Appendix — Jackson v. District of Columbia Board of Elections & Ethics
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APPENDIX
District of Columbia Court of Appeals
PERMIT UIE BEN, SPER ev cevesencenancnsonnaneactnseveacacvess
Superior Court of the District of Columbia
Opinion and Order (January 15, 2010)..............
District of Columbia Board of Elections and
{thics Opinion and Order (November 17,
I os ec can erdusavassusdicceudecaavedhectheviensieveiestinknaxasaenn
Petition for Review of Agency Decision and
for Writ in the Nature of Mandamus
(November 18, 2009) ...........ccccccccececececcececececeecess
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA COURT OF APPEALS
No. 10-CV-20
HARRY R. JACKSON, JR., et al... APELLANTS.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA BOARD OF ELECTIONS AND
ETHICS, APPELLEE,
AND
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, INTERVENOR-APPELLEE
Appeal from the Superior Court of the District of
Columbia (CAB-8613-09)
(Hon. Judith N. Macaluso, Trial Judge)
(Argued en banc May 4, 2010 Decided July 15, 2010)
Austin FR. Nimocks, with whom Timothy J
Tracey and Cleta Mitchell were on the brief, for
appellants.
Rudolph McGann filed a brief for appellee
Todd S. Kim, Solicitor General for the District of
Columbia, with whom Peter J. Nickles, Attorney
General for the District of Columbia, Donna M.
Murasky, Deputy Solicitor General, and Stacy L.
Anderson, Assistant Attorney General, were on the
brief, for intervenor-appellee.
D. Jean Veta, Thomas S. Williamson, Jr., Paul
A. Ainsworth, Anne Y. Lee, Richard Anthony Lopez
and Jonathan Herczeg filed an amicus curiae brief
for Trevor S. Blake, Il, Jeff Krehely, Amy Hinze-
Pifer, Rebecca Hinze-Pifer, Thomas F. Metzger,
Vincent N. Micone, III, Reginald Stanley, Rocky
Galloway, D.C. Clergy United, Lambda _ Legal
Defense and Education Fund, Inc., and the
Campaign for All DC Families, in support of
appellees.
Miriam R. Nemetz and Jasmin Sethi filed an
amicus curiae brief for the American Psychoanalytic
Association, the National Association of Social
Workers, the National Association of Social Workers,
Virginia Chapter, the National Association of Social
Workers, District of Columbia Chapter and the
National Association of Social Workers, Maryland
Chapter, supporting appellees.
Before WASHINTON, Chief Judge, and RUIZ, REID,
GLICKMAN, KRAMER, FISHER, BLACKBURNE-RIGSBY,
THOMPSON and OBERLY, Associate Judges.
Opinion for the court by Associate Judge
THOMPSON, joined by RUIZ, REID, KRAMER and
BLACKBURNE-RIGSBY, Associate Judges.
Dissenting opinion by Associate Judge FISHER,
joined by WASHINGTON, Chief Judge, and GLICKMAN
and OBERLY, Associate Judges, at page 53.
THOMPSON, Associate Judge: The specific issue
before us in this appeal is whether the District of
Columbia Board of Elections and Ethics (the
3a
“Board”) acted lawfully when it rejected appellants’
proposed initiative measure on the ground that the
measure would authorize, or have the effect of
authorizing, discrimination’ prohibited by the
Human Rights Act, and therefore was not a proper
subject of initiative. As will be seen, however, the
underlying issues are much broader and more
fundamental. They concern (1) the allocation of the
power to enact laws governing the Dzistrict of
Columbia, within the framework of the District of
Columbia Home Rule Act; (2) the broad legislative
authority that Congress conferred on the Council of
the District of Columbia (“the Council” or “the Home
Rule Council’), subject to specific enumerated
limitations; (3) the deference this court owes to the
Council with respect to the meaning of the law that
the Council passed to enable the people of the
District of Columbia to share in the Council’s
legislative power through an amendment to the
Home Rule Charter, (and, in particular, the
deference we owe to the Council’s interpretation of
the Charter amendments, as reflected in the nearly
contemporaneous implementing legislation that the
Council passed); (4) the right of the people of the
District to legislate through the initiative process, a
right that Congress affirmatively approved when it
voted to accept the Charter amendment; and (5) the
unique importance of the Human Rights Act, the
District’s comprehensive anti-discrimination law,
which the people of the District of Columbia,
speaking through their elected representatives, have
long intended to have the “highest priority.” Thus,
once again, we are called upon “to interpret a unique
and complex governmental structure” that is the
District of Columbia under Home Rule. Convention
Ctr. Referendum Comm. v. District of Columbia Bd.
of Elections & Ethics, 441 A.2d 889, 916 (D.C. 1981)
(en banc) (“Convention Ctr. IIT’).
Appellants’ challenge focuses on the validity of
Council legislation that requires the Board to refuse
to accept any proposed initiative that would
authorize, or have the effect of authorizing,
discrimination prohibited by the Human Rights Act
(a requirement that we refer to herein as the
“Human Rights Act safeguard”). Specifically,
appellants contend that, in establishing that
requirement, the Council overstepped its authority
and acted in contravention of the District of
Columbia Charter. Alternatively, appellants contend
that the proposed initiative would not authorize or
have the effect of authorizing prohibited
discrimination. We disagree with both contentions,
and we therefore affirm the Superior Court’s rulings
that the Council acted lawfully in imposing the
Human Rights Act safeguard and that the Board
correctly determined that the safeguard required it
to reject the proposed initiative. As we go on to
explain, we reach this result because (1) resolution of
this appeal turns on what legislative authority the
Council intended to share with the people of the
District of Columbia when it passed the Charter
Amendments Act (the “CAA”); (2) the Human Rights
Act safeguard is not inconsistent with the Council's
intent as conveyed by the language of the CAA; (3)
this court owes substantial deference to the Council’s
legislative interpretation that the Human Rights Act
safeguard carries out the intent of the CAA; (4) the
relevant history convinces us that the Council could
not have intended to authorize, as a proper subject of
initiative, any initiative that would have the effect of
authorizing discrimination prohibited by the Human
Rights Act; (5) the Home Rule Act gave the Council
authority to direct the Board, through the legislation
that the Council passed to implement the CAA, to
refuse to accept an initiative that would authorize
prohibited discrimination; and (6) the Board
correctly determined that the proposed initiative
would have the _ effect of authorizing such
discrimination. On the last of these points, our court
is unanimous
Factual and Procedural Background
On May 5, 2009, the Council passed the Jury
and Marriage Amendment Act of 2009 (“JAMA”)
D.C. Act 18-70, 56 D.C. Reg. 3797 (May 15, 2009)
JAMA amended the District's marriage laws to
provide that the District will recognize lawful, same
sex marriages entered into in other jurisdictions. See
D.C. Code § 46-405.01 (2009 Supp.).! JAMA became
law on July 7, 2009, after Congress did not
disapprove it
On September 1, 2009, appellants—Harry
Jackson, Jr., Robert King, Walter Fauntroy, James
Silver, Anthony Evans, Dale Wafer, Melvin Dupree,
and Howard Butler—filed with the Board their
proposed “Marriage Initiative of 2009,” which is the
The statute states: “A marriage legally entered into
another jurisdiction between 2 persons of the same sex that i:
recognized as valid in that jurisdiction, that is not expressly
prohibited by §§ 46-401.01 through 46-404, and has not been
deemed illegal under § 46-405, shall be recognized a
marriage in the District.” Jd
ubject of this appeal Through = the DI
vs}
initiative, appellants sought to undo JAMA
amending Title 46, Subtitle I, Chapter 4 of the
Code to state: “Only marriage between a man a!
woman is valid or recognized in the District of
Columbia.” After a public hearing on October 26
2009, the Board rejected the proposed initiative
finding that it would “authorize[], o1 have the
effect of authorizing, discrimination” prohibited
under the Human Rights Act and therefore was “not
a proper subject of initiative.” D.C. Code § 1
(b)(1)(C) (2006).- Appellant ought
| po! receipt
referendum measure, the Board shall refu
the measure if the Board finds that it
ubject of initiative or referendum
applicable, under the terms of title I\
of Columbia Home Rule Act
following ground
() The measure authori
authorizing, adiscrimtina
14 of Title 2
ict of the Couns
to § 1-204.46
mandamus, asking the Superior Court to order the
Board to take the necessary steps to certify the
initiative to allow it to be placed on the ballot
Appellants also moved for summary judgment. The
District of Columbia intervened in support of the
Board and moved to dismiss the complaint or, in the
alternative, for summary judgment
In the meantime, the Council adopted the
Religious Freedom and Civil Marriage Equality
Amendment Act of 2009 (the “Marriage Equality
Act”) upon its second reading on December 15, 2009
D.C. Act 18-248, 57 D.C. Reg. 27 (Jan. 1, 2010). Thi
legislation, which became effective as D.C. Law 18
110 on March 3, 2010, see 57 D.C. Reg. 1833 (Mar. 5
2010), expanded the definition of marriage in the
District to include same-sex couples: “Any person
may enter into a marriage in the Dzistrict of
Columbia with another person, regardless of gender
unless the marriage is expressly prohibited by
District law. D.C. Code § 46-401 (a) (Supp. 2010); 57
D.C. Reg. 27 (Wan. 1, 2010). Thus, the Marriage
Equality Act makes civil marriage available to same
sex couples, just as it does to opposite-sex couples. It
also provides that judges of record, the Clerk of the
Superior Court of the District of Columbia or such
deputy clerks as the Clerk may designate, and
“every minister of any religious society approved 01
ordained according to the ceremonies of his religiou
society’ may celebrate marriages in the District. /d
§ 46-406(b). However, it does not require a minister
Id. (italics added). The italicized language ection 1-001. 1¢
(b)(1)(C), sets forth what we refer to as the Human Right \
afeguard
of any religion to celebrate any marriage. Rather,
the Council expressed in the preamble to D.C. Act
18-248 its intent to “ensure that no minister of any
religious society ... shall be required to solemnize or
celebrate any marriage.” 57 D.C. Reg. 27.5) The
Mayor signed the Marriage Equality Act, it was
To that end, the Marriage Equality Act explicitly
provides that
(c) No priest, imam, rabbi, minister, or other official of
any religious society who is authorized to solemnize or
celebrate marriages shall! be required to solemnize or
celebrate any marriage.
(d) Each religious society has exclusive control over its
own theological doctrine, teachings, and _ beliefs
regarding who may marry within that particular
religious society’s faith.
(e)(1) Notwithstanding any other provision of law, a
religious society, or a nonprofit organization that is
operated, supervised, or controlled by or in
conjunction with a religious society, shall not be
required to provide’ services, accommodations,
facilities, or goods for a purpose related to the
solemnization or celebration of a marriage, or the
promotion of marriage through religious programs,
counseling, courses, ov retreats, that is in violation of
the religious society’s beliefs.
(2) A refusal to provide services, accommodations,
facilities, or goods in accordance with this subsection
shall not create any civil claim or cause of action, or
result in a District action to penalize or withhold
benefits from the religious socicty or nonprofit
organization that 1s operated, supervised, or
controlled by or in conjunction with a religious society
D.C. Code § 46-406 (c)}e) (Supp. 2010)
Qa
transmitted to Congress on January 5, 2010, see 57
D.C. Reg. 18 and it became law on March 3, 2010.4
Id.
By the effective date of the Marnage Equality
Act, the Superior Court had ruled on the cross-
motions for summary judgment in this lhtigation. On
January 14, 2010, the court granted the District's
motion for summary judgment, rejecting appellants’
argument that the Human Rights Act safeguard
provision is an invalid restriction on the right of
initiative and agreeing with the Board that
appellants’ proposed initiative would authorize
discrimination. This appeal followed. We ordered
that the appeal be heard en banc and granted
motions by amici to file briefs.
Il. Legal Framework
An understanding of the powers of the Council
under the Home Rule Act, of the District Charter
amendment that created the rights of initiative and
referendum, and of the nearly contemporaneous
legislation that the Council passed, is critical to our
resolution of this appeal. Accordingly, we describe
these matters in some detail.
A. The Home Rule Act
4 The Superior Court, this court, and Chief Justice
Roberts, sitting as Circuit Justice, declined to stay the effective
date of the Marriage Equality Act. See Jackson v. District of
Columbia Bd. of Elections & Ethics, 130 S. Ct. 1279, 1280
(2010) (Roberts, C.J., in chambers)
The Constitution vests Congress with the
authority “[t]o exercise exclusive Legislation” over
the District. U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 17. In 19738,
Congress passed the District of Columbia Self-
Government and Government Reorganization Act,
Pub. L. No. 93-198, 87 Stat. 777, commonly known
as the “Home Rule Act.” Title IV of the Home Rule
Act sets out the District of Columbia Charter, which
establishes the organizational structure of the
District government. D.C. Code §§ 1-204.01—1-
204.115 (2006). The Charter became effective when
ratified by the citizens of the District of Columbia
through a Charter referendum vote. See Home Rule
Act, §§ 701, 704 (codified at D.C. Code §§ 1-207.01, 1-
207.04 (2006)). The Charter created a tripartite form
of government within the District and vested in the
Council the broad legislative power granted to the
District. D.C. Code § 1-204.04; Wilson v. Kelly, 615
A.2d 229, 231-32 (D.C. 1992). Section 302 of Title III
of the Home Rule Act describes that legislative
power in broad terms: “Except as provided in
sections 601, 602, and 603 [of the Home Rule Act,
codified at D.C. Code §§ 1-206.01 to 1-206.03], the
legislative power of the District shall extend to all
rightful subjects of legislation within the District
consistent with the Constitution of the United States
and the provisions of this chapter subject to all the
restrictions and hmitations imposed upon the states
by the 10th section of the 1st article of the
Constitution of the United States.” D.C. Code § 1-
203.02 (2006).°
Sections 601 to 603 expressly restrict the Council's power
to legislate in several specific areas. See D.C. Code §§ 1-203.02,
1-206.02 (a), 1-206.03 (c) (2006). The Council has “no authority
lla
Under the Home Rule Act, the Council is
empowered to pass legislation by a majority vote
after two readings, at least thirteen days apart. See
D.C. Code § 1-204.12 (a). In general, if the Mayor
does not veto an act of the Council within ten days
(or if the Council overrides a veto by a two-thirds
vote), Council-passed legislation becomes effective
after a thirty-legislative-day layover in Congress,
unless disapproved by concurrent resolution. D.C.
