congress it is informing itself

so that it may take appropriate legislative action; it is informing the Executive so that

existing laws may be enforced; and it is informing the public so that democratic processes

114

Hutcheson v. United States, 369 U.S. 599, 617 (1962).

Sinclair v. United States, 279 U.S. 263, 294 (1929).

116

See e.g., Delaney v. United States, 199 F.2d 107 (1st Cir. 1952); United States v. Mitchell, 372 F.Supp. 1239, 1261

(S.D.N.Y. 1973). For discussion of issues in addition to prejudicial publicity that have been raised in regard to

concurrent congressional and judicial proceedings, including allegations of violation of due process, see, Contempt of

Congress, H.R. Rpt. No. 97-968, 97th Cong., 2d Sess. 58 (1982; and the discussion of the potential consequences of

congressional grants of testimonial immunity on criminal trials, supra, at notes 57-67 and accompanying text.

117

199 F.2d 107, 114 (1st Cir. 1952). The court did not fault the committee for holding public hearings, stating that if

closed hearings were rejected “because the legislative committee deemed that an open hearing at that time was required

by overriding considerations of public interest, then the committee was of course free to go ahead with its hearing,

merely accepting the consequence that the trial of Delaney on the pending indictment might have to be delayed.” 199

F.2d at 114-5. It reversed Delaney’s conviction because the trial court had denied his motion for a continuance until

after the publicity generated by the hearing, at which Delaney and other trial witnesses were asked to testify, subsided.

See also, Hutcheson v. United States, 369 U.S. 599, 613 (1962)(upholding contempt conviction of person who refused

to answer committee questions relating to activities for which he had been indicted by a state grand jury, citing

Delaney.)

115

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may be brought to bear to correct any disclosed executive laxity. Also, if as a result of such

legislative hearing an indictment is eventually procured against the public official, then in the

normal case there would be a much greater lapse of time between the publicity

accompanying the public hearing and the trial of the subsequently indicted official than

would be the case if the legislative hearing were held while the accused is awaiting trial on a

pending indictment.118

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The absence of indictment and the length of time between congressional hearing and criminal

trial have been factors in courts rejecting claims that congressionally generated publicity

prejudiced defendants.119 Finally, in the context of adjudicatory administrative proceedings,

courts on occasion have held that pressures emanating from questioning of agency

decisionmakers by Members of Congress may be sufficient to undermine the impartiality of the

proceeding. 120 But the courts have also made clear that mere inquiry and oversight of agency

actions, including agency proceedings that are quasi-adjudicatory in nature, will not be held to

rise to the level of political pressure designed to influence particular proceedings that would

require judicial condemnation.121

Thus, the courts have recognized the potentially prejudicial effect congressional hearings can

have on pending cases. While not questioning the prerogatives of Congress with respect to

oversight and investigation, the cases pose a choice for the Congress: congressionally generated

publicity may result in harming the prosecutorial effort of the Executive; but access to

information under secure conditions can fulfill the congressional power of investigation and at the

same time need not be inconsistent with the authority of the Executive to pursue its case.

Nonetheless, it remains a choice that is solely within Congress’ discretion to make irrespective of

the consequences.122

In the past the executive frequently has made a broader claim that prosecution is an inherently

executive function and that congressional access to information related to the exercise of that

function is thereby limited. Prosecutorial discretion is seen as off-limits to congressional inquiry

and access demands are viewed as interfering with the discretion traditionally enjoyed by the

prosecutor with respect to pursuing criminal cases.

Initially, it must be noted that the Supreme Court has rejected the notion that prosecutorial

discretion in criminal matters is an inherent or core executive function. Rather, the Court noted in

118

199 F.2d at 115.

See, Silverthorne v. United States, 400 F.2d 627 (9th Cir. 1968), cert. denied, 400 U.S. 102 (1971)(claim of

prejudicial pretrial publicity rejected because committee hearings occurred five months prior to indictment); Beck v.

United States, 298 F.2d 622 (9thCir. 1962)(hearing occurred a year before trial); United States v. Haldeman, 559 F.2d

31, 63 (D.C. Cir. 1976), cert. denied, 433 U.S. 933 (1977); United States v. Ehrlichman, 546 F.2d 910, 917 (D.C. Cir.

1976), cert. denied, 429 U.S. 1120 (1977); United States v. Mitchell, 372 F.Supp. 1239, 1261 (S.D.N.Y. 1973)(postindictment Senate hearing but court held that lapse of time and efforts of committee to avoid questions relating to

indictment diminished possibility of prejudice); United States v. Mesarosh, 223 F.2d 449 (3rd Cir. 1955)(hearing only

incidentally connected with trial and occurred after jury selected).

120

See, e.g., Pillsbury Co. v. FTC, 354 F.2d 952 5th Cir. (1968).

121

See e.g., ATX, Inc. v. Department of Transportation 41 F.3d 1522 (D.C. Cir. 1994); State of California v. FERC,

966 F.2d 154 (9th Cir. 1992); Peter Kiewet Sons’ v. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 714 F.2d 163 (D.C. Cir. 1983); Gulf

Oil Corp. v. FPC, 563 F.2d 588 (3d Cir. 1977), cert. denied, 434 U.S. 1062 (1978); United States v. Armada Petroleum

Corp., 562 F.Supp 43 (S.D. Tex. 1982). See also, Morton Rosenberg and Jack Maskell, Congressional Intervention in

the Administrative Process: Legal and Ethical Considerations (CRS Report No 90-440A, Sept. 7, 1990).

122

See remarks of Independent Counsel Lawrence E. Walsh, supra footnote 66 and accompanying text.

119

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Morrison v. Olson, 123 sustaining the validity of the appointment and removal conditions for

independent counsels under the Ethics in Government Act, that the independent counsel’s

prosecutorial powers are executive in that they have “typically” been performed by Executive

Branch officials, but held that the exercise of prosecutorial discretion is in no way “central” to the

functioning of the Executive Branch.124 The Court therefore rejected a claim that insulating the

independent counsel from at-will presidential removal interfered with the President’s duty to

“take care” that the laws be faithfully executed. Interestingly, the Morrison Court took the

occasion to reiterate the fundamental nature of Congress’ oversight function (“ . . . receiving

reports or other information and oversight of the independent counsel’s activities . . . [are]

functions that we have recognized as generally incidental to the legislative function of Congress,”

citing McGrain v. Daugherty.)125

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The breadth of Morrison’s ruling that the prosecutorial function is not an exclusive function of the

Executive was made clear in a recent decision of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in United

States ex rel Kelly v. The Boeing Co.,126 which upheld, against a broad based separation of

powers attack, the constitutionality of the qui tam provisions of the False Claims Act vesting

enforcement functions against agencies by private parties.127

Prosecution, not being a core or exclusive function of the Executive, cannot claim the

constitutional stature of Congress’ oversight prerogative. In the absence of a credible claim of

encroachment or aggrandizement by the legislature of essential Executive powers, the Supreme

Court has held the appropriate judicial test is one that determines whether the challenged

legislative action “‘prevents the Executive Branch from accomplishing its assigned functions’,”

and, if so, “‘whether that impact is justified by an overriding need to promote objectives within

the constitutional authority of Congress’.”128

123

487 U.S. 654 (1988).

Id. at 691-92.

125

Id. at 694.

126

9 F.3d 743 (9th Cir. 1993).

127

Boeing argued, inter alia, that Congress could not vest enforcement functions outside the Executive Branch in

private parties. Applying Morrison the appeals court emphatically rejected the contention.

Before comparing the qui tam provisions of the FCA to the independent counsel provisions of the

Ethics in Government Act, we must address Boeing’s contention that only the Executive Branch

has the power to enforce laws, and therefore to prosecute violations of law. It is clear to us that no

such absolute rule exists. Morrison itself indicates otherwise because that decision validated the

independent counsel provisions of the Ethics in Government Act even though it recognized that “it

is undeniable that the Act reduces the amount of control or supervision that the Attorney General

and, through him, the President exercises over the investigation and prosecution of a certain class

of alleged criminal activity.” 487 U.S. at 695. The Court also stated in Morrison that “there is no

real dispute that the functions performed by the independent counsel are ‘executive’ in the sense

that they are law enforcement functions that typically have been undertaken by officials within the

Executive Branch.” 487 U.S. at 692 (emphasis added). Use of the world “typically” in that

sentence, considered in light of the Court’s ultimate conclusion upholding the independent counsel

provisions, must mean that prosecutorial functions need not always be undertaken by Executive

Branch officials. See Stephanie A.J. Dangel, Note, Is Prosecution a Core Executive Function?

Morrison v. Olson and the Framers’ Intent, 99 Yale L.J. 1069, 1070 (1990)(Framers intended that

prosecution would be undertaken by but not constitutionally assigned to executive officials, and

that such officials would typically but not always prosecute). Thus, we reject Boeing’s assertion

that all prosecutorial power of any kind belongs to the Executive Branch.

9 F.3d at 751 (emphasis supplied).

128

Nixon v. Administration of General Services, 433 U.S. 425,433 (1977); Commodity Futures Trading Commission v.

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124

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Congressional oversight and access to documents and testimony, unlike the action of a court,

cannot stop a prosecution or set limits on the management of a particular case. Access to

information by itself would not seem to disturb the authority and discretion of the Executive

Branch to decide whether to prosecute a case. The assertion of prosecutorial discretion in the face

of a congressional demand for information is arguably akin to the “generalized” claim of

confidentiality made in the Watergate executive privilege cases. That general claim—lacking in

specific demonstration of disruption of Executive functions—was held to be overcome by the

more focused demonstration of need for information by a coordinate branch of government.129

Given the legitimacy of congressional oversight and investigation of the law enforcement

agencies of government, and the need for access to information pursuant to such activities, a

claim of prosecutorial discretion by itself would not seem to be sufficient to defeat a

congressional need for information. The congressional action itself does not and cannot dictate

prosecutorial policy or decisions in particular cases. Congress may enact statutes that influence

prosecutorial policy and information relating to enforcement of the laws would seem necessary to

perform that legislative function. Thus, under the standard enunciated in Morrison v. Olson and

Nixon v. Administrator of General Services, the fact that information is sought on the Executive’s

enforcement of criminal laws would not in itself seem to preclude congressional inquiry.

In light of the Supreme Court’s consistent support of the power of legislative inquiry, and in the

absence of a countervailing constitutional prerogative of the Executive, it is likely that a court

will be “sensitive to the legislative importance of congressional committees on oversight and

investigations and recognize that their interest in the objective and efficient operation of ...

agencies serves a legitimate and wholesome function with which we should not lightly

interfere.”130

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Rule 6(e) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure provides that members of the grand jury and

those who attend the grand jury in its proceedings may not “disclose matters occurring before the

grand jury, except as otherwise provided in these rules.”131 The prohibition does not ordinarily

extend to witnesses. 132 Violations are punishable as contempt of court. 133

There is some authority for the proposition that Rule 6(e), promulgated as an exercise of

congressionally delegated authority and reflecting pre-existing practices, is not intended to

address disclosures to Congress. 134 As a general rule, however, neither Congress nor the courts

appear to have fully embraced the proposition.

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Schor, 487 U.S. 833, 851 (1986); Morrison v. Olson, 487 U.S. 654, 693-96 (1988).

129

U.S. v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 705-706, 711-712 (1974).

130

Gulf Oil Corp. v. FPC, 563 F.2d 588, 610 (3d Cir. 1977).

131

Fed. R. Crim. Pro. 6 (e) (2).

132

United States v. Sells Engineering, Inc., 463 U.S. 418, 425 (1983); In re Sealed Motion, 880 F.2d 1367, 1373 (D.C.

Cir. 1989).

133

Fed. R. Crim. Pro. 6(e) (2).

134

See In re Grand Jury Proceedings of Grand Jury No. 81-1 (Miami), 669 F.Supp. 1072, 1074-75 (S.D. Fla. 1987),

aff’d on other grounds, 833 F.2d 1438 (11th Cir. 1987); In re Report and Recommendation of June 5, 1972 Grand Jury

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But, not all matters presented to a grand jury are embraced by the secrecy rule. Thus, “when

testimony or data is sought for its own sake - for its intrinsic value in the furtherance of a lawful

investigation - rather than to learn what took place before the grand jury, it is not a valid defense

to disclosure that the same information was revealed to a grand jury or that the same documents

had been, or were presently being, examined by a grand jury.”135 Congressional committees have

gained access to documents under this theory, the courts ruling that the committee’s interest was

in the documents themselves and not in the events that transpired before the grand jury.136

However, with respect to matters that “reflect exactly what transpired in the grand jury,” such as

transcripts of witness testimony, Rule 6(e) has been held to be a bar to congressional access.137

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The case law would appear to indicate that Rule 6(e) would not preclude disclosure of the

following types of documents:

1. Documents within the possession of the Department of Justice concerning a particular case

or investigation, other than transcripts of grand jury proceedings and material indicating

“the identities of witnesses or jurors, the substance of testimony, the strategy or direction

of the investigation, the deliberations or questions of jurors, and the like.” Material that

would not otherwise be identifiable as grand jury material does not become secret by

Department of Justice identification.138

2. Immunity letters, draft pleadings, target letters, and draft indictments.139

3. Plea agreements as long as particular grand jury matters are not expressly mentioned.140

4. Third party records which pre-exist the grand jury investigation even if they are in the

possession of the Department of Justice as custodian for the grand jury.141

5. Memoranda, notes, investigative files, and other records of FBI agents or other government

investigators except to the extent those documents internally identify or clearly define

activities of the grand jury.142

(...continued)

Concerning Transmission of Evidence to the House of Representatives, 370 F.Supp. 1219, 1230 9D.C.C. 1974),

petitions for writs of prohibition and mandamus den’d sub nom., Haldeman v. Sirica, 501 F.2d 714 (D.C. Cir. 1974); In

re Grand Jury Investigation of Ven-Fuel, 441 F.Supp. 1299, 1304-308 (M.D. Fla. 1977).

135

United States v. Interstate Dress Carriers, Inc., 280 F.2d 52, 54 (2d Circ. (1960)). See also, SEC v. Dresser

Industries, Inc., 628 F.2d 1368 (D.C.C. Cir. 1980); In re Grand Jury Investigation (New Jersey State Commission of

Investigation), 630 F.2d 996 (3rd Cir. 1980); Davis v. Romney, 55 F.R.D. 337 (E.D. Pa. 1972).

136

In re Grand Jury Impanelled October 2, 1978, 510 F.Supp. 112, 115 (D.C.C. 1981); In re Grand Jury Proceedings,

Newport News Drydock & Shipbuilding Co., Mem. Opinion (E.D. Va. Nov. 12, 1984); In re Senate Banking Committee

Hearings, 19 F.R.D. 410 (N.D. Ill. 1956).

137

In re Grand Jury Investigation Uranium Industry, 1979-2 Trade Cas. 78, 639 (D.D.C. (1979)); In re Grand Jury

Impanelled October 2, 1978, 510 F.Supp. 112 (D.D.C. 112 (D.D.C. 1981).

138

Senate of Puerto Rico v. U.S. Department of Justice, 823 F.2d 574, 583, 583n. 30 (D.C. Cir. 1987); In Grand Jury

Impanelled October 2, 1978 (79-2), 510 F.Supp. 112, 114-15 (D.D.C. 1981).

139

In re Harrisburg Grand Jury—83-2, 638 F.Supp. 43, 47 n.4 (M.D. Pa. 1986); In re Grand Jury Matter (Catania),

682 F.2d 61, 64 n.4 (3d Cir. 1982).

140

Washington Post v. Robinson, 935 F.2d 282, 290-91 (D.C. Cir. 1991).

141

S.E.C. v. Dresser Industries, Inc., 628 F.2d 1368, 1382-83 (D.C. Cir. 1980); United States ex rel Woodard v. Tynan,

757 F.2d 1085, 1087-88 (10th Cir. 1985).

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 ǯȱ 

 ȱ

ȱ   ȱ

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ǯȱ ž›’œ’Œ’˜—ȱŠ—ȱž‘˜›’¢ȱ

A congressional committee is a creation of its parent House and only has the power to inquire into

matters within the scope of the authority that has been delegated to it by that body. Thus, the

enabling rule or resolution which gives the committee life is the charter which defines the grant

and limitations of the committee’s power.143 In construing the scope of a committee’s authorizing

charter, courts will look to the words of the rule or resolution itself, and then, if necessary to the

usual sources of legislative history such as floor debate, legislative reports, past committee

practice and interpretations.144 Jurisdictional authority for a “special” investigation may be given

to a standing committee,145 a joint committee of both houses, 146 or a special subcommittee of a

standing committee, 147 among other vehicles. In view of the specificity with which Senate148 and

House149 rules now confer jurisdiction on standing committees, as well as the care with which

most authorizing resolutions for select committees have been drafted in recent years, sufficient

models exist to avoid a successful judicial challenge by a witness that noncompliance was

justified by a committee’s overstepping its delegated scope of authority.

ǯȱž•Žœȱ™™•’ŒŠ‹•Žȱ˜ȱ ŽŠ›’—œȱ

Rules of both Houses 150 require that committees adopt written rules of procedure and publish

them in the Congressional Record. The failure to publish has resulted in the invalidation of a

perjury conviction.151 Once properly promulgated, such rules are judicially cognizable and must

be “strictly observed.152 The House153 and many individual Senate committees require that all

witnesses by given a copy of the committee’s rule.

(...continued)

142

Anaya v. United States, 815 F.2d 1373, 1380-81 (10th Cir. 1987).

143

United States v. Rumely, 345 U.S. 41, 44 (1957); Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178, 201 (1957); Gojack v.

United States, 384 U.S. 202, 208 (1966).

144

Barenblatt v. United States, 360 U.S. 109, 117 (1959); Watkins v. United States, supra, 209-215.

145

See Senate Resolution 229, 103d Cong., 2d Sess., directing the Senate Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs

Committee to conduct a limited hearing on the Whitewater affair. 140 Cong. Rec. S 6675 (daily ed. June 9, 1994).

146

See Sen. Res. 23 and H.Res. 100th Cong., 1st Sess. (1987), establishing the Iran-Contra joint investigating

committee.

147

A Senate Judiciary Subcommittee to Investigate Individuals Representing the interests of Foreign Governments was

created by unanimous consent agreement of the Senate. 126 Cong. Rec. 19544-46 (1980).