Code § 1-206.02 (c)(1) (2006).
to pass any act contrary to the provisions of [the Home Rule
Act],” except as specifically provided in the Act. Jd. § 1-206.02
(a). The Council may not approve a budget in excess of
estimated revenues. Id. § 1-206.03 (c). In addition, the Council
may not “(1) Impose any tax on property of the United States or
any of the several states; (2) Lend the public credit for support
of any private undertaking; (3) Enact any act, or enact any act
to amend or repeal any Act of Congress, which concerns the
functions or property of the United States or which is not
restricted in its application exclusively in or to the District; (4)
Enact any act, resolution, or rule with respect to any provision
of Title 11 (relating to organization and jurisdiction of the
District of Columbia courts); (5) Impose any tax on the whole or
any portion of the personal income, either directly or at the
source thereof, of any individual not a resident of the District . .
. ; (6) Enact any act, resolution, or rule which permits the
building of any structure within the District of Columbia in
excess of the height limitations [established by Congress]; (7)
Enact any act, resolution, or regulation with respect to the
Commission on Mental Health; [for] (8) Enact any act or
regulation relating to the United States District Court for the
District of Columbia or any other court of the United States in
the District other than the District courts, or relating to the
duties or powers of the United States Attorney or the United
States Marshal for the District of Columbia.” D.C. Code § 1-
206.02 (a)(1)—(8).
l2a
Part E of Title VII of the Home Rule Act set
forth amendments to the District of Columbia
Election Act, D.C. Code §§ 1-1101—1-1115 (19783),
and also contained a provision, section 752, entitled
“District Council Authority Over Elections.”
Section 771 (e) of the Home Rule Act provided that
“Part E of Title VII shall take effect on the date on
which title [TV is accepted by a majority of the
registered qualified electors in the District voting on
the charter issue in the charter referendum.” Thus,
section 752 (codified as D.C. Code § 1-207.52 (2006)),
became effective upon ratification of the Charter.
Section 752 provides that “[nJotwithstanding any
other provision of this Act or of any other law, the
Council shall have authority to enact any act or
resolution with respect to matters involving or
relating to elections in the District.” /d.
B. The Charter Amendment Act
The legislative history of the Home Rule Act
shows that Congress considered including in the Act
a provision that would have directly conferred on the
people of the District the power to propose and enact
legislation through an initiative process. See Home
Rule Legislation: Hearing Before the Comm. on the
Dist. of Coiumbia on S. 1603 and S. 1626, 92d Cong.
161 (1971) (hereinafter, “Hearing on S. 1603 and 8S.
1626”). As finally enacted, however, the Home Rule
Act did not provide for the power of initiative (or of
referendum). Section 303 of the Act did, however,
provide that the Charter may be amended “by an act
passed by the Council and ratified by a majority of
the registered qualified electors of the District voting
in the referendum held for such ratification.’ D.C.
l3a
Code § 1-203.03(a) (2006). On May 17, 1977, the
Council exercised its authority under section 303 to
pass the Initiative, Referendum, and Recall Charter
Amendment Act of 1977 (the “CAA”). 24 D.C. Reg.
199 (July 8, 1977); see also 25 D.C. Reg. 244 (July 14,
1978). The Council amended the CAA on November
1, 1977, making technical changes to the legislation
before it was presented to the voters. H.R. Rep. No.
95-891, at 24 (1978). The District’s electorate
ratified the CAA on November 7, 1977, each House
of Congress affirmatively approved it, and the CAA
(and, thus, an amended Charter providing for the
right of initiative) became effective on March 10,
1978. Hessey v. District of Columbia Bd. of Elections
& Ethics, 601 A.2d 3, 12 (D.C. 1991) (en banc);
Convention Ctr. Referendum Comm. v. District of
Columbia Bd. of Elections & Ethics, 399 A.2d 550,
551 (D.C. 1979) (“Convention Ctr. T’); 25 D.C. Reg.
244 (July 14, 1978).
The CAA, codified at D.C. Code §§ 1-204.101-1-
204.115, provides in its definitional section that
“[t]he term ‘initiative’ means the process by which
the electors of the District of Columbia may propose
6 Section 303 specifically provides, however, that the
portions of Title IV relating to establishment of the Council, the
Office of the Mayor, and the judicial system as the tripartite
form of government are not subject to amendment (except by
Congress).
The House-passed Home Rule bill would have permitted
initiative petitions for Charter amendments, while the Senate
bill would have required all Charter amendments to originate
with Congress. The Conference resolution was to permit the
Council alone to originate Charter amendments. See H.R. Rep.
No. 95-890, at 2 (1978) (Conf. Rep.).
l4a
laws (except laws appropriating funds) and present
such proposed laws directly to the registered
qualified electors of the District of Columbia for their
approval or disapproval.” Jd. § 1-204.101 (a).’ The
CAA provided a “very broad” right for the District’s
electorate to utilize the initiative and referendum
process.8 Hessey, 601 A.2d at 12. However, the
initiative and referendum provisions were not self-
executing and did not include particulars about how
the initiative or referendum process would be
implemented. Convention Ctr. I, 399 A.2d at 552-53.
Instead, the CAA affirmatively required the Council
to “adopt such acts as are necessary to carry out the
purpose of {the Act] within 180 days of the effective
date of [the Act].” D.C. Code § 1-204.107.
C. The Initiative Procedures Act
On April 10, 1978, a month after the CAA
became effective, the Council introduced
implementing legislation as Bill 2-317. D.C. Council,
Comm. on Gov't Operations, Report No. 1 on Bill 2-
317 at 1 (May 3, 1978) (hereinafter, “IPA Report”).
7 Section 1-204.101 (b) states that “[t]he term ‘referendum’
means the process by which the registered qualified electors of
the District of Columbia may suspend acts of the Council of the
District of Columbia (except emergency acts, acts levying taxes,
or acts appropriating funds for the general operation budget)
until such acts have been presented to the registered qualified
electors of the District of Columbia for their approval or
rejection.” Jd.
8 For example, in September 1982, citizens adopted an
initiative providing for “severe mandatory minimum sentences
for, among others, persons who committed offenses while
armed with a pistol or firearm.” Lemon v. United States, 564
A.2d 1368, 1379 (D.C. 1989).
Lda
Many of those who testified before the Council on the
bill expressed support for a human rights safeguard
in the implementing legislation, and the Committee
Report notes that, subsequent to the public hearings
on the bill, the Council received “myriad telephone
calls” in support. IPA Report, at 4—6. Bull 2-317 was
reintroduced as Bill 3-2 in January 1979. Convention
Ctr. I, 399 A.2d at 553: D.C. Council, Comm. on Gov't
Operations, Report on Bill 3-2 at 1 (Jan. 31, 1979).
The Council approved Bill 3-2, including the Human
Rights Act safeguard, as the Initiative, Referendum,
and Recall Procedures Act of 1979 (the “IPA”), which
became law on June 7, 1979. D.C. Law 3-1, 1979 &
1980 D.C. Stat 7.9
D. The Human Rights Act
In 1973, the pre-Home Rule District of Columbia
Council promulgated Title 34 of the District of
Columbia Rules and Regulations, known as the
“Human Rights Law” (34 DCRR §§ 1.1—35.3 (1973)).
Reg. No. 73-22, 20 D.C. Reg. 345 (Nov. 17, 1973).
Through the Human Rights Law, the pre-Home
Rule Council declared that “[e]very individual shall
have an equal opportunity to participate ... in all
aspects of life,” 34 DCRR § 9.1, and it announced an
intent “to secure an end... to discrimination for any
reason other than that of individual merit, including,
but not limited to discrimination by reason of race
color, religion, national origin, sex, age, marital
status, personal appearance, sexual orientation,
family responsibilities, matriculation, political
° The pertinent language of the IPA ts set out in note 2
supra
16a
affiliation, physical handicap, source of income, and
place of residence or business.” /d. § 1.1. The pre-
Home Rule Council declared that it was using its
“prerogative to legislate broadly,” and that the
Human Rights Law was intended to be “far-
reaching.” D.C. Council, Econ. Dev., Labor &
Manpower Comm., Report on Title 34 at 2 (August 7,
1973) (hereinafter, “Human Rights Law Report’).
The pre-Home Rule Council was explicit that it
adopted the Human Rights Law pursuant to its
police powers, explaining that Title 34 “shall be
deemed an exercise of the police power of the District
of Columbia, necessary for the protection of lives,
limbs, health, comfort and quiet of all persons and
the protection of all property in the District of
Columbia.” 34 DCRR § 1.3.!°
10 The pre-Home Rule Council also explained that:
The District of Columbia Council hereby finds that
the failure to provide equal opportunity to enjoy a full
and productive life, whether because of
discrimination, prejudice, intolerance or inadequate
education, training, housing or health care, not only
threatens the rights and proper privileges of its
inhabitants, but menaces the institutions and
foundations of a free democratic society; and
threatens the lives, limbs, health, comfort, quiet of all
persons and the protection of all property in the
District.
34 DCRR § 1.3.
In enacting the Human Rights Law, the pre-Home Rule
Council borrowed the language of a longstanding police
regulation that had been enacted by the Commissioners of the
District of Columbia pursuant to their authority “to make and
enforce all such reasonable and usual police regulations .. . as
“Concerned that [the Title 34] police power
regulations might not have the same force and effect
as a statute, the post-Home Rule Council of the
District of Columbia re-enacted the [Human Rights
Law] regulations as The Human Rights Act of 1977.”
Blodgett v. Univ. Club, 930 A.2d 210, 217 (D.C.
2007). The bill (Bill 2-179) that became the Human
Rights Act was introduced on June 16, 1977, within
a month after the Council passed the original
version of the CAA.!'! D.C. Council, Comm. on Pub.
Servs. and Consumer Affairs, Report on Bill 2-179 at
1 (July 5, 1977) (hereinafter, the “Human Rights Act
Report”). In reporting the bill, the Committee on
Public Services and Consumer Affairs Council
explained that, in doing so, it made “no substantive
they may deem necessary for the protection of lives, hmbs,
health, comfort and quiet of all persons and the protection of all
property within the District of Columbia.” See Newsweek
Magazine v. District of Columbia Comm'n on Human Rights,
376 A.2d 777, 781-82 (D.C. 1977). This court held in Newsweek
that the Human Rights Law was “a valid exercise of the [pre-
Home Rule Council’s] police power.” Jd. at 782 n.4. We
explained that “we view the harmful effects of illegal
discrimination ... to be so deleterious to our society as to affect
the ‘lives, limbs, health, comfort and quiet of all persons’ within
the District and thus within the purview of... ‘reasonable and
usual’ Police Regulations.” Jd. at 782
1! Thus, barely a month after the Council passed the
original version of the CAA and before it passed the final
version that went to the voters, the Council took action to
reinforce the District’s far-reaching Human Rights Law. Bill 2
179, which became the Human Rights Act, was sponsored by all
thirteen Council members. See Memorandum from Anglea B
Howard, Committee on Public Services and Consumer Affairs,
to Robert A. Williams at 1 (regarding Substitution of Pages of
Committee Report of Bill 2-179, The Human Rights Act of
1977) (July 7, 1977).
changes,” but acted with “the sole effect [of]
enact[ing] that law as a statute and thus mak[ing| it
a permanent part of the District of Columbia Code.”
Id. The Council intended to “reinforce[] .. . [its] view
that the Human Rights Act is among our most
important laws and is to be vigorously enforced by
all agencies and officials of the Dhistrict
Government.” Jd. It also sought to “underscore the
Council’s intent that the elimination’ of
discrimination within the District of Columbia
should have the highest priority ...and that the
Human Rights Act should therefore be read in
harmony with and as supplementing other laws of
the District.” Id. at 3. The Council understood that
the District's Human Rights Law was “widely hailed
as the most comprehensive of its kind in the nation”
and sought to put it on “firm legal footing” by re-
enacting it as a statute. Jd. at 2.
The Human Rights Act, which the Council
adopted on July 26, 1977, “has' remained
substantially unchanged since 1977, having been
amended only to add new classes to the list of those
already protected by the Act.” Blodgett, 930 A.2d at
218 n.4. The Act continues to provide that “le]very
individual shall have an equal opportunity to
participate ...1n all aspects of life, including, but
not limited to” those aspects specifically described.