148

Senate Rule XXV.

149

House Rule X.

150

House Rule XI(2); Senate Rule XXVI(2).

151

United States v. Reinecke, 524 F.2d 435 (D.C. Cir 1975)(failure to publish committee rule setting one Senator as a

quorum for taking hearing testimony held sufficient ground to reverse perjury conviction).

152

Gojack v. United States 384 U.S. 702, 708 (1966); Yellin v. United States, 374 U.S. 109 (1963).

153

House Rule XI(2)(k)(2).

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Both the House and Senate have adopted rules permitting a reduced quorum for taking testimony

and receiving evidence. House hearings may be conducted if at least two members are present;154

the Senate permits hearings with one only member in attendance.155 Although most committees

have adopted the minimum quorum requirement, some have not, while others require a higher

quorum for sworn rather than unsworn testimony. For perjury purposes, the quorum requirement

must be met at the time the allegedly perjured testimony is given, not at the beginning of the

session.156 Reduced quorum requirement rules do not apply to authorization for the issuance of

subpoenas. Senate rules require a one-third quorum of a committee or subcommittee and the

House a quorum of a majority of the members, unless a committee delegates authority for

issuance to its chairman.157

Senate and House rules limit the authority of their committees to meet in closed session.158 A

House rule provides, however, that testimony “shall” be held in closed session if a majority of a

committee or subcommittee determines it “may tend to defame, degrade, or incriminate any

person”.159 Such testimony taken in closed session is normally releasable only by a majority vote

of the committee.160 Similarly, confidential material received in a closed session requires a

majority vote for release.161 A release of confidential materials in accordance with applicable rules

effectively minimizes objections by a submitting witness.162 Moreover, the Speech or Debate

clause163 will protect a member who discloses such information on the floor from legal redress,

although not from the possibility of internal discipline.164

154

House Rule XI(2)(h)(1).

Senate Rule XXVI(7)(a)(2).

156

Christoffel v. United States, 338 U.S. 84 (1949).

157

Senate Rule XXVI(7)(a)(2); House Rule XI(2)(h)(1).

158

Senate Rule XXVI(5)(b); House Rule X1(2)(g)(2).

159

House Rule XI(2)(k)(5).

160

House Rule XI(2)(k)(7).

161

Id.

162

Doe v. McMillan, 566 F.2d 713, 713-16 (D.C. Cir. 1977), cert. denied, 435 U.S. 969 (1978).

163

Art. I, sec. 6, cl. 2.

164

The purposes of the Speech or Debate Clause are to assure the independence of Congress in the exercise of its

legislative functions and to reinforce the separation of powers established in the Constitution. Eastland v. United States

Servicemen’s Fund, 421 U.S. 502-03 (1975). The Supreme Court has read the Clause to broadly effectuate its purposes.

Id.; United States v. Swindall, 971 F. 2d 1531, 1534 (11th Cir. 1992). The Clause protects “purely legislative activities”,

including those inherent in the legislative process. Chastain v. Lundquist, 833 F. 2d 311, 314 (D.C. Cir. 1987) (quoting

U.S. v. Brewster, 408 U.S. 501, 512 (1972), cert. denied 487 U.S. 1240 (1988). Actions protected under the provisions

include those taken in the regular course of the legislative process and the motivations of the legislators for their

actions. United States v. Helstoski, 442 U.S. 477, 489 (1979). In addition to shielding “words spoken in debate”,

Kilbourn v. Thompson, 103 U.S. 168, 204 (1880), the Clause encompasses such activity integral to lawmaking as

voting, id., circulation of information to other members, Doe v. McMillan 412 U.S. 306 (1973), Gravel v. United States,

408 U.S. 606, 625 (1972), and participation in committee investigative proceedings, and reports. Id., Eastland v. U.S.

Servicemen’s Fund, supra; Dombrowski v. Eastland, 387 U.S. 82 (1967); Tenney v. Brandhove, 341 U.S. 367 (1951).

However, activities only casually or incidentally related to legislative affairs are outside the ambit of Speech or Debate

protection. Thus newsletter and press releases circulated by a member to the public are not shielded because they are

“primarily means of informing those outside the legislative forum”. Hutchinson v. Proxmire, 443 U.S. 111 (1979). Also

a member may be prosecuted for accepting a bribe or for other unlawful conduct so long as the prosecution “does not

draw in question the legislative act of the defendent Member of Congress”. United States v. Brewster, supra, 408 U.S.

at 510 (quoting United States v. Johnson, 383 U.S. at 185). The key consideration is the act presented for examination,

not the actor. Activities integral to the legislative process may not be examined, but peripheral activities not closely

connected to the business of legislating do not enjoy the protection of the Clause. Walker v. Jones, 733 F. 2d, 927, 929

(D.C. Cir. 1984).

155

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House Rule XI(3)(e) provides that the broadcast of open committee hearings may be permitted by

a majority vote of the committee in accordance with written rules adopted by the committee.

Individual committees have adopted a variety of rules with respect to such coverage. House Rule

XI(3)(f)(2) affords an absolute right to a subpoenaed witness to demand no broadcast or

photographic coverage of his testimony. There is comparable rule in the Senate, that body

allowing each committee to adopt its own policy.165

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ǯȱ˜—žŒ’—ȱ ŽŠ›’—œȱ

The chairman of a committee or subcommittee, or in his or her absence, the ranking majority

member present, normally presides over the conduct of a hearing. An opening statement by the

chair is usual, and in the case of an investigative hearing is an important means of defining the

subject matter of the hearing and thereby establishing the pertinence of questions asked the

witnesses. Not all committees swear in their witnesses; some committees require that all

witnesses be sworn. Most leave it to the discretion of the chair. If a committee wishes the

potential sanction of perjury to apply, it should swear its witnesses, though false statements not

under oath are subject to criminal sanctions.166

A witness does not have a right to make a statement before being questioned,167 but that

opportunity is usually accorded. Committee rules may prescribe the length of such statements and

may also require that written statements be submitted in advance of the hearing. Questioning of

witnesses may be structured so that members alternate for specified length of time. Questioning

may also be done by staff. Witnesses may be allowed to review a transcript of their testimony and

to make non-substantive corrections.

The right of a witness to be accompanied by counsel is recognized by House rule168 and the rules

of Senate committees. The House rule limits the role of counsel as solely “for the purpose of

advising them [witnesses] concerning their constitutional rights.” Some committees have adopted

rules specifically prohibiting counsel from “coaching” witness during their testimony.169 A

committee has complete authority to control the conduct of counsel. Indeed, House Rule

XI(2)(k)(4) provides that “[t]he chairman may punish breaches of order and decorum, and of

professional ethics on the part of counsel, by censure or exclusion from the hearings; and the

committee may cite the offender for contempt.” Some Senate committees have adopted similar

rules.170 There is no right of cross-examination of adverse witnesses during an investigative

hearing.171

165

Senate Rule XXVI(3)(c).

See discussion, supra at notes 77-78 and accompanying text.

167

2 U.S.C. 191.

168

House Rule XII(2)(k)(3).

169

See, e.g., Senate Permanent Committee on Investigations Rule 8.

170

See, e.g., Senate Aging Committee Rule V. 8; Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations Rule 7.

171

United States v. Fort, 443 F.2d 620, 678-79 (D.C. Cir. 1970), cert. denied, 403 U.S. 932 (1971).

166

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ȱ

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’—ŽœœŽœȱ

(1) Constitutional Privileges

It is well established that the protections of the Bill of Rights extend to witnesses before a

legislative inquiry.172 and thus may pose significant limitations on congressional investigations.

The scope of the protections of the Fifth, First and Fourth amendments and the manner of the

their invocation are briefly reviewed.

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(a) Fifth Amendment

The Fifth Amendment provides that “no person ... shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a

witness against himself.” The privilege is personal in nature,173 and may not be invoked on behalf

of a corporation,174 small partnership,175 labor union,176 or other artificial entity.177 The privilege

protects a witness against being compelled to testify but not against a subpoena for existing

documentary evidence.178 However, where compliance with a subpoena duces tecum would

constitute an implicit testimonial authentication of the documents produced, the privilege may

apply.179

There is no particular formulation of words necessary to invoke the privilege. All that is required

is that the witness’ objection be stated in a manner that the “committee may be reasonably

expected to understand as an attempt to invoke the privilege”.180 To the extent there is any doubt

about the witness’ intent, it is incumbent on the committee to ask the witness whether he or she is

in fact invoking the privilege.181 But a witness before a congressional committee may not remain

silent. The privilege must be invoked in response to a specific question that might incriminate

him. Nor may a witness refuse to take the oath on Fifth Amendment grounds.182

172

2 U.S.C. 191.

See McPhaul v. United States, 364 U.S. 372 (1960).

174

Hale v. Henkel, 201 U.S. 43 (1906).

175

Bellis v. United States, 417 U.S. 85 (1974).

176

See United States v. White, 322 U.S. 694 (1944).

177

Bellis v. United States, 417 U.S. at 90. See also Rogers v. United States, 340 U.S. 367 (1951)(Communist Party).

178

Fisher v. United States, 425 U.S. 391, 409 (1976); Andresen v. Maryland, 427 U.S. 463 (1976). These cases

concerned business records and there may be some protection available in the case of a subpoena for personal papers.

However, in Senate Select Committee on Ethics v. Packwood, 845 F.Supp 17, 22-23 (D.D.C, 1994), stay pending

appeal denied, 114 S.Ct. 1036 (1994), the court upheld disclosure to the Senate Ethics Committee of a Senator’s

diaries, holding that the Fifth Amendment “does not protect against [the diaries’] incriminating contents voluntarily

committed to paper before the government makes demand for them” (emphasis in original).

179

United States v. Doe, 465 U.S. 605 (1984); Fisher v. United States, 425 U.S. 391 (1976). But c.f., Doe v. United

States, 487 U.S. 201 (1988), where the Court upheld a lower court order compelling the target of a grand jury

investigation to sign a consent directive authorizing foreign banks to disclose records of any and all accounts over

which he had a right of withdrawal, holding it not to be testimonial in nature.

180

Emspak v. United States, supra, 349 U.S. at 194.

181

Quinn v. United States, supra, 349 U.S. at 164.

182

Eisler v. United States, 170 F.2d 273 (D.C. Cir. 1948), cert denied, 338 U.S. 887 (1949).

173

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A witness may plead the Fifth Amendment not only to questions whose answers would in

themselves support a conviction, but also to those questions which, if answered, would serve as a

“link in the chain of evidence” that would tend to incriminate him.183

The committee can review the assertion of the privilege by a witness to determine its validity, but

the witness is not required to prove the precise hazard that he fears. In regard to the assertion of

the privilege in judicial proceedings, the Supreme Court has advised:

To sustain the privilege, it need only be evident, from the implications of the question, in

the setting in which it is asked, that a responsive answer to the question or an explanation of

why it cannot be answered might be dangerous because injurious disclosure could result ....

To reject a claim, it should be perfectly clear from a careful consideration of all the

circumstances of the case that the witness is mistaken and that the answers cannot possibly

have a tendency’ to incriminate.184

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The basis for asserting the privilege was elaborated upon in a lower court decision:

The privilege may only be asserted when there is reasonable apprehension on the part of the

witness that his answer would furnish some evidence upon which he could be convicted of a

criminal offense... or which would reveal sources from which evidence could be obtained

that would lead to such conviction or to prosecution therefor.... Once it has become apparent

that the answers to a question would expose a witness to the danger of conviction or

prosecution, wider latitude is permitted the witness in refusing to answer other questions.185

The privilege against self-incrimination may be waived by declining to assert it, specifically

disclaiming it, or testifying on the same matters as to which the privilege is later asserted.

However, because of the importance of the privilege, a court will not construe an ambiguous

statement of a witness before a committee as a waiver.186

Finally it should be noted that the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment requires that “the

pertinency of the interrogation to the topic under the ...committee’s inquiry must be brought home

to the witness at the time the questions are put to him.”187 “Unless the subject matter has been

made to appear with undisputable clarity, it is the duty of the investigative body, upon objection

of the witness on grounds of pertinency, to state for the record the subject under inquiry at that

time and the manner in which the propounded questions are pertinent thereto.”188 Additionally, to

satisfy both the requirement of due process as well as the statutory requirement that a refusal to

183

Hoffman v. United States, 341 U.S. 479, 486 (1951). Where a witness asserts the privilege, a committee may seek a

court order under 18 U.S.C. 6002, 6005 which directs him to testify and grants him immunity against use of his

testimony, or other evidence derived from his testimony, in a subsequent criminal prosecution. See discussion of

procedure to obtain such an immunity order, supra at notes 45-56 and accompanying text.

184

Hoffman v. United States, 341 U.S. 479, 486-87 (1951).

185

United States v. Jaffee, 98 F.Supp. 191, 193-94 (D.D.C. 1951). See also Simpson v. United States, 241 F.2d 222 (9th

Cir. 1957)(privilege inapplicable to questions seeking basic identifying information such as the witness’ name and

address).

186

Emspak v. United States, 349 U.S. 190 (1955). See also Johnson v. Zerbst, 304 U.S. 458, 464 (1938).

187

Deutch v. United States, 367 U.S. 456, 467-68 (1961). As the court explained in that case, there is a separate

statutory requirement of pertinency.

188

Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178, 214-15 (1957).

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answer be “willful”, a witness should be informed of the committee’s ruling on any objections he

raises or privileges which he asserts.189

(b) First Amendment

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Although the First Amendment, by its terms, is expressly applicable only to legislation that

abridges freedom of speech, press, or assembly, the Court has held that the amendment also

restricts Congress in conducting investigations.190 In the leading case involving the application of

First Amendment rights in a congressional investigation, Barenblatt v. United States,191 the Court

held that “where first amendment rights are asserted to bar government interrogation, resolution

of the issue always involves a balancing by the courts of the competing private and public

interests at stake in the particular circumstances shown.” Thus, unlike the Fifth Amendment

privilege against self-incrimination, the First Amendment does not give a witness an absolute

right to refuse to respond to congressional demands for information.192

The Court has held that in balancing the personal interest in privacy against the congressional

need for information, “the critical element is the existence of, and the weight to be ascribed to, the

interest of the Congress in demanding disclosure from an unwilling witness.”193 In order to

protect the rights of witnesses, in cases involving the First Amendment the courts have

emphasized the requirements discussed above concerning authorization for the investigation,

delegation of power to investigate to the committee involved, and the existence of a legislative

purpose.194

The Supreme Court has recognized the application of the First Amendment to congressional

investigations, and although the Amendment has frequently been asserted by witnesses as

grounds for not complying with congressional demands for information, the Court has never

relied on the First Amendment as grounds for reversing a criminal contempt of Congress

conviction.195 However, the Court has narrowly construed the scope of a committee’s authority so

189

Id.; Deutch v. United States, 367 U.S. 456 (1961).

Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178, 197 (1957).

191

360 U.S. 109, 126 (1959).

192

Id.

193

Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. at 198. A balancing test was also used in Branzburg v. Hayes, 408 U.S. 665

(1972), the leading case on the issue of the claimed privilege of newsmen not to respond to demands of a grand jury for

information. In its 5-4 decision, the Court concluded that the need of the grand jury for the information outweighed

First Amendment considerations, but there are indications in the opinion that “the infringement of protected first

amendment rights must be no broader than necessary to achieve a permissible governmental purpose,” and that “a

State’s interest must be ‘compelling’ or ‘paramount’ to justify even an indirect burden on first amendment rights.” Id.

at 699-700. For application of the compelling interest test in a legislative investigation, see Gibson v. Florida

Legislative Investigation Committee, 372 U.S. 539 (1963). See also, James J. Mangan, Contempt for the Fourth Estate:

No Reporter’s Privilege Before a Congressional Investigation, 83 Geo. L.J. 129 (1994) (arguing that bases for

reporter’s privilege are outweighed by governmental interests in a congressional investigation).

194

Barenblatt v. United States, 360 U.S. 109 (1959); Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178 (1957); United States v.

Rumely, 345 U.S. 41 (1953).

195

Although it was not in the criminal contempt context, one court of appeals has upheld a witness’ First Amendment

claim. In Stamler v. Willis, 415 F.2d 1365 (7th Cir. 1969), cert. denied, 399 U.S. 929 (1970), the court ordered to trial a

witness’ suit for declaratory relief against the House Un-American Activities Committee in which it was alleged that

the committee’s authorizing resolution had a “chilling effect” on plaintiff’s First Amendment rights. In other cases for

declaratory and injunctive relief brought against committees on First Amendment grounds, relief has been denied

although the courts indicated that relief could be granted if the circumstances were more compelling. Sanders v.

McClellan, 463 F.2d 894 (D.C. Cir. 1972); Davis v. Ichord, 442 F.2d 1207 (D.C. Cir. 1970); Ansara v. Eastland, 442

(continued...)

190

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as to avoid reaching a First Amendment issue.196 And the Court has ruled in favor of a witness

who invoked his First Amendment rights in response to questioning by a state legislative

committee.197

(c) Fourth Amendment

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Dicta in opinions of the Supreme Court indicate that the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition against

unreasonable searches and seizures is applicable to congressional committees.198 It appears that

there must be probable cause for the issuance of a congressional subpoena.199 The Fourth

Amendment protects a congressional witness against a subpoena which is unreasonably broad or

burdensome.200 The Court has delineated the test be used in judging the reasonableness of a

congressional subpoena:

Petitioner contends that the subpoena was so broad as to constitute an unreasonable search

and seizure in violation of the Fourth Amendment.... ‘Adequacy or excess in the breath of

the subpoena are matters variable in relation to the nature, purposes, and scope of the

inquiry’ . . . The subcommittee’s inquiry here was a relatively broad one ... and the

permissible scope of materials that could reasonably be sought was necessarily equally

broad. It was not reasonable to suppose that the subcommittee knew precisely what books

and records were kept by the Civil Rights Congress, and therefore the subpoena could only

‘specify ... with reasonable particularity, the subjects to which the documents...relate....’ The

call of the subpoena for ‘all records, correspondence and memoranda’ of the Civil Rights

Congress relating to the specified subject describes them ‘with all of the particularity the

nature of the inquiry and the [subcommittee’s] situation would permit’ .... ‘The description

(...continued)

F.2d 751 (D.C. Cir. 1971). However, in Eastland v. United States Servicemen’s Fund, 421 U.S. 491 (1975), the

Supreme Court held that the Constitution’s Speech or Debate clause (art. I, sec. 6, cl. 1) generally bars suits challenging

the validity of congressional subpoenas on First Amendment or other grounds. Thus, a witness generally cannot raise

his constitutional defenses until a subsequent criminal prosecution for contempt unless, in the case of a Senate

committee, the statutory civil contempt procedure is employed. See United States v. House of Representatives, 556

F.Supp. 150 (D.D.C. 1983).