D.C. Code § 2-1402.01 (2007). This court has noted
that “[t]he Council undoubtedly intended the Human
Rights Act to be a powerful, flexible, and _ far-
reaching prohibition against discrimination of many
kinds.” Executive Sandwich Shoppe, Inc. v. Carr
Realty Corp., 749 A.2d 724, 732 (D.C, 2000).
Ill. The Parties’ Contentions
Appellants contend that by refusing to accept
their proposed initiative, the Board denied the
citizens of the District their “guaranteed right under
the District of Columbia Charter to be heard” on the
issue of the definition of marriage.'* In ratifying the
CAA, appellants argue, voters conferred upon
themselves and all citizens of the District a right to
utilize the initiative process with only one
limitation—that the initiative process is_ not
available to propose laws appropriating funds
(something the parties agree the Marriage Initiative
of 2009 does not purport to do). According to
appellants, when voters approved the CAA,
including its provision requiring the Council to
“adopt such acts as are necessary to carry out the
purpose of this subpart within 180 days of the
effective date of this subpart,” D.C. Code § 1-204.107,
they authorized the Council only to provide
“procedural” rules to facilitate the people’s exercise
of the right to initiative (and to do so “within 180
days,” id.). Section 1-204.107 did not, appellants
contend, authorize the Council to “impose additional
substantive limitations on the people’s mght of
initiative.” Thus, appellants say, when the Council
enacted the IPA and added the Human Rights Act
safeguard, the Council exceeded the authority
conferred to it by the CAA. Noting that the Charter
Amendments are “in the nature of constitutional
2 Appellants assert that “voters in thirty-one states have
participated in the initiative and/or referendum process to voice
their opinion on... the definition of marriage,” and urge that
the citizens of the District “are also entitled to voice their views
through their votes on this important issue.”
provisions, Convention Ctr. JI, 441 A.2d at 915
appellants emphasize that the CAA “cannot bi
amended or contravened by ordinary legislation |ot!
the D.C. Council.|” /d. (“As implementing legislation,
the Initiative Procedures Act is valid, of course, only
insofar as it conforms to the underlying Charte:
Amendments’). Appellants urge us to hold that the
Human Rights Act safeguard of the IPA conflict:
with the broad right of initiative created by the CAA
and therefore “cannot be used as a basis for
disapproving the Marriage Initiative of 2009.”!
Appellant ; also a ert that citizens of the istrict ma‘
not be ubje cted to a limit on their ability to propose legislation
that diminishes their power relative to that of the Council
because, in the process of ratifying the CAA, they “malde|
themselves coextensive lawmakers with the D.C. Council.” For
this point, appellants rely heavily on this court's statement in
Atchison v. District of Columbia that the power of initiative 1
‘coextensive with the power of the leyislature to adopt
legislative measures, 585 ,; 50, 155 (D.C. 1991) (quoting
Convention Ctr. lll, 441 A.2d at 897). However, the issue 1)
Atchison and in Convention Ctr. IJ] was whether the initiative
process would permit citizens to propose initiatives that were
administrative or executive in nature rather than legislativ:
We answered that question in the negative by explaining that
just as the Council's legislative powers do not extend to
administrative matters, an initiative cannot extend to
administrative matters.” Convention Ctr. IIT, 441 A.2d at 907
Thus, we held that the voters’ legislative power could be no
broader than the Council’s. /d. at 918. We did not consider or
address the question raised here, 1.e., whether the Coun
intended to and could lawfully, through the Human Rights Act
afeguard, enable citizens to have legislative power that |
more limited than the legislative power that the Council itself
holds through the Home Rule Act. “It is a maxim, not to be
disregarded, that general expressions, in every opinion, are to
be taken in connection with the case in which those expression
ire used. If they go beyond the cass y may be respected but
In contrast. the District contends that the CAA
“gave the Council the authority to determine what
acts were necessary to carry out its purpose, with ni
provision for review of that determination by th)
court or any other body The District argues that
by giving the Councu this authority without defining
the purpose and without including words of
limitation on the types of acts that the Council could
enact to carry out that purpose, the CAA “gave the
Council authority broader than that necessary to
ensure merely that mechanical procedures exist fo.
Initiatives to proceed,” and established no “judicially
manageable standards for determining whether th
Council has properly exercised its discretion.” As a
result, the District asserts, whether the Huma
Rights Act safeguard is necessary to the purpose of
the CAA is a “nonjusticiable political question.” The
District emphasizes that the Council itself passed
the CAA in the same Council session in which it
devised the IPA, suggesting that the Council well
ought not to control the judgment in a sub sequent sult wher!
the very point is presented for decision.” Cent. Va. Cmty. Colles:
Katz, 546 U.S 356 Hs (Z0UE (citation and internal
quotation marks omitted)
Moreover. what we aid 1n Convention Ctr lil y Al
absent express or implied limitation, the power of th
electorate to act by initiative 1s coextensive with t} power Ol!
the legislature to adopt legislative measures.” 44] A.2d at #97
(italics added); see also Brizill v. District of Columbia Bd. of
Elections & Ethics, 911 A.2d 1212, 1214 (D.C. 2006) (Voter
“generally may approve through initiative any law that the
Council may enact through legislation.”) (italics added). Thu
rather than answer the question that is before u this case
the quoted statement begs the question whether there is ar
express or implied limitation on the right to initiat
relevant here
understood the CAA’s purpose as it carried out its
mandate to enact necessary implementing law.
Thus, the District urges, even if this case is
justiciable, under well-established principles of
statutory interpretation, this court should presume
that the Council acted in conformity with that
purpose when it enacted the Human Rights Act
safeguard of the IPA. Therefore, the District
maintains, any review of the Council’s action “should
be highly deferential.” The District also stresses that
section 752 of the Home Ruie Act gave the Council
broad “authority to enact any act or resolution with
respect to matters involving or relating to elections
in the District.” D.C. Code § 1-207.52.
IV. Analysis
A. The Human Rights Act Safeguard Is
Consistent with the Intent of the CAA.
We begin our analysis with the observation that,
although District citizens’ right of initiative is “very
broad,” Hessey, 601 A.2d at 12, it can be no broader
than the Council intended when it initiated
legislation to share its direct legislative authority
with the electorate. This is an important point,
which reflects the fact that the people’s right of
initiative in the District is quite different from the
right of initiative in other jurisdictions.'4 In other
jurisdictions, it is the people who, through state
14 For this reason, we have previously cautioned against
“equating the initiative right here with initiatives under the
simpler governmental structures of the states.” Convention Ctr.
ITT, 441 A.2d at 917.
23a
constitutions, have conferred rights on_ the
legislature, but have reserved general legislative
power to themselves as well.'5 By contrast, in the
District, through section 303 of the Home Rule Act,
Congress gave a broad grant of legislative power to
the Council alone (subject to specified restrictions set
out in Title VI, including Congress’s power to
disapprove Councu legislation). In passing the CAA,
the Council had to decide the extent of the legislative
power it would share with the people.'® Thus, to
resolve the issue that is before us, the Council’s
intent when it passed the CAA is paramount.!7 Cf.
15 See, e.g., McGee v. Sec’y of State, 896 A.2d 933, 941 (Me.
2006) (“By section 18 the people, as sovereign, have retaken
unto themselves legislative power and that constitutional
provision must be liberally construed to facilitate, rather than
to handicap, the people’s exercise of their sovereign power to
legislate.”) (citation omitted); Gallivan v. Walker, 54 P.3d 1069,
1080 (Utah 2002) (“Article VI, section 1 [of the Utah
constitution] is not merely a grant of the right to directly
legislate, but reserves and guarantees the initiative power to
the people.”) (italics omitted).
16 As this discussion implies, there is no _ federal
constitutional right to initiative. See Molinari v. Bloomberg,
564 F.3d 587, 597 (2d Cir. 2009) (“[T]he right to pass legislation
through a referendum is a state-created right not guaranteed
by the U.S. Constitution.”); Marijuana Policy Project v. United
States, 304 F.3d 82, 87 (D.C. Cir. 2002) (Congress could “repeal
the [District’s] initiative process altogether’).
17 The task before us is therefore fundamentally different
from the task we faced in District of Columbia v. Wash. Home
Ownership Council, Inc., 415 A.2d 1349 (D.C. 1980) (en banc),
where we recognized that, while the “Council’s interpretation of
its own authority [under the Home Rule Act, which was passed
by Congress, not the Council] obviously commands great
respect, .. . [it is not] entitled to weight beyond the inherent
persuasiveness of the position taken in a particular instance.”
Id. at 1351 n.5.
24a
Stevenson v. District of Columbia Bd. of Elections &
Ethics, 683 A.2d 1371, 13876 (D.C. 1996) (reasoning
that ambiguous language in the CAA must be read
in a way that expresses the Council's intent and
rejecting the “premise that the bill as enacted meant
something different from the bill the Council
intended”).
The Human Rights Act Safeguard Is
Not Inconsistent with the Relevant
Language of the CAA, Which is
Ambiguous.
a. The Definition of “Initiative”
The words used in a statute “are the primary,
and ordinarily the most reliable, source of
interpreting the meaning” of the statute. Pub.
Citizen v. U.S. Dep't of Justice, 491 U.S. 440, 454-55
(1989); Brizill, 911 A.2d at 1216 n.8 (“The primary
and general rule of statutory construction is that the
intent of the lawmaker is to be found in the language
that he has used”). Thus, in our effort to determine
the Council’s intent, we turn first to the language of
the CAA. As already described, the definitional
section of the CAA defines the term “initiative” as
“the process by which the electors of the District of
Columbia may _ propose laws’ (except laws
appropriating funds) and present such proposed laws
directly to the registered qualified electors of the
District of Columbia for their approval or
disapproval.” Jd. § 1-204.101 (a). This is the
language on which appellants focus primarily,
arguing that the “except laws appropriating funds”
25a
phrase is “the exclusive substantive limitation” on
the right to initiate legislation.
Although on its face this language may appear to
denote that there is but one limit on use of the
initiative process, the context shows that this is not
the case. The Charter amendment that established
the right to initiative must be read in conjunction
with the Home Rule Act, which, although conferring
on the Council broad legislative authority, makes
clear that the legislative authority is subject to
limits implied by the United States Constitution and
to the enumerated limits on that legislative
authority that Congress set out in Title VI of the
Home Rule Act. See D.C. Code §§ 1-203.02, 1-206.02;
Convention Ctr. IIT, 441 A.2d at 918 (explaining that
voters’ power to legislate by initiative can be no
broader than the Council’s legislative power). Since
section 1-204.101 (a) obviously could not and did not
remove those limits, it cannot be read as expressing
the entire scope of restrictions on the initiative right.
Rather, section 1-204 101—which Congress
recognized as merely “defin[ing| the operative terms”
of the CAA!8—does not purport to address, and is
ambiguous as to, whether there are other
limitations on the right to initiative (and
referendum).'9 The Human Rights Act safeguard i:
not inconsistent with that ambiguous language.?0
18 H.R. Rep. No. 95-891, at 15.
19 Appellants rely on the ballot language that voters saw
and approved as indicative of the “plain” meaning of the CAA.
We reject this argument. Appellants are correct that the ballot
language did not tell voters that the initiative process could be
limited. But neither did the ballot language inform voters
about the appropriations restriction expressly stated in the
26a
CAA, or about the enumerated limitations on legislative
authority set out in Title VI of the Home Rule Act, or about the
restrictions implied by the U.S. Constitution. The ballot read:
r
Che Initiative and Referendum Charter Amendment
Authorizes 5% or more of the city’s registered voters
(with 5% from each of at least 5 city wards) to propose
laws and enact them by public vote or to repeal laws
previously enacted by the Council of the District of
Columbia by petitioning the Board of Elections and
Ethics to conduct a public vote for such purposes. The
Board of Elections and Ethics shall place such
proposals on the ballot for approval or rejection.
The above would not go into effect until October 1,
1978.
Thus, the ballot asked voters to approve creation of the
right to legislate by initiative, but did not ask them to vote as
to the scope of the initiative power.
20 The Superior Court addressed at some length
appellants’ argument that “[t]he expression of only one subject-
matter exclusion, indicates that all other subjects are proper for
initiatives.” Order Granting District of Columbia’s Motion fi
Summary Judgment and Denying Petitioners’ Motion for
Summary Judgment, at 6 (Jan. 14, 2010) (hereinafter,
“Superior Court Order”). As the court recognized, appellants’
argument appears to apply the interpretive canon “expressio
unius est exclusio alterius.” Id. at 10. As both the Supreme
Court and this court have explained, however, that canon ‘is an
aid to construction, not a rule of law.” Howard Univ. Hosp. v,
District of Columbia Dep’t of Emp’t Serus., 952 A.2d 168, 175
(D.C. 2008) (quoting Neuberger v. Comm’r of Internal Revenue,
311 U.S. 83, 88 (1940) (internal quotation marks omitted)).
More to the point, as the Superior Court explained in its ruling,
the canon “depends on identifying a series of two or more terms
or things that should be understood to go hand in hand, which
b. The Council’s Authority to
“adopt acts as are necessary to
carry out the purpose” of the
CAA
The other relevant language of the CAA is
section 1-204.107, the CAA provision that directed
fis] abridged in circumstances supporting a sensible inference
that the term left out must have been meant to be excluded.”