196

United States v. Rumely, 345 U.S. 41 (1953).

197

Gibson v. Florida Legislative Investigation Committee, 372 U.S. 539 (1963). In the majority opinion, Justice

Goldberg observed that “an essential prerequisite to the validity of an investigation which intrudes into the area of

constitutionally protected rights of speech, press, association and petition [is] that the State convincingly show a

substantial relation [or nexus] between the information sought and a subject of overriding and compelling state

interest”. Id. at 546.

198

Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178, 188 (1957); McPhaul v. United States, 364 U.S. 372 (1960).

199

Fourth Amendment standards apply to subpoenas, such as those issued by committees, as well as to search warrants.

See Oklahoma Press Publishing Co. v. Walling, 327 U.S. 186 (1946). A congressional subpoena may not be used in a

mere “fishing expedition.” See Hearst v. Black, 87 F.2d 68, 71 (D.C. Cir. 1936), quoting, Federal Trade Commission v.

American Tobacco Co., 264 U.S. 298, 306 (1924) (“It is contrary to the first principles of justice to allow a search

through all the record, relevant or irrelevant, in the hope that something will turn up.”). Cf. United States v. Groves, 188

F.Supp. 314 (W.D. Pa. 1937) (dicta). But see Eastland v. United States Servicemen’s Fund, 421 U.S. 491, 509 (1975),

in which the Court recognized that an investigation may lead “up some ‘blind alleys’ and into nonproductive

enterprises. To be a valid legislative inquiry there need be no predictable end result”.

200

McPhaul v. United States, 364 U.S. 372 (1960); Shelton v. United States, 404 F.2d 1292 (D.C. Cir. 1968), cert.

denied, 393 U.S. 1024 (1969). In Senate Select Committee on Ethics v. Packwood, 845 F.Supp. 17, 20-21 (D.D.C.

1994), stay pending appeal denied, 114 S.Ct. 1036 (1994), the court rejected a claim of overbreadth with regard to a

subpoena for a Senator’s personal diaries, holding that committee’s investigation was not limited in its investigatory

scope to its original demands “even though the diaries might prove compromising in respects the committee has not yet

foreseen”.

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contained in the subpoena was sufficient to enable [petitioner] to know what particular

documents were required and to select them accordingly.’201

If a witness has a legal objection to a subpoena duces tecum or is for some reason unable to

comply with a demand for documents, he must give the grounds for his noncompliance upon the

return of the subpoena. As a court of appeals stated in one case:

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If [the witness] felt he could refuse compliance because he considered the subpoena so broad

as to constitute an unreasonable search and seizure within the prohibition of the Fourth

Amendment, then to avoid contempt for complete noncompliance he was under [an]

obligation to inform the subcommittee of his position. The subcommittee would then have

had the choice of adhering to the subpoena as formulated or of meeting the objection in light

of any pertinent representations made by [the witness].202

Similarly, if a subpoenaed party is in doubt as to what records are required by a subpoena or

believes that it calls for documents not related to the investigation, he must inform the committee.

Where a witness is unable to produce documents he will not be held in contempt “unless he is

responsible for their unavailability... or is impeding justice by not explaining what happened to

them . . .”203

The application of the exclusionary rule to congressional committees is in some doubt and will

depend on the precise facts of the situation. It seems that documents which were unlawfully

seized at the direction of a congressional investigating committee may not be admitted into

evidence in a subsequent unrelated criminal prosecution because of the command of the

exclusionary rule.204 In the absence of a Supreme Court ruling, it remains unclear whether the

exclusionary rule bars the admission into evidence in a contempt prosecution of a congressional

subpoena which was issued on the basis of documents obtained by the committee following their

unlawful seizure by another investigating body (such as a state prosecutor).205

201

McPhaul v. United States, 364 U.S. at 382.

Shelton v. United States, 404 F.2d at 1299-1300.

203

McPhaul v. United States, 364 U.S. at 378.

204

Nelson v. United States, 268 F. 2d 505 (D.C. Cir.), cert denied, 346 U.S. 827 (1953).

205

In United States v. McSurely, 473 F.2d 1178, 1194 (D.C. Cir. 1972), the court of appeals reversed contempt

convictions where the subcommittee subpoenas were based on information “derived by the subcommittee through a

previous unconstitutional search and seizure by [state] officials and the subcommittee’s own investigator.” The

decision of the court of appeals in the contempt case was rendered in December, 1972. In a civil case brought by the

criminal defendants, Alan and Margaret McSurely, against Senator McClellan and the subcommittee staff for alleged

violations of their constitutional rights by the transportation and use of the seized documents, the federal district court

in June, 1973, denied the motion of the defendants for summary judgment. While the appeal from the decision of the

district court in the civil case was pending before the court of appeals, the Supreme Court held in Calandra v. United

States, 414 U.S. 338 (1974), that a grand jury is not precluded by the Fourth Amendment’s exclusionary rule from

questioning a witness on the basis of evidence that had been illegally seized. A divided court of appeals subsequently

held in McSurely v. McClellan, 521 F.2d 1024, 1047 (D.C. Cir. 1975), that under Calandra “a congressional committee

has the right in its investigatory capacity to use the product of a past unlawful search and seizure.”

The decision of the three-judge panel in the civil case was vacated and on rehearing by the full District of Columbia

Circuit, five judges were of the view that Calandra was applicable to the legislative sphere and another five judges

found it unnecessary to decide whether Calandra applies to committees but indicated that, even if it does apply to the

legislative branch, the exclusionary rule may restrict a committee’s use of unlawfully seized documents if it does not

make mere “derivative use” of them but commits an independent Fourth Amendment violation in obtaining them.

McSurely v. McClellan, 553 F.2d 1277, 1293-94, 1317-25 (D.C. Cir. 1976) (en banc). The Supreme Court granted

certiorari in the case, 434 U.S. 888 (1977), but subsequently dismissed certiorari as improvidently granted, with no

explanation for this disposition of the case, sub nom. McAdams v. McSurely, 438 U.S. 189 (1978). Jury verdicts were

(continued...)

202

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(2) The Common Law Attorney-Client and Work Product Privileges

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The precedents of the Senate and the House of Representatives, which are founded on Congress’

inherent constitutional prerogative to investigate, establish that the acceptance of a claim of

attorney-client or work product privilege rests in the sound discretion of a congressional

committee regardless of whether a court would uphold the claim in the context of litigation. In

practice, committee resolutions of claims of these privileges have involved a pragmatic

assessment of the needs of the individual committee to accomplish its legislative mission and the

potential burdens and harms that may be imposed on a claimant of the privilege if it is denied.

Thus the exercise of committee discretion whether to accept a claim of attorney-client work

product privilege has turned on a “weighing [of] the legislative need for disclosure against any

possible resulting injury.”206 More particularly, the process of committee resolution of claims of

privilege has traditionally been informed by weighing considerations of legislative need, public

policy, and the statutory duty of congressional committees to engage in continuous oversight of

the application, administration, and execution of laws that fall within its jurisdiction,207 against

any possible injury to the witness. In the particular circumstances of any situation, a committee

may consider and evaluate the strength of a claimant’s assertion in light of the pertinency of the

documents or information sought to the subject of the investigation, the practical unavailability of

the documents or information from any other source, the possible unavailability of the privilege

to the claimant if it were to be raised in a judicial forum, and the committee’s assessment of the

cooperation of the witness in the matter, among other considerations. A valid claim of privilege,

free of any taint of waiver, exception or other mitigating circumstance, would merit substantial

weight. But any serious doubt as to the validity of the asserted claim would diminish its

compelling character.

The discussion will begin with a brief overview of the constitutional origins and basis for

Congress’ discretionary control over such claims of privilege and recent examples of committee

exercises of that discretion, followed by a review of the requirements for assertion of the

attorney-client and work product privileges. Next the law with respect to waiver of the privilege

and exceptions to assertion of the privilege is detailed.

(...continued)

eventually returned against the Senate defendants, but were reversed in part on appeal. 753 F.2d 88 (D.C. Cir. 1985),

cert. denied, U.S. (1985).

More recently, in a contextually relevant situation, a district court quashed subpoenas issued on behalf of tobacco

companies against two members of Congress for testimony and production of documents relating to a congressional

investigation of the company’s knowledge of the health hazards and addictiveness of tobacco. Maddox v. Williams, 855

F. Supp. 406 (D.D.C. 1994), appeal pending in the D.C. Circuit. The companies had contended that the documents had

been stolen and disclosed in violation of the attorney-client privilege. The court held that “use by a congressional

committee of information that is gathered illegally is nevertheless protected by the Speech or Debate Clause, provided

the use occurs in the course of a legitimate congressional investigation, and Congressmen were not personally involved

in the criminal activity.” 855 F. Supp. at 411-12 (citing, inter alia, Dombroski v. Eastland, 387 U.S. 82,85,87 (1967)

and Eastland v. United States Servicemen’s Fund, supra, 421 U.S. at 501). The court also rejected the companies’

reliance on McSurely as “misplaced”. Its opinion described McSurely as “holding that, even if material comes to a

legislative committee by means that are unlawful, subsequent committee use of that material is nevertheless

privileged”, 855 F. Supp at 412 footnote 18, 417.