Superior Court Order at 11 (quoting Chevron U.S.A., Inc. v.
Echazabal, 536 U.S. 73, 81 (2002)). Here, the canon does not
support appellants’ argument. Section 1-204.101 sets out, via
the expressed exceptions to the definitions of “initiative” and
“referendum,” a list of sudject areas that the Council meant to
render off-limits to direct democracy: appropriations,
emergency acts, tax levies, the District’s budget. No inference
can sensibly be drawn that by listing these subject areas and
no others, the Council intended that the initiative and
referendum process would be otherwise unfettered, i.e. subject
to no non-subject-matter safeguards and restrictions. Cf.
Convention Ctr. I, 399 A.2d at 553 & n.8 (recognizing that,
without implementing legislation, the CAA did not “provide
sufficient safeguards” against abuse, and relying in part on the
Board’s statement that “safeguards that modern voters have
come to view as essential” were absent from the CAA).
And, quite the contrary, during the Council debate upon
the second reading of the CAA, Council Chair Tucker, to
expedite a final vote on the legislation, assured Council
members that the matter of safeguards (including, as
Councilmember Wilson put it, provisions to “protect the citizens
against special interests,” and possibly, as Councilmember
Shackleton thought necessary, referendum expenditure limits)
would be addressed and debated in connection’ with
implementing legislation to follow. Final Reading of Bill 2-2,
“The Initiative, Referendum, and Recall Charter Amendments
of 1977,” at 15, 16-19 (May 17, 1977); First Reading of Bill 2-2,
“The Initiative, Referendum, and Recall Charter Amendments
of 1977,” at 37 (May 3, 1977).
28a
the Council to “adopt such acts as are necessary to
carry out the purpose of this subpart within 180
days.”2! This language is in marked contrast to the
counterpart language used in the _ bill’ that
Councilmember Hobson introduced on January 3,
1977 ‘Bill 2-2, which, as amended, became the CAA).
Bill 2-2 directed that “|t}he Council of the District of
Columbia shall provide the manner in_ which
petitions shall be circulated, presented and certified
and measures submitted to the electors.” See D.C.
Council, Comm. on Gov't Operations, Report No. 1
on Bul 2-2 at Attachment A 4 (March 16, 1977
(hereinafter, “CAA Report”). The CAA “necessary to
21 Kmphasizing this language, appellanis cite to cases from
other jurisdictions in which courts, construing language
directing the legislature to enact legislation to implement
initiative or referendum provisions, have ruled that the
legislature could impose only procedural rules, not additional
substantive restrictions. We do not find these cases helpful,
because none of them involved the broad “necessary to carry
out the purpose” language used in the CAA. Further, the cases
generally involve state constitutional provisions that (unlike
the CAA) are self-executing, such that all that is left to the
legislature is to specify the form of the referendum or initiative
petition, see, e.g., Loonan v. Woodley, 882 P.2d 1380, 1386
(Colo. 1994) (applying Colo. Const. art. V. § 1(10)); and, in
many jurisdictions, involve provisions that specifically direct
the legislature to enact laws to “facilitate . . . operation” of the
initiative process and/or specifically provide that “no legislation
shall be enacted to restrict the right of initiative.” See, e.g.,
Cobb v. Burress, 209 S.W.2d 694, 697 (Ark. 1948) (explaining
that because the state constitution provides that “laws may be
enacted to facilitate” the right of referendum and further
provides that “{n]o legislation shall be enacted to restrict,
hamper or impair the exercise of the rights herein reserved to
the people,” the General Assembly’s attempt to limit the time
within which a referendum petition might be filed was beyond
the power of the legislature and therefore was void).
2Ya
carry out the purpose” language also is in stark
contrast to the language used in the bills that were
introduced in Congress (bills that culminated in
passage of the Home Rule Act) that would have
created a right to initiative and mandated the Board
(not the elected Council) to “prescribe such
regulations as may be necessary or appropriate (1)
with respect to the form, filing, examination,
amendment, and certification of initiative petitions,
and (2) with respect to the conduct of any election
during which any such petition is considered.”
Hearing on 8S. 1603 and S. 1626, 92d Cong. 163.
Similarly, the CAA language contrasts with the
language used in section 303 (c) of the Home Rule
Act, which also afforded the Council a model it might
have used to declare its authority to enact merely
procedural rules governing the initiative and
referendum process. See D.C. Code § 1-203.03 (c)
(2006) (“The Board of Elections and Ethics shall
prescribe such rules as are necessary with respect to
the distribution and signing of petitions and the
holding of elections for ratifying amendments to
subchapter IV of this chapter according to the
procedures specified in subsection (a) of this
section’). By comparison to all of those formulations,
the “necessary to carry out the purpose” language
that the Council used in section 1-204.107 appears to
be purposefully undefined.22 Notably, in other
contexts, virtually identical language has been used
Indeed, from the language of section 1-204.107, it
appears that, rather than resolve the issue of whether to
express in the CAA any additional restrictions on the right to
initiative and referendum, the Council decided to “evade that
point and establish a legislative construction of the |Charter
amendment].” Myers v. United States, 272 U.S. 52, 113 (1926)
30a
to authorize the adoption not only of procedural
rules, but also of substantive requirements. See, e.g.,
District of Columbia Ins. Placement Facility v.
Washington, 269 A.2d 45, 48—49 (D.C. 1970) (noting
that statute that directed the Superintendent of
insurance to promulgate such regulations as “he
shall deem necessary to carry out the purposes” of
the statute authorized the Superintendent to direct
that insurance placement facilities ‘ssue crime
insurance).2? The fact that section 1-204.107 placed
no express limit mandating that the CAA-
implementing legislation must be procedural only
may be taken as “a convincing indication that none
li.e., no such limit] was intended.” Myers, 272 U.S.
at 128.24 At the very least, section 1-204.107 is
23 ‘The “necessary to carry out the purpose” language of
section 1-204.107 also is strikingly similar to the “Necessary
and Proper” clause of Article I, section 8, cl. 18 of thi
Constitution, which the Supreme Court has construed as
broadening the power of Congress. See, e.g., United States v.
Comstock, 130 S. Ct. 1949, 1956-59 (2010) (explaining that the
“Necessary and Proper’ clause grants Congress power to “make
all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into
Execution” the enumerated powers vested in Congress, “grants
Congress broad authority to enact federal legislation” that goes
beyond what is described specifically in the list of enumerated
powers); McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. 316, 420 (1819)
(concluding that if the “Necessary and Proper” clause “does not
enlarge, it cannot be construed to restrain the powers of
|Cjongress, or to impair the right of the legislature to exercise
its best judgment in the selection of measures to carry into
execution the constitutional powers of the government’).
24 Additionally, the fact that in the CAA the Council
reserved to itself the task of adopting implementing rules,
rather than assign that responsibility to. the Board, suggests
that the Council contemplated that deciding on the rules
“necessary to carry out the purpose” of the CAA could entail a
balancing of policy considerations that was more suited to
ambiguous as to whether it authorized the Council to
adopt additional restrictions or limitations on use of
the initiative process. That being the case, the
additional “restriction” that the Council imposed
through the Human Rights Act safeguard is not
manifestly contrary to the “acts as are necessary to
carry out the purpose’ language of section 1-204.107.
Focusing more. particularly on the word
“purpose” in the “necessary to carry out the purpose”
clause of section 1-204.107, appellants argue that
the sole purpose of the CAA was to establish the
right of initiative and referendum and that, by
authorizing the Council to enact legislation to carry
out that purpose, the CAA must be understood to
have authorized the Council to do no more than to
adopt rules to facilitate citizens’ use of the new
power. However, they cite no support for their view
that the CAA referred only to this mechanical
purpose rather than to the concerns and objectives
that motivated the Council to pass the act that
became the CAA.25 We deem it significant that the
legislative resolution than to administrative decision-making
In commenting on the bill that became the CAA, the Board
sought “a general grant of rulemaking authority to carry out the
processes if approved by the voters.” CAA Report, at 3; H.R.
Rep. No. 95-890, at 9 (italics added); H.R. Rep. No. 95-891, at 8
(italics added). By contrast, as enacted by the Council, the CAA
directs the Council to adopt such acts as are necessary “to carry
out the purpose” of the CAA. The difference in language is
striking. See also D.C. Code § 1-1021.02 (2006) (IPA provision
that directed the Board to “issue rules and regulations to effect
the provisions of’ the IPA) (italics added).
25 Qur dissenting colleagues refer to the preamble to the
CAA as printed in the D.C. Statutes-at-Large (“To amend the
Charter of the District of Columbia to provide for the power of
CAA Report refers to the initiative, referendum, and
recall processes as “legacies of the Progressive Era in
American politics” that are designed “to provide
direct and continual accountability of public official
to the electorate.” CAA Report, at 2; see also H.R
Rep. No. 95-890, at 8 (containing the same
explanation).2° If this is the broad purpose of the
CAA, the Council could reasonably have thought, fo:
example, that it was necessary to that purpose—i.e
the purpose of helping to ensure that the Council
initiative, referendum, and recall,” 1978 D.C. Stat. 33) and
argue that this resolves “any mystery about the purpose of th
CAA.” They do not discuss the preamble to the Human Right
Act as printed in the D.C. Statutes-at-Large: “To enact
Regulation 73-22, A Regulation Governing Human Rights
D.C. Law 2-38, 1977 D.C. Stat i161. The discussion supra
documents that the Council had a much more expansiv
purpose in mind in enacting the Human Rights Act, including
to “underscore the Council’s intent that the elimination of
discrimination within the District of Columbia should have th
highest priority ... and that the Human Rights Act should
therefore be read in harmony with and as supplementing othe:
laws of the District.” Human Rights Act Report, at 3. Just a
the brief preamble to the Human Rights Act does not discloss
this broader purpose, there is no reason to treat the briet
preamble to the CAA as disclosing the Council's full purpose
26 That this was a purpose that the Council likely had in
mind when it passed the CAA also | uggested by th
legislative history of the Home Rule Act, in which there wer
discussions of the initiative, referendum and recall processes a
means of assuring that elected officials remained responsiv:
the electorate. See, e.g., Hearings before the Subcommittee o1
Government Operations of the Committee on the District of
Columbia, 93d Cong. 11 (1978) (statement explaining that
there was probably no need for these powe) ince Council
members would be made “additionally re ponsive by then
then-proposed two-year terms and since there would continu
to be “Federal Government oversight” and “the continu
restraining effect of the federal presence”)
was accountable to the ntire electorate—for ths
Council to disallow » of the initiative oO!
referendum process t act legislation that woul
have the effect of discriminating against sectors
the electorate who might need protection from thi
“major form: of discrimination current!
encountered citizens. Human Right:
Report, : cribing the target of the Hun
Right
Indeed uc! ‘ n ppt !
Council's reference, in the LPA Report
concurrence in Reitman v. Mulkey, 387 U.S. 369 (1
Lommiuttes on Government Operation quoted
Dougla tatement (which itself quoted the writing
Madison) about the need to Lect inoritie iron
which the Government is thi nstrument of tl
number of the Constituent l ‘87 (Doug
oncurring) (citation an nternal quot O mark
IPA Report, at 11 id, during the Council debat
first reading « IPA, Councilmember Wil
xpre ed con mn al nov an government
decisions that mt : fa whol
iccuse|d
Reading
iSOnaD|Ly
{the IPA '
tne point
petween
ifewuara
DrovVvi
CAA
Night
hu
7
avpret I
le} not to econa-gue ouncil’ judgement
uffhoientiv strong
e of the CAA and the
ind Lo decide whethe T the re
onnection between the purpos
Human Rights Act safewuard. Th
the xtent 0 which
aepret (>i
afeguard s|
} end the closene
conduce|s
relation hip between the mean adopt d and the end
to be attained, [were] matters for [the legislature’
determination alons Comstock, 130 8. Ct
be “necessary to carry out the purpose
CAA, it was not required that the Human Right
absolutely necessar' )
proce Se » be launs hed
ifemuard be enabk
nitiative and referenda
l'o conclude that the Human Righ afeguardad
ith the CAA, } nough that we
incons) W
tha on the Hun
Rights Act safeyuard l not manifestiv contra) ti
the “purpose” of the CAA
In short, analysis of the text of the CAA does not
enable us to agree with appellants that the Council
contravened the express language of the CAA 1:
enacting the Human Rights Act saferuard \nd
quite the contrary, other factors persuade us tha
the Council acted in a manner consistent with it
intent when it passed the CAA
2. The Council’s Interpretation of the
CAA, Which is Reflected in the IPA
Human Rights Act Safeguard, Is
Entitled to Substantial Deference.
Although the language of the CAA do not tell
us whether the Council intended that the CAA
implementing legislation could set out additio1
limitations on the right to initiative, what the
Council did in) enacting the IPA provid an
authoritative interpretation of the intent and
meaning of the CAA. This follows from the principl
that “a contemporaneous legislative exposition of th
Constitution @: by analogy thi Charter!
Amendments] when thi frame! were
ictively participating in public affan icquiesced i
for a long term of years, fixes the construction to bi
piven |the Constitution's} provisions. Aldred
Ashcroft, 537 U.S. 186, 213 (2003) (quoting Myer
72 U.S. at 175): see also Printz (/nited Stat 2
US SO 905 (1997) (Cl|Elarly congressional
enactments provide contemporaneous and weight
evidence of the Constitutions meanineg!.!”) (citatio!
ind internal quotation mark mitted). The principl
36a
that the Supreme Court re-affirmed in Eldred is
squarely applicable here, because the Council that
authored and, in April 1978, began consideration of
the bill that became the IPA was largely the same
Council that passed the CAA in May 1977.29 We
agree with the District that these facts—i.e., the
passage of the IPA by Council members who also
were the “framers” of the Charter Amendments, and
the near-contemporaneity of their work on first the
CAA and then the IPA—dictate that we accord
substantial deference to the Council’s “legislative
construction’®° of the CAA as expressed in the IPA,
which was intended to implement the CAA.?!
29 ‘Ten of the thirteen Council members who voted in favor
of the CAA were still on the Council when the IPA was passed
in March 1979, and all ten voted in favor of enactment; an
eleventh, Marion Barry, was still on the Council when the bill
that became the IPA was introduced in April 1978, and later,
as then-Mayor, signed the IPA into law.
30 Myers, 272 US. at 113.
31 Cf. Winters vu. Ridley, 596 A.2d 569, 572, 577 (D.C. 1991)
(Schwelb, J., concurring) (discussing whether an inmate's “good
time credit” accumulated pursuant to the “Good Time Credits
Act” (“GTCA”) passed in 1986 could be applied to reduce the
inmate’s mandatory minimum sentence for first-degree
murder; observing that ten of the thirteen members of the
Council who passed the GTCA were also members of the
Council in 1989; and reasoning that the Council’s unanimous
passage in 1989 of a resolution and legislation declaring that
the GTCA was not intended to affect mandatory minimum
sentences imposed for first-degree murder was “surely
revealing as to what the 1986 Council intended to accomplish”
through the GTCA and “provide{d] persuasive evidence of [the
Council’s}] intent in 1986... . [i]Jn the absence of evidence that
the members of the Council were mistaken, or worse, about
what they initially intended”).
37a
That is not to say that we must accept any
provision that the Council enacted as part of the
IPA; we have not hesitated to strike down a
provision of the IPA where it squarely conflicted
with a provision of the CAA. See Price v. District of
Columbia Bd. of Elections & Ethics, 645 A.2d 594,
596-99 (D.C. 1994) (striking down IPA provision
that required the Board to use the November 1989
voter registration roll to calculate the number of
signatures required for an initiative or referendum
petition where the specific terms of the CAA
required use of the December 1993 voter registration
roll, because “to the extent any IPA provision is
inconsistent with the Charter Amendments, the
latter controls”); see also INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S.
919, 944 (1983) (explaining that longstanding
acceptance will not “save [a practice] if it is contrary
to the Constitution”). But where, as here, the
relevant CAA provisions admit of more than one
meaning, the Council’s legislative construction of
those provisions when it drafted the IPA less than a
year after it passed the CAA is entitled to
substantial weight. Myers, 272 U.S. at 113, 174—75.#2
Thus, we must begin with a presumption that the
Human Rights Act safeguard that the Council
32 See also Winters, 596 A.2d at 578 (Schwelb, J.,
concurring) (“The views of a subsequent legislature are not
conclusive as to the intent of an earlier one, but they carry
‘considerable retrospective weight.”) (quoting Heckler v.
Turner, 470 U.S. 184, 211 (1985)); Stevenson, 683 A.2d at 1376
(observing that “the legislative history both at the time of
enactment and afterwards . . . points unmistakably to the
Council’s intent” in enacting the “5 percent” language of the
CAA) (italics added).
38a
enacted as part of the IPA is consistent with the
CAA.
That there was more than one _ possible
interpretation of the relevant provisions of the CAA
was made evident at the outset, when, during the
debate on the IPA, both the Corporation Counsel and
the General Counsel to the Council advised that the
Council did not have the power to impose the
Human Rights Act safeguard.33 But the elected
representatives of the people—the Council and the
Mayor—thought otherwise. Importantly, it was the
Council members, not the lawyers, who were privy to
the full panoply of discussions, conferences, and
considerations that led to adoption of the CAA, and
who had the authority to propose and vote on the
IPA. It is their understanding that informs our
analysis.34 An observation by the Supreme Court in
33 For example, the Office of Corporation Counsel opined
that “[aJny substantive restrictions on the rights of the voters . .
. are contrary to [the CAA] and, hence, are void and of no
effect,” Supplemental Memorandum from Louis P. Robbins,
Principa!' Deputy Corporation Counsel, Office of the
Corporation Counsel to Judith W. Rogers, Special Assistant for
Legislation, at 2 (June 2, 1978) (3 Op. C.C.D.C. 102, 103
(1978)); see also Memorandum from Edward B. Webb, Jr.,
General Counsel to Council Members, at 2 (June 7, 1978)
(opining that the Human Rights Act safeguard “engrafts ... a
new requirement not in the Charter amendment” and
represents “an indirect attempt to further amend the Charter
and is, therefore, legally without effect”).
34 And, although a few Council members questioned
whether the IPA restriction on referenda dealing with any
budget item (including capital budget items) comported with
the CAA, see Second kKeading of Bill 3-2, “Initiative,
Referendum, and Recall Procedures Act of 1979,” Excerpt at 7
10, 15 (Mar. 27, 1979), we see no evidence that any Council
39a
Myers is instructive. The issue before the Court in
that case was whether “under the Constitution the
President has the exclusive power of removing
executive officers of the United States whom he has
appointed by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate.” 272 U.S. at 106. The Court noted that the
First Congress had decided the issue—i.e., had
“early adopted as the practical construction of the
Constitution that this power was vested in the
President alone[,]” id. at 153—“wirain two years
after the Constitutional Convention and within a
much shorter time after its ratification[,]” and while
“numberfing] among its leaders those who had been
members oi the Convention.” Jd. at 136. Regarding
the First Congress’s decision, the Supreme Court
observed that “[iJt was of course to be expected that
the decision would be received by lawyers and jurists
with something of the same division of opinion as
that manifested in Congress, and doubts were often
expressed as to its correctness.” Jd. Nevertheless, the
Court observed, “the acquiescence which was
promptly accorded [the First Congress's
interpretation] after a few years was universally
recognized.” Jd. “[T]he decision of Congress in 1789
and the universal practice of the Government under
it, had settled the question beyond any power of
alteration.” Id. at 146 (quoting Parsons v. United
States, 167 U.S. 324, 330 (1897)). So, here, the
doubts expressed by lawyers who had neither the
authority to enact the CAA nor were answerable to
member thought that the Human Rights Act safeguard
contravened the CAA. Thus, we see “no cause to suspect that a
purpose to evade” the CAA mandate prompted the Council to
adopt the Human Rights Act safeguard. Eldred, 537 U.S. at
199—200.
40a
the electorate do not undermine our reliance on the
Council's interpretation (as reflected in the IPA) of
language in the CAA that can bear more than one
meaning.
3. We Accept the Council’s
Interpretation of the CAA As
Reflected in the IPA Because It Is
Consistent with the Concerns and
Objectives T h at the Council
Contemporaneously Emphasized as
Having the “Highest Priority.”
The District of Columbia Charter is a
“constitutional analog.” Wash. Home Ownership
Council, 415 A.2d at 1367 (Gallagher, J., concurring)
(internal quotation marks omitted). As the Supreme
Court reasoned long ago in Myers, in determining
ultimately whether to accept the legislature’s near-
contemporaneous construction of an ambiguous
constitutional provision, it is important to
understand the context in which the framers did
their work and the concerns that animated them. %5
35 The particular facts discussed in Myers again are
instructive. The opinion recounts that under the Articles of
Confederation, the states’ union “had not worked well,” in part
because there was no strong Executive; rather, Congress was
given the power of appointing certain executive officers and
also exercised the power of removal. See 272 U.S. at 110, 116.
“The debates in the Constitutional Convention indicated an
intention to create a strong Executive” and to specify “many of
his important functions . . . so as to avoid the humiliating
weakness of the Congress during the Revolution and under the
Articles of Confederation.” Jd. at 116-17 (citation omitted).
Nevertheless, the Constitution does not specify that the
Ala
Accordingly, we look to the context in which the
Council passed the CAA (both the original version of
the CAA and the revised version that was put to
voters in November 1977) and the broader legislative
agenda and objectives that motivated Council
members at the time.
Almost immediately after passage of the original
version of the CAA in May 1977, the Council turned
its efforts toward introducing and passing (on July
26, 1977) a bill that re-enacted the Human Rights
Law as the Human Rights Act of 1977.56 As
described above, the Council explained that it
intended the re-enactment to “forcefully convey to
the executive and administrative agencies of the
District Government the importance which the
Council places on vigfo]Jrous enforcement of its
provisions” and to reinforce and underscore the
Council's intent that the District’s human rights law
be given the “highest priority” and “be read in
President may act alone to remove officials whose terms are not
-acified. The First Congress, however, passed laws that
.lected its “legislative construction” that the President does
have the power of removal of officers appointed with the advice
and consent of the Senate. /d. at 113, 153. The Court’s opinion
makes clear that it accepted that legislative construction, by
members of the First Congress who were among the framers of
the Constitution, because the interpretation was consistent
with the concerns and objectives that guided the framers. Jd. at
115-37, 164 (setting out various statements by members of the
First Congress, and concurring in the interpretation that
carried the day, because “to hold otherwise would make it
impossible for the President, in case of political or other
differences with the Senate or Congress,” to act as a strong
Executive).
36 The Mayor signed the Human Rights Act into law on
September 28, 1977.
harmony with and as supplementing other laws of
the District.” Human Rights Act Report, at 3. The
Council emphasized, inter alia, its objective to
reinforce the principle that the Human Rights Law
was intended as a supplement to every District
licensing and_ benefit scheme—--to make it
“unequivocally clear, for example, that a licensed
establishment which has been found to discriminate
in violation of the Act, could have its license
suspended, revoked, or otherwise restricted for that
reason.” Id.37 The Council explained, too, that it was
37 Both the Human Rights Law and the Human Rights Act
contained language nearly identical to the following current
provision of the Act:
(a) Whenever it appears that the holder of a permit,
license, franchise, benefit, or advantage issued by any
agency or authority of the government of the District
is a person against whom the Office has made a
finding of probable cause [that the holder is violating
the Human Rights Act] pursuant to § 2-1403.05, the
Office, notwithstanding any other action it may tale
or may have taken under the authority of the
provisions of this chapter, may refer to the proper
agency or authority the facts and identities of all
persons involved in the complaint for such action as
such agency or authority, in its judgment, considers
appropriate, based upon the facts thus disclosed to it.
(b) The Commission, upon a determination of a
violation of any of the provisions of this chapter by a
holder of, or applicant for any permit, license,
franchise, benefit, exemption, or advantage issued by
or on behalf of the government of the District of
Columbia, and upon failure of the respondent to
correct the unlawful discriminatory practice and
comply with its order, in accordance with § 2-1403.15
(a), shall refer this determination to the appropriate
taking action in the wake of Newsweek, 376 A.2d
777, a decision of this court issued on March 28,
1977, and an earlier decision from 1974,°8 that called
into question the District government’s powers to
enforce some of the remedies provided in the Human
Rights Law, which had been promulgated by the pre-
Home Rule Council (under its more limited powers)
as a regulation rather than a statute. Human Rights
Act Report, at 2. D» ‘ng the Council discussion of
the bill upon its final reading, Councilmember Barry
urged the Council to “go on record as carrying out
our progressive tradition in this city of being in the
forefront of human rights,” and to make _ the
District’s human rights law “as broad and as
sweeping as we _ possibly can,” to eliminate
discrimination “under any guises.” Final Reading of
agency or authority. Such determination — shall
constitute prima facie evidence that the respondent,
with respect to the particular business in which the
violation was found, is not operating in the public
interest. Such agency or authority shall, upon
notification, issue to said holder or applicant an order
to show cause why such privileges related to that
business should not be revoked, suspended, denied or
otherwise restricted.
D.C. Code § 2-1403.17 (a), (b) (2007).
38 Mendota Apartments v. District of Columbia Comm'n on
Human Rights, 315 A.2d 832, 833, 834, 835 (D.C. 1974)
(upholding Commission on Human Rights order that petitioner
cease and desist from racial discrimination in the rental of
apartments (“refusing to lease an apartment to [complainant]
because she is a Negro”), but concluding that the Commission
did not have aority to award damages to campensate
complainant for the anguish and humihation suffered because
of petitioner’s discriminatory practices, since that was beyond
the scope of reasonable and usual police regulations).
44a
Bul 2-179, “The Human Rights Act of 1977,” at 75
(July 26, 1977). Councilmember Rolark explained
that she co-sponsored the bill because she “kn[e]w
how hard that fight has been to obtain human rights
in the District of Columbia for all of us and I do
underscore ‘all.” Jd. at 76.