206

Hearings, “International Uranium Cartel”, Subcomm. on Oversight and Investigations, House Comm. on Interstate

and Foreign Commerce, 95th Cong., 1st Sess., Vol. 1, 123 (1977).

207

See 2 U.S.C. 190d.

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(a) The nature and development of Congress’ discretionary control over witness’ claims

of privilege

As with the legislature’s inherent authority to investigate,208 the discretion to entertain claims of

privilege traces back to the model of the English Parliament. Erskine May’s Treatise on the Law,

Privileges, Proceedings and Usage of Parliament, the definitive authority on English

parliamentary procedure, specifically notes:

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A witness is, however, bound to answer all questions which the committee sees fit to put to him,

and cannot excuse himself, for example, on the ground that he may thereby subject himself to a

civil action, or because he has taken an oath not to disclose the matter about which he is required

to testify, or because the matter was a privileged communication to him, as where a solicitor is

called upon to disclose the secrets of his client ... some of which would be sufficient grounds of

excuse in a court of law.209

The rare instances of the exercise of the prerogative to deny use of the privileges have been

consistent in the rejection of the applicability of the privileges. In the nineteenth century, Charles

W. Woolley, an attorney, was found in contempt of the House and imprisoned for refusal to

answer questions about a scheme for bribing senators during Andrew Johnson’s impeachment

proceeding despite a claim of attorney-client privilege.210 Also, in the notable investigation into

the financing of the Union Pacific Railroad and the activities of the Credit Mobilier, a House

Committee held Joseph B. Stewart in contempt notwithstanding his assertion of attorney-client

privilege.211 More recently, a Subcommittee of the House Energy and Commerce Committee has

on a number of occasions rejected claims of attorney-client privilege.212 No court has ever

questioned the assertion of the prerogative, and both Houses of Congress have rejected

opportunities to impose the attorney-client privilege as a binding rule for committee

investigations.213 Contemporary congressional practice has, in fact, evolved a delicate balancing

process to ensure its fair application. Thus the exercise of committee discretion has been held to

turn on a “weighing [of] the legislative need against any possible injury” to one asserting the

privilege and the application of this test has involved painstaking examinations of potential

detriment and relevant judicial precedents.214

208

McGrain v. Daugherty, 273 U.S. 135, 174 (1927); Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178, 187 (1957); Barenblatt v.

United States, 360 U.S. 109, 111 (1959).

209

Erskine May’s Treatise at 746-747 (20th ed. 1983). May’s Treatise has been relied upon as an authoritative guide to

parliamentary and congressional investigatory authority. See, e.g., McGrain v. Daugherty, supra, 273 U.S. at 161

footnote 15.

210

Millet, The Applicability of Evidentiary Privileges For Confidential Communications Before Congress, 21 John

Marshall L. Rev. 309, 312-313 (1988)(Millet).

211

Millet, ibid., at 313-314. See also, Stewart v. Blaine, 1 MacArthur 453 (D.C. 1874); Eberling, Congressional

Investigations 349-350 (1928); Proceedings Against Ralph Bernstein and Joseph Bernstein. H.Rept. No. 99-462, 99th

Cong., 2d Sess. 13 notes 12-14 (1986)(Bernstein Contempt Report.).

212

See, Attorney-Client Privilege, Memoranda Opinions of the American Law Division, Library of Congress,

Committee Print 98-I, (98th Cong. June 1983)(CRS Memoranda). See also Hearings, International Uranium Cartel,

before Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations, House Committee on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, 95th

Cong., 1st Sess. Vol. 1 (1977).

213

See, S. Rept. No. 2, 84th Cong., 1st Sess. 27-28 (1954); CRS Memoranda, supra footnote 212, at 24-26.

214

See, e.g., Hearings on the International Uranium Cartel Before the Subcomm. on Oversight and Investigations of the

House Comm. on Interstate and Foreign Commerce, 95th Cong., 1st Sess. 60, 123 (1977); see also CRS Memoranda,

supra, at 1-2, 27-36, 108-115.

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Perhaps the most emphatic and authoritative assertion of the committee prerogative in this area is

the 1986 House action holding Ralph and Joseph Bernstein in contempt for refusal to give the

Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs requested

information pertaining to their relations with Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Their refusal rested

primarily on the assertion of attorney-client privilege.215 The Subcommittee rejected these claims

on two grounds: “That the claim of privilege would not be upheld even in a court, and that a

congressional committee was obliged to decide whether to accept such claims of privilege apart

from whether a court would uphold the claim.”216 The full Committee, bowing to the concerns

and preferences of some members that it was not necessary under the circumstances of the matter

to rely equally on the broader second ground, recommended that “the U.S. attorney, in presenting

this matter, proceed primarily and strongly with emphasis on the primary ground relied on by the

Subcommittee that this claim of privilege would not have been upheld even in a court.”217 Thus it

is clear that the recommendation to the full House, which was adopted by an overwhelming vote

of 352-34,218 encompassed full recognition of the prerogative to deny assertions of attorney-client

privilege.

Senate practice and precedent are in strong and complementary accord with that of the House.

Two denials by Senate committees of claims of privilege serve to illustrate. In March of 1989, the

Subcommittee on Nuclear Regulation of the Senate Committee on Environment and Public

Works commenced investigating claims that settlement agreements were being entered between

employers and employees of nuclear facilities which placed restrictions on an employee’s ability

to testify in Nuclear Regulatory Commission proceedings relating to licensing and safety matters

with respect to such facilities. The Subcommittee was seeking to determine the nature and extent

of such restrictive agreements at a particular facility and the prevalence and potential impact of

such agreements in the industry generally. Subpoenas were issued and several were not complied

with on the grounds of the attorney-client and work product privileges. On July 19, 1989, the

Subcommittee issued a formal opinion rejecting the claim of privilege. The opinion asserted that

[W]e start with the jurisdictional proposition that this Subcommittee possesses the authority

to determine the validity of any attorney-client privilege that is asserted before the

Subcommittee. A committee’s or subcommittee’s authority to receive or compel testimony

derives from the constitutional authority of the Congress to conduct investigation and take

testimony as necessary to carry out its legislative powers. As an independent branch of

government with such constitutional authority, the Congress must necessarily have the

independent authority to determine the validity of non-constitutional evidentiary privileges

that are asserted before the Congress.219

The opinion continued by observing that while it recognized its “independent authority to rule on

an assertion of the attorney-client privilege... the Subcommittee will nonetheless look to judicial

and other rulings in this area to guide the Subcommittee’s determination.”220 Finding that the

holder of the privilege (the employee in question) “has made extensive disclosures concerning

215

132 Cong. Rec. 3028-3062 (1986); Bernstein Contempt Report, supra footnote 211, at 1.

Bernstein Contempt Report, at 14.

217

Id. at 14-15.

218

132 Cong. Rec. at 3061-62.

219

“Subcommittee on Nuclear Regulation [Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works] Ruling on Claims of

Attorney-Client Privilege,” to Ms. Billie P. Garde from Chairman John Breaux and Senator Alan K. Simpson, dated

July 19, 1989, at pp. 12-13 (Copy on file in the American Law Division, CRS).

220

Id. at 14.

216

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communications between himself and his attorneys [the claimants of the privilege] regarding the

agreement, and has called the competence of his former attorneys into question,” the

Subcommittee ruled that the privilege would have been deemed waived by a court, denied the

claim, and ordered the attorneys to testify.221

More recently, the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Governmental

Affairs Committee denied a claim of attorney-client privilege under unusual circumstances. The

Subcommittee was investigating allegations that under the Medicare Secondary Payer (MSP)

program insurance companies, including Provident Life and Accident Company (Provident), had

failed to comply with their obligations to pay certain claims as the primary payer with Medicare

being the secondary payer, which resulted in sizeable overpayments by Medicare. The

Subcommittee subpoenaed many documents, including one from Provident which it refused to

give upon the ground that it was cloaked by the attorney-client privilege. Provident also argued

that the Subcommittee was bound by a ruling to that effect made by a Federal district court in a

pending civil suit. In order to prevent the author of the document from testifying before the

Subcommittee, Provident sought an injunction from the district court to prevent her testimony.

The court denied the injunction, ruling that Provident had failed to allege a case or controversy,

that the issue was not ripe for judicial determination, and that Provident had failed to fulfill the

equitable requirements for preliminary injunctive relief. The court also noted that its earlier ruling

on the attorney-client privilege “which is not of constitutional dimensions, is certainly not binding

on the Congress of the United States.”222 Subsequently, the Chairman heard testimony and

arguments on the claim in executive session. He noted that “[t]he burden, then, as I see it, is on

you as the party claiming the privilege to demonstrate that the privilege exists and to tell us why.”