We believe it is reasonable to assume that the
Council did not come by these strong views only in
June 1977 (when the bill that became the Human
Rights Act was introduced), and that Council
members held these views as they passed the
original version of the CAA the previous month, in
May 1977. And, in any event, the Council had
forcefully articulated these views before it passed the
amended version of the CAA (on November 1, 1977)
that was presented to voters. This history and the
strong language that the Council used when it re-
enacted the District’s human rights law (and when it
included the Human Rights Act safeguard in the bill
that the Council Committee on Government
Operations reported to implement the CAA) inform
our analysis. In lght of them, we find it
inconceivable that the Council would have intended
to permit individuals to use the initiative process to
circumvent the human rights law, which the Council
had just affirmed had the “highest priority,” Human
Rights Act Report, at 3, and which, we have
recognized, “was enacted to aid . . . the public at
large.” JBG Props., Inc. v. District of Columbia Office
of Human Rights, 364 A.2d 1183, 1185 (D.C. 1976).89
39 Cf. Amoco Prod. Co. v. Vill. of Gambell, 480 U.S. 531,
552 (1987) (“We agree with the Secretary that [ijt is
inconceivable that Congress intended to allow either the State
45a
For this reason, we are persuaded that the Council
would have understood the human rights law as
“supplementing” the CAA, Human Rights Act
Report, at 3, and as an implied lhmitation on the
initiative and referendum prerogative (in a manner
similar to the way in which the District’s human
rights law was and is a limitation implied in the
various “permit, license, franchise, benefit, [and]
advantage” schemes administered by agencies of the
District government. D.C. Code § 2-1403.17 (a)).4
See IPA Report, at 10 (“It is [an] implied restriction
to ensure that no initiated measure will establish an
affirmative policy in favor of discrimination in this
community”). Stated differently, we are persuaded
that the Council would have viewed the CAA as
permitting citizens to place initiatives and referenda
on the ballot only insofar as consistent with the
District’s human rights law (and that, by broadly
describing its mandate to adopt “acts as are
necessary to carry out the purpose” of the CAA, the
Council left the door open for the IPA to incorporate
explicitly that human rights safeguard).‘! “[T]o hold
of Alaska or Native Alaskans to select [i.e., own] portions of the
[Outer Continental Shelf]—a vital national resource reserve
held by the [government] for the public.”) (citation and internal
quotation marks omitted).
49 See also Filippo v. Real Estate Comm'n of the District of
Columbia, 223 A.2d 268, 269, 270 (D.C. 1966) (upholding order
of Real Estate Commission suspending petitioner's real estate
broker’s license on ground that he “exhibit[ed] and offer[ed] for
sale a house .. . to Negroes at a higher price than the same
house was exhibited and offered for sale to white persons[,]” in
violation of the police regulations prohibiting, inter alia,
discrimination for reasons of race).
41 It may be asked why, then, did the Council not state a
human rights restriction in the CAA. We addressed a similar
4bha
otherwise’ would be to conclude that the Council
intended to confer an initiative right that could
“make it impossible[,)” Myers, 272 U.S. at 164, to
achieve the Human Rights Act objectives that the
Council emphasized had the highest priority
Our recognition of this implied Human Right
Act safeguard does not portend a dilution of the
important right of the electorate to propose laws. In
the thirty-plus years since passage of the IPA, the
Council has never attempted to impose any further
legislative limitation on the right to initiative or
referendum. The fact that it has not done so weighs
heavily against the possibility that any further
restrictions on the right of initiative are implied in
the CAA.42
question in Atchison, where the issue was whether the
Council's failure to include in the CAA a provision that would
have granted the Council the express power to amend or repeal
an initiative act meant, that the Council had no such power. 585
A.2d at 154. We cited the Supreme Court's observation in
United States v. Wells; Fargo Bank, 485 U.S. 351, 358 (1988)
about Congress’s failure to include a particular provision in a
tax bill: “Equally plausible is that the Committee omitted the
express exception as umnecessary.” Atchison, 585 A.2d at 156
42 Cf. Printz, 521 U.S. at 907—08 (“[Wle do not think the
early statutes imposimg obligations on state courts imply a
power of Congress to impress the state executive into its
service. Indeed, it cam be argued that the numerousness of
these statutes, contrasted with the utter lack of statutes
imposing obligations on the States’ executive . suggests an
assumed absence of such power,.”) (italics omitted). Similarly,
the fact that the Council, acting within (and somewhat beyond)
the 180-day legislative period described in the CAA, identified
no additional limitations as necessary to carry out the purpose
of the CAA, presumably would weigh against a finding that
additional types of limitations are necessary
The legislative history of the IPA reflects that
when the Council set about crafting provisions to
carry out the purposes of the CAA, it focused on the
Supreme Court’s opinion in Reitman, which the
Committee on Government Operations’ Keport
discussed in some detail. [PA Report, at 9-11. In
Reitman, the Supreme Court affirmed a ruling of the
Supreme Court of California striking down, a
violative of the Equal Protection Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment, Proposition 14 an
initiative measure that provided that the state could
not abridge the right of any person to sell or decline
to sell his property as he or she chooses. 387 U.S. at
370-71. The Supreme Court held that “/t]he
California Court could very reasonably conclude’
that the result of Proposition 14 was that “[t]he right
to discriminate, including the right to discriminate
on racial grounds, was now embodied in the State’
basic charter,” id. at 376-77, and that the initiative
measure would “significantly encourage and involve
the State in private discriminations.” /d. at 38]
Having studied Reitman, the Council Committee
on Government Operations came to the view that for
the Board to accept an initiative or referendum that
would have the effect of discriminating, would
involve the District government in condoning and
assisting with discrimination.** The Council cited
Such involvement and compli ity, the Council! yubtle
realized, could not be avoided by a post election repeal ota
discriminatory measure; rather, the involvement of the Board
and the expenditure of District funds to put such an initiative
on the ballot would constitute the very involvement that thi
the language in Reitman that “the initiative proc
may not be used to place the Government in th
posture of affirmatively condoning discrimination
and that “when the Government's official position of
neutrality toward protected minority classification
(such as those identified in the Human Rights Act of
77) 1s removed and a policy of discrimination
imposed, such measures will fail.” IPA Report, at 9
Accordingly, the Committee recommended including
in the IPA a mandate that the Board not accept any
initiative oO} referendum that would authoriz
discrimination or hay the effect f authorizin
discrimination prohibited | the Human Right
Act
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The Council's acceptance of the Committee's
recommendation was consistent with the “highest
priority’ objective that the Council expressed during
the same time period when it crafted the CAA
Because the Human Rights Act safeguard is
consistent with that objective, we accept the
Council's legislative interpretation, reflected in the
IPA, that the safeguard implements the intent of the
CAA.‘
B. Section 752 Gave the Council Authority
to Direct the Board to Refuse to Accept
Initiative and Referendum Measures
That Would Authorize or Have the
Effect of Authorizing Discrimination.
We further conclude that the Council was not
obhged to allow initiatives that would have the effect
of authorizing discrimination prohibited by the
Human Rights Act to be put to voters, and then t
one of the most emotionally charged In recent memo!
with near hvsteria on bot ice ol the 1 L Marv Ru ‘
Gay Rights Loses 2-1 in Miami Law, Washington Post, Jun
8, 1977, section A 4, col. 1. An editorial cartoon in the pape!
captured the atmosphere of violence, depicting supporters of
Bryant throwing rocks at upporters ol the anti-discriminatior
rdinance. Washington Post, June 10, 1977, section A 26, co
We note, as Chief Justice Roberts did when he declined
tay the effective date of the Marriage Kqualits Act. tl
when the IPA wa passed (with the not-easily overlooked
Human Rights Act safeguard), the legislation laid over before
Conegre for thirty legislative day without disapproval
either house. That “Coners chnose!l| not to act 1 if ur
not determinative of the legal 1 ies, but do weigh against
appellants position that th ibviously important nd
substantive provision of the IPA contlicted with the (
Jach on 1.) ¢ ( f 1
AOa
repeal them, or to wait for them to be challenged as
having been improper subjects of initiative, should
they be approved by voters. Rather, the Council
could legislate, as it did through the IPA, that the
Board must refuse to accept initiatives and
referenda that would authorize prohibited
discrimination. We reach this conclusion because the
CAA did not provide the Council its exclusive grant
of authority to enact laws on matters relating to the
initiative and referendum process. Rather, as
already described, section 752 of the Home Rule Act
conferred on the Council, “|njotwithstanding any
other provision of this [Act] or of any other law,
authority to enact any act or resolution with respect
to matters involving or relating to elections in the
District.” D.C. Code § 1-207.52 (emphasis added).*6
As a provision of the Home Rule Act not subject
to amendment by the Council or by the voters of the
District, section 752 remains one of the provisions
46 We are satisfied that initiatives and referenda are
“matters involving or relating to elections” within the ordinary
meaning of the word “election.” Section 412 (b) of the Home
Rule Act authorized the Council to call “|a] special election . . .
by resolution of the Council to present for an = advisory
referendum vote of the people any proposition upon which the
Council desires to take action.” D.C. Code § 1-204.12 (b) (italics
added). The amended Charter specifically refers to a
referendum as a “referendum election.” D.C. Code § 1-204.102
(b)Q1). The D.C. Code provisions relating to initiatives and
referenda are set. out in Title 1, Chapter 10, Subchapter I of the
Code, entitled “Regulation of Elections.” In lght of these
usages, we see no reason not to recognize that the initiative
process, like the referendum process, enta:tls an “election.”
Thus, we conclude that section 752 gave the Council authority
to enact laws with respect to the initiative (and referendum)
election process.
governing District affairs. See D.C. Code § 1-203.03
(a) (providing that only the District Charter as set
forth in Title IV of the Home Rule Act is subject. to
the Charter-amending procedure); D.C. Code § 1
206.02 (providing, per section 602 of the Home Rule
Act, that the Council “shall have no authority to pass
any act contrary” to the provisions of the Home Rule
Act except as specifically provided in the Ilome Rule
Act); and D.C. Code § 1-207.61 (a) (2006) (providing
that the provisions of the Home Rule Act “shall
prevail and be deemed to supersede” any other laws
with which they are in conflict). Moreover, the
“[njotwithstanding any other provision of this Act or
of any other law” language of section 752 is “strong
stuff’ that cannot be assumed to have been
superseded by an after-enacted law. Winters, 596
A.2d at 573 (Schwelb, J., concurring) (reasoning that
“lal clearer statement [than “notwithstanding any
other provision of law’) is difficult to imagine” and
that this language “must be read to override any
conflicting provision of law in existence at the time”
and as “powerful evidence that Congress did not
intend any other, more” general, legislation,
whenever enacted, to qualify the authority .. . set
out” in the Act that contains the “notwithstanding”
clause) (italics omitted). And, the legislative history
of the Home Rule Act suggests strongly that,
through section 752, Congress intended to give the
Council authority to legislate on substantive matters
regarding clections (and not merely to establish
procedures).47
47 Section 752 appears to have originated as section 742 of
a House bill, H.R. 9056, 93d Cong. 109-110 (1973), and
thereafter was inciuded in a later bill, H.R. 9682, 93d Cong.
At the same time, “a statute generally should be
read to give effect, if possible, to every clause,”
Heckler v. Chaney, 470 U.S. 821, 829 (1985) (citation
and internal quotation marks omitted), and it is a
“basic axiom .. . that courts should construe all
legislative enactments to give them = some
meaning[.]” Losado v. Wyman, 397 U.S. 397, 415
(1970). Adhering to these basic rules of construction,
we decline to interpret the Council’s authority under
section 752 of the Home Rule Act in a way that
effectively would mean that the initiative right,
conferred through the Charter- amending procedures
also set out in the Home Rule Act, could be rendered
meaningless, or in a way that would so diminish the
initiative right as virtually to nullify it. This “basic
131 (1973), as section 752. The record of the Senate hearings
shows that Congress was urped to leave to the Council
“important nitty-gritty questions” such as whether ex-felons
would be permitted to vote and whether there could be a
durational residency requirement for voting (the
constitutionality of which was in question). See Hearing on S.
1603 and S. 1626, 92d Cong. 222, 228. Congress was urged to
“make only those changes” to the Election Act that were
“absolutely necessary to enable the first clection to be held,”
leaving it to the Council or Congress later to make “a thorough
revision.” /d. at 231. The Report of the Committee on the
District of Columbia on H.R. 9682 together with Dissenting
Views, 93d Cong., lst Sess. (Sept. 11, 1973) includes a
“Dissenting Commentary on Significant Provisions of H.R.
9682.” H.R. Rep. 93-482, at 141 (1973). That commentary
asserts that section 752 “would permit the local government to
exempt all District employees from the Hatch Act, which
currently prohibits employees of the Federal and _ District
Governments from taking an active part in_ political
management or in political campaigns.” Jd. at 165 (internal
quotation marks omitted).
53a
axiom” articulated in Rosado is especially applicable
here since the right of initiative is “a right that
Congress affirmatively approved.” See Stevenson,
683 A.2d at 1375 (“[I]t 1s not without significance
that Congress affirmatively approved the Charter
Amendments Act after passage by the Council.”).
Accordingly, we must, if we can, harmonize section
752 and the CAA. We can do so, as follows.
At the time the Home Rule Act was passed, the
Mlection Act mandated that the Board would be an
independent agency. Specifically, the Ilection Act
provided (and still provides, see D.C. Code § 1-
1001.06 (a) (2006)), that “[iJn the performance of its
duties, the Board shall not be subject to the direction
of any non-judicial officer of the District.” D.C. Code
§ 1-1106 (a) (1973). We interpret section 752° to
confer upon the Council the authority to enact laws
giving direction to the Board in the handling of
clection matters, notwithstanding the Board’s status
as an independent agency.”® This is what the Council
did in imposing the Human Rights Act safeguard of
the IPA, by declaring that, consistent with the
Council’s interpretation of the scope of the right of
initiative in the CAA, the Board must refuse to
accept initiative measures that it determined would
authorize prohibited discrimination. In doing so, the
48 As originally proposed in the House Bill (H.R. 9056),
section 752 (then numbered = as_ section 742) read
“Injotwithstanding any other provision of this Act or of any
other law, the Council shall have jurisdiction to legislate with
respect to matters involving or relating to elections in the
District” (italics added). H.R. 9056, 93d Cong. 109 110. This
language supports a reading that a focus of section 752 was the
Council’s authority vis-a-vis the independent Board.
da
Council explicitly relhed on its authority under
section 752. See IPA Report, at 11 (“Further legal
support for the provisions of the enabling legislation
here presented are found in [section 752], which
yrant|s}] the Council plenary authority over all
election matters.”). Under section 752-——and despite
what one court has called the “general rule favoring
postelection review” of the validity of a proposed
initiative measure’9—the Council had authority to
require the Board to conduct pre-election review of
whether the subject matter of a proposed initiative is
a proper subject matter. See Convention Ctr. Ill, 441
A.2d at 914 (concluding that the IPA mandate that
the Board exclude from the ballot a referendum
measure that would negate a budget-request act
“comports with the Charter Amendment limitations
on the initiative right [and that] the reliance of the
Board ... on that provision was entirely proper’).5
4 Legislature v. Deukmejian, 669 P.2d 17, 20 (Cal. 19838)
(per curlam).
Appellants have not contended that the resultant prior
subject-matter restraint on initiative measures implicates the
First Amendment. right to free speech, and relevant persuasive
authority is to the contrary. “The First Amendment imposes no
restriction on the withdrawal of subject matters from the
initiative process.” Mariyuana Policy Project, 304 F.3d at 84-85
(holding that, by complying with the so-called Barr Amendment
(through which Congress banned the District from making any
expenditures to reduce penalties associated with marijuana) in
rejecting a proposed initiative that would reduce marijuana
penalties, the Board did not viviate the First Amendment,
because “although the First Amendment protects public debate
about. legislation, it confers no right to legislate on a particular
subject.”) (citing Skrzypczak v. Kauger, 92 F.3d 1050 (10th Cir.
1996)) (holding that state supreme court decision removing an
abortion initiative from the ballot did not violate a voter's First
Amendment rights because the voter remained free “to argue
Nha
The Board’s decision, as has been made evident by
this and many other cases, is subject to prompt
judicial review.
For all the foregoing reasons, we are
unpersuaded by appellants’ contention that the
Council either overstepped its authority or acted in
contravention of the CAA when it imposed the
Human Rights Act safeguard of the IPA.°!
C. The Proposed Initiative Would
Authorize or Have the Effect of
Authorizing Discrimination Prohibited
by the Human Rights Act.
against legalized abortion, to contend that’ pre-submission
content review of initiative petitions is unconstitutional, or to
speak publicly on any other issue”), overruled on other grounds
by Initiative & Referendum Inst. v. Walker, 450 F.3d 1085, 1099
(10th Cir. 2006) (en bane) (“Although the First Amendment
protects political speech incident to an initiative campaign, it
does not protect the right to make law, by initiative or
otherwise.”). There is “no law ... establishing a right to have a
particular proposition on the ballot.” Skrzypczak, 92 F.3d at
1053.
' One final point: There is no doubt that, through the
Human Rights Act and the Human Rights Act safeguard, the
Council has sought to promote a_ broad policy of non-
discrimination that will preclude voters from putting some
measures on the ballot. To the extent that citizens disagree
with this fundamental policy, they are not without a remedy.
The Council “is, in the end, accountable to the electorate and
the political process for its advocacy. If the citizenry objects,
newly elected officials later could espouse some different or
contrary position.” Legal Serus. Corp. v. Velazquez, 531 U.S.
533, 541-42 (2001) (citation and internal quotation marks
omitted).
56a
Appeliants further contend that even if the
Human Rights Act safeguard is valid, their proposed
“Marriage Initiative of 2009” does not run afoul of
the restriction. They assert that this court’s decision
in Dean v. District of Columbia, 653 A.2d 307 (D.C.
1995), establishes “conclusively” that the Human
Rights Act “does not reach the marital relationship.”
The Board urges us to uphold its determination,
arguing in its brief that the proposed initiative
(providing that “[o]nly marriage between a man and
a woman is valid or recognized in the District of
Columbia”) would render not only JAMA but also the
Marriage Equality Act “null and void and would
consequently strip all same sex married couples of
their attendant rights and_ responsibilities’ of
marriage in the District of Columbia” based solely on
the “gender and/or sexual orientation of the spouses.
In its November 17, 2009 Memorandum Opinion and
Order, the Board distinguished Dean and reasoned
as follows:
While neither the HRA [fi.e., the Human
Rights Act] nor its legislative history
explicitly mentions same-sex marriage, it 1s
without question that the HRA must “be
read broadly to eliminate the many
proscribed forms of discrimination in the
District.” Since JAMA’s enactment, the
District recognizes same-sex marriages that
have been properly entered into, performed,
and recognized by other jurisdictions. This
did not exist when Dean was decided.
Consequently, couples who fall within
JAMA’s purview are entitled to the same
57a
benefits of marriage that are afforded
heterosexual married couples, and the denial
of these benefits to married couples on the
basis of the sexual orientation of the
individuals who comprise the couples now
constitutes a “proscribed form af
discrimination.” It is clear that this result is
the intent of the Council, which voted 12-1 to
pass JAMA. The Initiative seeks to deny
recognition to JAMA marriages on the basis
of the sexual orientation of the individuals
who comprise the couples. As a result, the
Board finds, and both the District’s Attorney
General and General Counsel for the Council
agree, that the Initiative authorizes or would
authorize discrimination proscribed by the
HRA and is therefore not a proper subject for
initiative.
Id. at 11.
We agree with the Board's interpretation of
Dean, its view that the Human Rights Act analysis
in Dean has limited continuing significance, and its
conclusion that the proposed initiative would have
the effect of authorizing discrimination on the basis
of sexual orientation.®? In Dean, a panel of this court
52 Although the Board’s brief argues that the proposed
initiative would authorize or have the effect of authorizing
discrimination on the basis of “gender and/or sexual
orientation,” the Board’s decision was that the initiative would
authorize discriminatien prohibited by the Human Rights Act
in that it would “deny recognition to... marriages on the basis
of the sexual orientation of the individuals who comprise the
5Ra
considered a claim by a same-sex couple that, “by
refusing to issue them a marriage license, the Clerk
lof the Superior Court acting through the Marriage
License Bureau] discriminated against them because
of their sex or sexual orientation, in violation of the
Human Rights Act, D.C. Code §§ 1-2501 to -2557
(1992).” 653 A.2d at 318. Before reaching this issue,
the court set out a lengthy discussion of the
language and legislative history of the District's
marriage statute, which, the Dean court concluded,
“demonstrate that neither Congress nor the Council
of the District of Columbia has ever intended to
define ‘marriage’ to include same-sex unions.” /d. at
310. The Dean opinion noted that the only
significant changes in the District's marriage and
divorce provisions since 1901 had occurred in the
Marriage and Divorce Act of 1977, D.C. Law 1-107,
1977 D.C. Stat. 114. Jd. at 311. On the path to
enacting that legislation, which “merely amended
existing code provisions,” /d. at 312, the Council had
declined to act favorably on a bill introduced by
Councilmember Dixon that would have permitted
marriages between persons of the same sex. /d. at
311. The court saw no “indication that more recent
Congresses, or the Council in amending the
marriage statute, ever modified the fundamental
legislative understanding that ‘marriage’ is limited
to opposite-sex couples. /d. at 314. Rather, the court
concluded, there was a “consistent legislative
understanding and intent that ‘marriage’ means
and thus is hmited to—unions between persons of
opposite sexes.” Id. at 315. This “statutory
couples.” Accordingly, our analysis focuses only on _ the
correctness of that ruling.
59a
understanding [was] further confirmed by the
ordinary sense and meaning traditionally attributed
to the word ‘marriage” in dictionary definitions. /d.
The court could not “conclude that any legislature for
the District of Columbia that has addressed the
marriage statute has ever intended to authorize
same-sex unions.” TJ/d. (“[Clases from other
jurisdictions with marriage statutes similar to the
District's aor? have uniformly interpreted
[‘}marriage,’ by definition, as requiring two members
of opposite sexes”).
Turning to the Human Rights Act claim, the
Dean court noted that the version of the Human
Rights Act in effect at the time made it “an unlawful
discriminatory practice” for one to “deny, directly or
indirectly, any person the full and equal enjoyment
of the goods,’ services, facilities, privileges,
advantages, and accommodations of any place of
public accommodations,” if the denial is “wholly or
partially for a discriminatory reason based on the...
sex... [or] sexual orientation . . . of any individual.”
Id. at 318-19. The court acknowledged the
appellants’ argument that “when the Marriage
License Bureau, a place of public accommodation
under the Clerk of the Superior Court, refuses to
issue marriage heenses to same-sex couples, gays
and lesbians are unlawfully denied an ‘equal
opportunity’ to participate in marriage, an important
‘aspect of life.” Jd. at 318. The court assumed,
“without formally deciding,” that the Marriage
License Bureau is a “place of public accommodation”
(in which discrimination was specifically prohibited
60a
under the Human Rights Act). Jd. at 319.59 The court
further acknowledged that “Itlhe Council!
undoubtedly intended the Human Rights Act to be a
powerful, flexible, and far-reaching’ prohibition
against discrimination of many kinds, including sex
and sexual orientation.” Jd. The court reasoned,
however, that the Council “did not intend the Act to
prohibit every discriminatory practice,” id., and went
on to hold:
[Wle cannot conclude that the Council ever
intended to change the ordinary meaning of
the word “marriage” simply by enacting the
Human Rights Act. Had the Council
intended to effect such a major definitional
change, counter to common understanding,
we would expect some mention of it in the
Human Rights Act or at least in_ its
legislative history .... There is none
[Als we have seen—“marriage” requires
persons of opposite sexes; there cannot be
3 The court noted that the Human Rights Act defined a
“place of public accommodation” to include “establishments
dealing with goods or services of any kind,” as well as “public
halls.” It noted the position of amicus Human Rights
Commissioners that “all District of Columbia agencies are
places of public accommodation, within the meaning of the
Human Rights Act, because they provide goods and services to
District residents.” Jd.; cf. Ptaszynski v. Uwaneme, 853 A.2d
288, 297 (N.J. App. Div. 2004) (holding that “any State
governmental agency is a place of public accommodation” for
purposes of the definition of “place of public accommodation” in
the New Jersey Law Against Discrimination, N.J. Stat. § 10:5-5
(1)); see also Thomas v. Cnty. of Camden, 902 A.2d 327, 332
(N.J. App. Div. 2006) (“|P]ublic entities .. ., by their very
nature, constitute a place of public accommodation’).
discrimination against a same-sex marriage
if, by independent tatutory definition
extended to the Human Rights Act, there can
be no such thing
Id. at 320.
While the Dean court unambiguously concluded
that the Marriage Bureau’s implementation of the
District's longstanding marriage statutes, and the
definition of marriage reflected therein, did not
amount to discrimination prohibited by the Human
Rights Act, there is no dispute that the landscape
has changed dramatically. Through JAMA and the
Marriage Equality Act, the Council has both
acknowledged and endorsed an expanded definition
of marriage to include same-sex unions. As the
briefs inform us, several other jurisdictions, too,
currently authorize same-sex marriage. The
question now is whether an initiative measure that
would deny recognition to individuals who have
entered or wish to enter into same-sex marriages in
the District or elsewhere, and would deprive them of
the benefits and obligations that come along with
such recognition, would authorize or have the effect
of authorizing discrimination on a basis prohibited
by the Human Rights Act. We have no difficulty
concluding that the proposed initiative would do so.‘
44 In 2002, the pertinent provision of the Human Rights
Act was amended to read as follows:
Except as otherwise provided for by District law o1
when otherwise lawfully and reasonably permitted, it
shall be an unlawful discriminatory practice for
District government agency or office to limit or refuse
62a
The proposed initiative would require District
government agencies and offices that provide or
administer an array of services, programs, and
benefits otherwise available to married persons, to
deny certain of those services, programs, or benefits
to individuals who are partners to a same-sex rather
than opposite-sex union.®° The initiative thus would
take away from those individuals a civil right that
the Council has seen fit to recognize and expressly
allow, and its effect would be to authorize
discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation
to provide any facility, service, program, or benefit to
any individual on the basis of an individual's actual or
perceived: race, color, religion, national origin, sex,
age, marital status, personal appearance, sexual
orientation, gender identity or expression, familial
status, family responsibilities, disability,
matriculation, political affiliation, source of income, or
place of residence or business
D.C. Code § 2-1402.73 (2006) (italics added). This amendment
is fairly regarded as a clarification. As discussed, in 1977 the
Home Rule Council re-enacted without substantive change the
Human Rights Law, regarding which the pre-Home Rule
Council said that it was “a priority .. . that District government
will be the first to comply” with the “spirit” of the law, such as
by addressing complaints of d
officers. Human Rights Law Report, at 2. In Executive Order
94-132 (May 19, 1994), then-Mayor Sharon Pratt Kelly
summarized the interpretation that enjoycu acquiescence: that
“Offices and agencies of the District government are covered by
the prohibitions of the Human Rights Act.... No... agency of
the District government may engage in any prohibited activity,
including denial of full and equal enjoyment of its services,
iscrimination against police
facilities, privileges or advantages to any person in violation of
the Human Rights Act.” See also note 53 supra
55 The Board's brief refers to the “more than 200 District
rights and responsibilities of civil marriage.”