On June 15, 1990 the Chairman ruled that Provident had waived any privilege that might have

attached to the document in question when it provided the document to the Department of

Justice.223

This historic congressional practice appears reflective of the widely divergent nature of the

judicial and legislative forums. The attorney-client privilege is a product of a judicially developed

public policy designed to foster an effective and fair adversary system. The courts view the

privilege as a means to foster client confidence and encourage full disclosure to an attorney. It is

argued that free communication facilitates justice by promoting proper case preparation.224 It is

also suggested that frivolous litigation is discouraged when, based on full factual disclosure, an

attorney finds that his client’s case is not a strong one.225 Of critical importance here is the

understanding that the role of attorney-client privilege is designed for, and properly confined to,

the adversary process: the adjudicatory resolution of conflicting claims of individual obligations

in a civil or criminal proceeding. But the necessity to protect the individual interest in the

adversary process is less compelling in an investigative setting where a legislative committee is

not empowered to adjudicate the liberty or property interests of a witness. This is the import of

those cases which have recognized that “only infrequently have witnesses ... [in congressional

221

Id. at 15, 18-19.

In the Matter of Provident Life & Accident Co., E.D. Tenn., S.D., CIV-1-90-219, June 13, 1990 (per Edgar, J.).

223

See, Hearings before the Senate Permanent Subcomm. on Investigations, Committee on Governmental Affairs,

“Health Care Fraud/Medicare Secondary Payee Program,” 101st Cong., 2d Sess., July 11 and 12, 1990, at pp. 3-10.

224

See, e.g., Upjohn v. United States, 449 U.S., 382, 389 (1981).

225

Id.

222

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hearings] been afforded procedural rights normally associated with an adjudicative

proceeding.”226

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Indeed, the suggestion that the investigatory authority of the legislative branch of government is

subject to non-constitutional, common law rules developed by the judicial branch to govern its

proceedings is arguably contrary to the concept of separation of powers. It would, in effect,

permit the judiciary to determine congressional procedures and is therefore difficult to reconcile

with the constitutional authority granted each House of Congress to determine its own rules.227

Moreover, importation of the privileges and procedures of the judicial forum is likely to have a

paralyzing effect on the investigatory process of the legislature. Such judicialization is antithetical

to the consensus, interest oriented approach to policy development of the legislative process.

Finally, an assertion that the denial of the privilege in the congressional setting would destroy the

privilege elsewhere appears neither supported by experience nor reason. Parliament’s rule has not

impaired the practice of law in England nor has its limited use here inflicted any apparent damage

on the practice of the profession. Congressional investigations in the face of claims of executive

privilege or the revelations of trade secrets have not diminished the general utility of these

privileges nor undermined the reasons they continue to be recognized by the courts. Moreover,

the assertion implies that current law is an impregnable barrier to disclosure of confidential

communications when in fact the privilege is, of course, an exception to the general rule of

disclosure and, is riddled with qualifications and exceptions, and has been subject as well as to

the significant current development of the waiver doctrine. Thus, there can be no absolute

certainty that communications with an attorney will not be revealed.228

Moreover, with respect to the work-product privilege, it has always been recognized that it is a

qualified privilege which may be overcome by a sufficient showing of need. The Supreme Court

indicated, in the very case in which it created the doctrine, that “[w]e do not mean to say that all [

] materials obtained or prepared ... with an eye toward litigation are necessarily free from

discovery in all cases.”229 Thus, the courts have repeatedly held that the work product privilege is

not absolute, but rather is only a qualified protection against disclosure.230 As one court has

indicated, “its immunity retreats as necessity and good cause is shown for its production in a

balance of competing interests.”231

In fact, because the work product doctrine is so readily overcome when production of material is

important to the discovery of needed information, some courts have refused to call the doctrine a

226

Hannah v. Larche, 363 U.S. 420, 425 (1960); see also, United States v. Fort, 443 F.2d 670 (D.C. Cir. 1970), cert.

denied, 403 U.S. 932 (1971) (rejecting contention that the constitutional right to cross-examine witnesses applied to a

congressional investigation).

227

U.S. Const., Art. I, Sec. 5, cl. 2.

228

For example, see discussion of difficulties in corporate confidentiality and the development of the doctrine of

waiver, in CRS Memoranda, supra footnote 212 at 26-32, 102-107. See also Garner v. Wolfinbarger, 430 F.2d 1093

(5th Cir. 1970), cert. denied, 401 U.S. 974 (1971) (In shareholder derivative suits “the availability of the privilege

[should] be subject to the right of stockholders to show cause why it should not be invoked in the particular instance.”).

229

Hickman v. Taylor, 329 U.S. 495, 511 (1974).

230

See, e.g., Central National Insurance Co. v. Medical Protective Co. of Fort Wayne, Indiana, 107 F.R.D. 393, 395

(E.D. Mo. 1985); Chepanno v. Champion International Corp., 104 F.R.D. 395, 396 (D. Or. 1984); American Standard,

Inc. v. Bendix Corp. 71 F.R.D. 443, 446 (W.D. Mo. 1976).

231

Kirkland v. Morton Salt Co., 46 F.R.D. 28, 30 (N.D. Ga. 1968).

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privilege. For instance, in City of Philadelphia v. Westinghouse Corp.,232 the court stated that the

work product principle “is not a privilege at all; it is merely a requirement that very good cause be

shown if the disclosure is made in the course of a lawyer’s preparation of a case.”

(b) Requirements for Assertion of the Attorney-Client Privilege

In making the assessment whether to accept a claim of attorney-client privilege, committees often

have reference to whether a court would accept the claim had it been in that forum. This section

and those that follow detail the judicial requirements for a proper assertion of the claim, how the

privilege may be waived, and circumstances under which it may not be claimed at all.

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Although the attorney-client privilege today is seen to rest on the theory that encouraging clients

to make the fullest disclosure to their attorneys enables them to act more effectively, justly, and

expeditiously, and that these benefits outweigh the risks posed by not allowing full disclosure in

court,233 even its leading proponent, Dean Wigmore, concedes the unverifiability of the

assumption and advises that its use be strictly limited.

Its benefits are all indirect and speculative, its obstruction is plain and concrete...It is

worth preserving for the sake of a general policy, but it is nonetheless an obstacle to the

investigation of truth. It ought to be strictly confined within the narrowest possible limits

consistent with the logic of its principle.234

The courts have heeded Wigmore’s admonition.235

One important manifestation of the judicial policy of strict confinement is the universal

recognition that the burden of establishing the existence of the privilege rests with the party

asserting the privilege.236 Moreover, blanket assertions of the privilege have been deemed

“unacceptable”237, and are “strongly disfavored.”238 The proponent must conclusively prove each

element of the privilege. Thus a claimant must reveal specific facts which would establish that the

232

210 F.Supp. 483, 485 (E.D. Pa. 1962), cert. denied sub. nom. General Electric Co. v. Kirkpatrick, 372 U.S. 943

(1963).

233

Fisher v. United States, 425 U.S. 391 (1976).

234

8 Wigmore, Evidence, §2291 at 554 (McNaughton rev. 1961).

235

In re Grand Jury Investigation No. 83-2-35, 723 F.2d 447, 451 (6th Cir. 1983). See also, In re Shargel, 742 F.2d 61,

62 (2d Cir. 1984); U.S. v. Lawless, 709 F.2d 485, 487 (7th Cir. 1983); U.S. v. Goldfarb, 328 F.2d 280 (6th Cir.) cert

denied 370 U.S. 976 (1964).

236

See, e.g., In re Grand Jury Investigation No. 83-2-35, 723 F.2d 447, 450-51 (6th Cir. 1983); U.S. V. Lawless, 709

F.2d 485, 487 (7th Cir. 1983); In re Grand Jury Witness (Salas), 695 F.2d 359, 362 (9th Cir. 1982); In fe Walsh, 623

F.2d 489, 493 (7th Cir.), cert denied, 449 U.S. 994, 101 S. Ct. 531, 66 L.Ed. 2d 291 (1980); Liew v. Breen 640 F. 2d

1046, 1049 (9th Cir. 1981); United States v. Stern 511 F.2d 1364, 1367 (2nd Cir. 1975); United States v. Landof 591

F.2d 36, 38 (9th Cir. 1978); In re Grand Jury Empaneled February 14, 1978 (Markowitz), 603 F.2d 469, 474 (3d Cir.

1979); United States v. Hodgson, 492 F.2d 1175 (10th Cir. 1974); United States v. Tratner, 511 F.2d 248, 251 (7th Cir.

1975); United States v. Demauro, 581 F.2d 50, 55 (2d Cir. 1978); United States v. Ponder, 475 F.2d 37, 39 (5th Cir.

1973); United States v. Bartlett, 449 F.2d 700, 703 (8th Cir. 1971), cert. denied, 405 U.S. 932 (1972); In re Application

of John Doe, Esq., 603 F.Supp. 1164, 1166 (E.D.N.Y. 1985); In re Grand Jury Subpoena December 18, 1981, 561

F.Supp. 1247, 1251 (E.D.N.Y. 1981).

237

SEC v. Gulf and Western Industries, Inc., 518 F.Supp. 675, 682 (D.D.C. 1981).

238

In re Grand Jury Investigation No. 83-2-35, 723 F.2d 447, 454 (6th Cir. 1983); U.S. v. Lawless, 709 F.2d 485, 487

(7th Cir. 1983); In re Grand Jury Witness (Salas), 695 F.2d 359, 382 (9th Cir. 1982); U.S. v. Davis, 636 F.2d 1028, 1044

n. 20 (5th Cir. 1981); U.S. v. Cromer, 483 F.2d 99, 102 (9th Cir. 1973); Colton v. U.S., 306 F.2d 633, 639 (2d Cir. 1962).

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relationship was one of attorney and client. Conclusory assertions are insufficient. And it must

demonstrate that the privilege has not expressly or impliedly waived.

Finally, it should be noted that the assertion that the disclosure of privileged material to a

congressional committee would waive the privilege in any future litigation was specifically

considered, and rejected, by the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals in Murphy v. Department of the

Army.239 Indeed, there appears to be no case holding otherwise and several which have followed

Murphy.240

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(c) Waiver of the Attorney-Client Privilege

Because of the privilege’s inhibitory effect on the truth-finding process and its impairment of the

public’s “right to every man’s evidence,”241 modern liberal discovery rules have taken a narrow

view of the privilege.242 This tendency toward limiting the privilege is most clearly manifested in

the strict standard of waiver.243 Thus the voluntary disclosure of privileged information, whether

by the client or the attorney with the client’s consent, waives the privilege244 because it destroys

the confidentiality of a communication and thereby undermines the justification for preventing

compelled disclosures.245 Waiver need not be express,246 nor is it necessary that the client waive

the privilege knowingly.247 Waiver may be evidenced by word or act,248 but may be inferred from

a failure to speak or act when words or action would be necessary to preserve confidentiality.249

Courts regularly hold that the privilege is waived as to the material disclosed when the client or

his attorney deliberately discloses the contents of a privileged communication, such as when

answering interrogatories, testifying in court or at examination before trial, submitting affidavits

or pleadings to the Court, or in transacting business with a third party.250

Furthermore, the courts have held that less than full disclosure will often cause a waiver, not only

as to disclosed communications, but also as to communications relating to the same subject

matter that were not themselves disclosed.251 By partial disclosure, the client may be voluntarily

waiving the privilege as to that which he considers favorable to his position, but attempting to

239

613 F.2d 1151, 1155 (D.C. Cir. 1979).

See, In re Sunrise Securities Litigation, 109 Bankr. 658, 1990 U.S. Dist. Lexis 168, U.S.D.C. E.D.Pa., Jan. 9, 1990;

In re Consolidated Litigation Concerning International Harvester’s Disposition of Wisconsin Steel, 9 E.B.C. 1929,

1987 U.S. Dist. Lexis 10912, U.S.D.C. N.D. Ill.

241

8 J. Wigmore §2192, at 70.

242

Magida ex rel. Vilcon Detinning Co. v. Continental Can Co., 12 F.R.D. 74, 77 (S.D.N.Y. 1951).

243

See, e.g., Permian Corp. v. United States, 665 F.2d 1214, 1219 (D.C. Cir. 1981); United States v. AT & T Co., 642

F.2d 1285, 1299 (D.C. Cir. 1980).

244

8 J. Wigmore, §2327, at 632-39.

245

United States v. AT & T Co., 642 F.2d 1285, 1299 (D.C. Cir. 1980); In re Horowitz, 482 F.2d 72, 82 (2d Cir.) cert.

denied, 414 U.S. 867 (1973).

246

Blackburn v. Crawford, 70 U.S. (3 Wall.) 175, 194 (1965).

247

In re Grand Jury Investigation of Ocean Transp., 604 F.2d 672 (D.C. Cir.), cert. denied, 444 U.S. 915 (1979).

248

Magida ex rel. Vulcan Determining Co. v. Continental Can Co., 12 F.R.D. 74, 77 (S.D.N.Y. 1951).

249

Id.

250

8 J. Wigmore, §2327.

251

Teachers Ins. & Annuity Assn. of America v. Shamrock Broadcasting Co., 521 F.Supp. 638, 641 (S.D.N.Y. 1981);

R.J. Hereley & Sons Co. v. Stotler & Co., 87 F.R.D. 358, 359 (N.D. Ill. 1980); Hercules, Inc. v. Exxon Corp., 434

F.Supp. 136, 156 (D. Del. 1977); Duplan Corp. v. Deering Milliken, Inc., 397 F.Supp. 1146, 1161-62 (D.S.C. 1974).

240

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invoke the privilege as to the remaining material, which he considers unfavorable.252 Selective

assertion or disclosure usually involves a material issue in the proceeding, and there is a great

likelihood that the information disclosed is false or intended to mislead the other party.253 Thus,

pleading an “advice of counsel” defense, which puts the attorneys advice in issue,254 has been

held to waive the privilege as to all communications relating to that advice. The rationale for the

subject matter waiver rule is one of fairness. Professor Wigmore has stated the principle as

follows: “[W]hen [the client’s] conduct touches a certain point of disclosure, fairness requires that

his privilege shall cease whether he intended that result or not. He cannot be allowed, after

disclosing as much as he pleases, to withhold the remainder. It is therefore designed to prevent the

client from using the attorney-client privilege offensively, as an additional weapon.”

The courts also have severely limited the attorney-client privilege through the development of an

implied waiver doctrine. Thus where a client shares his attorney-client communications with a

third party, the communications between attorney and client are no longer strictly “confidential”,

and the client has waived his privilege over them.255 Even if the client attempts to keep

communications confidential by having the third party agree not to disclose the communications

to anyone else the courts will still consider “confidentiality” between attorney and client breached

and the communication no longer privileged.256 Courts have applied this concept of

confidentiality narrowly to prevent corporations from sharing an attorney-client communication

with an ally and then shielding the communication from a grand jury or adversary.257 As a general

rule, courts also apply the waiver rule to disclosures made to government agencies.258 Thus a

person or corporation who voluntarily discloses confidential attorney-client communications to a

government agency loses the right to later assert privilege for those communications.

While some lower courts have adopted a “limited waiver” rule, which allows corporations to

share their confidential attorney-client communications with agencies such as the SEC without

having to waive the privileged status of these documents against other parties,259 it is a distinctly

252

Perrigrion v. Bergen Brunswick Corp., 77 F.R.D. 455, 461 (N.D. Calif. 1978); Hercules, Inc. v. Exxon Corp., 434 F.

Supp. 136, 156 (D. Eel. 1977); Duplan v. Deering Milliken, 397 F.Supp. 1146, 1161-62 (D.S.C. 1974); IT &T v. United

Tel. Co., 60 F.R.D. 177, 188-86 (M.D. Gla. 1973).

253

United States v. Aronoff, 466 F.Supp. 855, 862 (S.D.N.Y. 1979).

254

E.g., United States v. Woodall, 438 F.2d 1317, 1323-24 (5th Cir. 1970), cert. denied, 403 U.S. 933 (1971);

Transworld Airlines v. Hughes, 332 F.2d 602, 615 (2d Cir. 1964), cert. dismissed, 380 U.S. 248 (1965); Barr Marine

Prods. v. Borg-Warner Corp., 84 F.R.D. 631, 635 (E.D. Pa. 1979); Hangards, Inc. v. Johnson & Johnson, 413 F.Supp.

926, 929 (N.D. Calif. 1976).

255

See, e.g., United States v. El Paso Co., 682 F.2d 530, 539, 540 (5th Cir. 1982) (documents created with knowledge

that independent accountants may need access to them to complete audit waives privilege.); Permian Corp. v. United

states, 665 F.2d 1214, 1219 (D.C. Cir. 1981)(disclosure of documents to SEC waives privilege); United States v.

Miller, 660 F.2d 563, 567-68 (5th Cir. 1981)(previous delivery of accounting books to IRS vitiates privilege.); United

States v. Kelsey-Hayes Wheel Co., 15 F.R.D. 461, 464 (E.D. Mich. 1954)(privilege waived on disclosure to Justice

Department).

256

8 J. Wigmore, Evidence, §2367 at 636 (McNaughton rev. ed. 1961).

257

Permian Corp. v. U.S., 665 F.2d 1214, 1221-22 (D.C. Cir. 1981).

258

See, e.g., United States v. Miller, 660 F.2d 563, 567-68 (5th Cir. 1981)(disclosure to IRS); In re Grand Jury

Investigation of Ocean Transp., 604 F.2d 672 (D.C. Cir. 1979), cert. denied, 444 U.S. 915 (1979)(to Antitrust Div. of

Dept. of Justice); Donovan v. Fitzsimmons, 90 F.R.D. 583, 585 (N.D. Ill. 1981)(to Dept. of Labor); Litton Systems, Inc.

v. American Tel. & Tel. Co., 27 Fed. R. Serv. 2d (Callaghan) 819 (S.D.N.Y. 1979)(to district attorney); In re Penn.

Cent. Commercial Paper Litig., 61 F.R.D. 453, 462-64 (S.D.N.Y. 1973)(to SEC); D’Ippolito v. Cities Serv. Co., 39

F.R.D. 610 (S.D.N.Y. 1965)(to Antitrust Div. of Dept. of Justice).

259

See, e.g., Diversified Industries v. Meredith, 572 F.2d 596, 611 (8th Cir. 1977); Byrnes v. IDS Realty Trust Co., 85

F.R.D. 679, 687-89 (S.D.N.Y. 1980); In re Grand Jury Subpoena, 478 F.Supp. 368, 372-73 (E.D. Wisc. 1979).

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minority view. The prevailing view, enunciated in decision

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