63a
Although, theoretically, it is possible’ that
heterosexuals of the same gender would enter into a
same-sex marriage, there can be no dispute that the
impact of District agencies’ refusal to recognize same
sex-marriage would fall most heavily on gay and
lesbian residents,°® denying them the ability to
participate fully in an important aspect of life in the
District
We must address, however, the question of
whether the Human Rights Act safeguard of the IPA
required the Board to evaluate a proposed initiative
under the Human Rights Act of 1977—the
legislation specified in the [PA—rather than under
the version of the Human Rights Act at the time of
the Board’s determination. As the District’s brief
acknowledges, under general rules of statutory
construction, a statute that specifically refers to
another statute “incorporates the provisions referred
to...as of the time of adoption without subsequent
amendments, unless the legislature has expressly or
by strong implication shown its intention to
6 See Estenos v. PAHO/WHO-Fed. Credit Union, 952 A.2d
878, 887 (D.C. 2008) (explaining that under the Human Right
Act, “despite the absence of any intention to discriminate,
practices are unlawful if they bear disproportionately on a
protected class and are not independently justified for some
nondiscriminatory reason”) (quoting Gay Rights Coal. of
Georgetown Univ. Law Ctr. v. Georgetown Univ., 536 A.2d 1, 29
(D.C. 1987) (en banc) (“[T]he Council imported into the Human
Rights Act, by way of the elfects clause, the concept of disparate
impact discrimination|.|” (further citation omitted)); cf. Loving
v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 2, 8 (1967) (rejecting the argument that
because a statute prohibiting interracial marriage applied
equally to black and white citizens, it did not discriminate on
the basis of race)
64a
incorporate subsequent amendments.” 2B Norman J.
Singer, Sutherland Statutes and Statutory
Construction § 51.08 (7th ed. 2008) (italics added).
We are satisfied that the italicized exception rather
than that general rule, is applicable here. The
legislative history of the IPA guides our
interpretation. As reported by the Committee on
Government Operations, Bill 2-317 prohibited
initiatives that discriminated “by reason of race,
color, religion, national origin, sex, age, marital
status, personal appearance, sexual orientation,
family responsibilities, matriculation, — political
affiliation, physical handicap, source of income, and
place of residence or business.” Memorandum from
Louis P. Robbins, Principal Deputy Corporation
Counsel, to Judith W. Rogers, Special Assistant for
Legislation, regarding Supplemental comments on
Bill 2-317, the “Imitiative, Referendum, and Kecall
Procedures Act of 1978,” at 1 (June 2, 1978) (quoting
Amendment to § 212 of Bill No. 2-317). As explained
to members of the Committee in a memorandum
from the Legislative Assistant to the Chairman, the
amendment to the bill when it was re-introduced as
Bill 3-2, stating that “the Board of Elections [and]
Ethics cannot accept any petitions which authorize
discrimination prohibited under the Human Rights
Act of 1977,” was “merely a_ technical change,
whereby the language [that] prohibits” specific
discriminatory types of petitions has been deleted .
. The effect is synonymous with that of Bill 2-317
[which contained the list of proscribed categories of
discrimination, including’ sexual orientation].”
Memorandum from Deborah K. Green, Legislative
Assistant to the Chairman, to the Committee on
Government Operations, on Bill 3-2, the “Initiative
Referendum and Recall Procedures Act of 1979,”
Kebruary 6, 1979. at 2
In light of that documentation, we regard the
IPA’s reference to the Human Rights Act of 1977 a
a shorthand indication that the Council meant to
require the Board to perform its gatekeeper function
by determining whether a proposed initiative would
authorize discrimination of the type currently
prohibited by the District’s human rights law, not by
looking only to that law as it existed in 1977. We see
no evidence that the Council “intended by such
specific reference|] [to the Human Rights Act of 1977
and to its D.C. Code citation] any limitation on
subsequent amendments which ameliorated the
remedial scheme.” HEOC vu. Chrysler Corp., 546 F
Supp. 54, 74 (B.D. Mich 1982). Moreover, in
enacting the Human Rights Act, the Council re
enacted pnor law (the Human Rights Law) that
explicitly was intended to “provide a regulation of
sufficient scope and flexibility to be responsive to
future needs for the protection of civil and huinan
rights,” since “there may be contexts and reasons for
discrimination tomorrow that we do not anticipate
today.” Human Rights Law Report, at 2. We believe
it would contravene the legislative intent to require
the Board to apply a dated version of the Human
Rights Act that may not be, as the pre-Home Rule
Council described and as the Home Rule Council
implicitly echoed, adequate to answer the “future
needs and circumstances of modern life.” /d
V. Conclusion
The Council acted within its authority under the
CAA and the Home Rule Act in enacting the Human
Rights safeguard of the IPA and in directing the
Board not to accept initiatives that contravene that
safeguard. Because appellants’ proposed initiative
would authorize, or have the effect of authorizing,
discrimination on a basis prohibited by the Human
Rights Act, it was not a proper subject of initiative
Therefore, the Board acted lawfully in refusing to
accept the initiative on that basis. Accordingly, the
judgment of the Superor Court upholding th
Board’s determination 1s
Affirmed
FISHER, Associate Judge, with whom
WASHINGTON, Chief Judge, and GLICKMAN and
OBERLY, Associate Judges, join, dissenting: This
appeal is about legislative authority — that vested in
the Council of the District of Columbia and that
yranted to the voters at large. In 1978, five year
after the Home Rule Act transformed governance in
the District of Columbia, the Council, the voters, and
the Congress of the United States, acting in
collaboration, amended the District Charter (Title IV
of the Home Rule Act) for the first time, creating the
right of initiative so that the voters themselves could
propose and approve legislation
An initiative 1s “the process by which the electors of thi
District of Columbia may propose laws (except law
appropriating funds) and present such proposed laws directly
to the registered qualified clectors of the District of Columbia
for their approval or disapproval.” D.C. Code § 1-204.101 (a)
(2006). If a majority of those voting approves an initiative, it
becomes law, assuming (as 1s also true for an act of the Council)
The following year, the Council enacted
implementing legislation known as the Initiative,
Referendum and Recall Procedures Act of 1979 (the
“IPA”). In addition to establishing procedures for
submitting, processing, and voting on an initiative
petition, the IPA placed a limit on the subject matter
that could be addressed by an initiative The
Council instructed the Board of Elections and Ethics
not to accept a measure if it “authorizes, or
would have the effect of authorizing,
discrimination prohibited under” the District of
Columbia Human Rights Act. This subject matter
limitation on the right of initiative is not found in
the Charter, which created that right, or in the mor
comprehensive Home Rule Act, which places certain
limits on the legislative power of the District
In 2009, appellants? proposed that the voter
exercise their night of initiative and declare that
“[o]nly marriage between a man and a woman |
valid or recognized in the District of Columbia.” Th
Board refused to accept the measure, holding that
the proposal was not a “proper subject of initiative”
because it would authorize, or have the effect of
authorizing, discrimination prohibited by the
Hiuman Rights Act. This court must decide, as a
matter of first impression, whether the IPA's
that it is not disapproved during a mandatory period
Congressional review. D.C. Code § 1-204.105 (2006)
' Appellants, the proponents of the Marriage Initiative of
2009, are Bishop Harry Jackson, Jr., Reverend Walter
Fauntroy, Reverend Dale Wafer, Melvin Dupree, Apostle Jame
Silver, Reverend Anthony Evans, Robert King, and Elder
Howard Butler
68a
“Human Rights Act limitation” is a valid restriction
on the right of initiative. For the reasons which
follow, we would hold that it is not
Had our view prevailed, we would not have
reached the question whether the Board properly
refused to accept the proposed initiative. In lhght of
the majority’s holding, however, and in lhght of
recent legislation recognizing and authorizing same
sex marriages in the District of Columbia, we agree
with the majority’s conclusion that the proposed
initiative would authorize, or have the effect of
authorizing, discrimination prohibited by — the
Human Rights Act, as amended in 2002
The Factual and Procedural Background
On two occasions (in 2009 and 2010), appellant
Jackson and others presented referendum® petitions
to the Board. seeking to suspend two acts of the
Council relating to same-sex marriage, but their
efforts were unsuccesstul. The Board rejected the
proposed referenda, citing the Human Rights Act
(“HRA”), litigation ensued, and the acts became law.‘
“The term ‘referendum’ means the process by which thi
registered qualified electors of the District of Columbia may
suspend acts of the Council of the District of Columbia (except
emergency acts, acts levying taxes, or acts appropriating funds
for the general operation budget) until such acts have been
presented to the registered qualified clectors of the District of
Columbia for their approval or rejection.” D.C. Code § 1
204.101 (b) (2006)
‘ The Superior Court, this court, and Chief Justice
Roberts, sitting as Circuit Justice, declined to stay the effective
date of the Religious Freedom and Civil Marriage Equality
69a
“No act is subject to referendum if it has become law
according to the provisions of § 1-204.04 fafter a
period of congressional review].” D.C. Code § 1-
204.102 (b)(2) (2006).
The Jury and Marriage Amendment Act of 2009,
which became law on July 7, 2009, provides that the
“
District of Columbia will recognize “|a] marriage
legally entered into in another jurisdiction between 2
persons of the same sex... .” D.C. Code § 46-405.01
(2010 Supp.). On March 3, 2010, the Religious
Freedom and Civil Marriage Equality Amendment
Act of 2009 became law. It allows couples of the
same sex to marry in the District of Columbia. D.C
Code § 46-401 (2010 Supp.).
Meanwhile, on September 1, 2009, appellants
submitted the Marriage Initiative of 2009. The
Board refused to accept the initiative, reasoning
that, “lijf passed, [it] would, in contravention of the
HRA, strip same-sex couples of the rights and
responsibilities of marriages currently recognized in
the District. . . Because the Initiative would
authorize discrimination prohibited by the HRA, it is
not a proper subject for initiative, and may not be
accepted by the Board.” Appellants petitioned for
review by the Superior Court, and for a writ of
mandamus. ‘The trial court allowed the District of
Columbia to intervene and later granted summary
Amendment Act of 2009. See Jackson v. District of Columbia
3oard of Elections and Ethics, 1308. Ct. 1279 (2010)
70a
judgment to the Board and the District. This appeal
followed.
ll. The “Constitutional” Framework
The Constitution of the United States of America
vests in Congress the power to legislate for the
District of Columbia “in all Cases whatsoever.” U.S.
CONST. art. 1, § 8, cl. 17. However, in 1973 Congress
enacted the District of Columbia Self Government
and Governmental Reorganization Act, Pub. L. 93
198, 87 Stat. 777 (1973) (codified at D.C. Code §§ 1-
201.01--1-207.71), popularly known as the Home
Rule Act. Through this transforming legislation,
Congress delegated some, but not all, of its
legislative power over this jurisdiction to the Council
of the District of Columbia while retaining ultimate
legislative authority over the District. See D.C. Code
§§ 1-204.04, 1-206.01; see also District of Columbia v.
Greater Washington Central Labor Council, AFL-
CIO, 442 A.2d 110, 113-14 (D.C. 1982) (discussing
Congress’s delegation of legislative power). Congress
intended, among other things, to “grant to the
inhabitants of the District of Columbia powers of
local self- government... and, to the greatest extent
possible, consistent with the constitutional mandate,
relieve Congress of the burden of legislating upon
Although the acts 5 of the Council related to same-sex
marriage have become law, this appeal is not moot. We have
held that the right of initiative may be used to repeal or amend
existing legislation. Convention Center Referendum Committee
v. District of Columbia Board of Elections and Ethics, 441 A.2d
889, 909 & n.38 (D.C. 1981) (en banc) (Convention Center 111
dla
essentially local District matters.” D.C. Code § 1
201.02 (2006).
Nevertheless, the Home Rule Act contains
several limitations on the legislative power of the
District.6 For example, the Council has no authority
to “[ijmpose any tax on property of the United
States,” to enact a “commuter tax” on the income of
persons who do not reside in the District, to alter the
organization and jurisdiction of the Dhistrict of
Columbia courts, or to “amend or repeal any Act of
Congress ... which is not restricted in its application
exclusively in or to the Diustrictf{.]” D.C. Code §
206.02 (a)(1), (3), (5), (8) (2006): see also D.C. Cod
1-206.03 (restrictions related to the budget process)
The Home Rule Act 1s now found in Chapter 2 of
Title 1 of the D.C. Code, and Subchapter IV _ of
Chapter 2, the District Charter, “establish[es] the
means of governance of the District " D.C. Code
6 See D.C. Code § 1-203.02 (entitled “Legislative power
which state
t.xcept as provided in §§ 1-206.01 to 1-206.03, the
legislative power ol the District shall extend to a
nghtful subjects of legislation within the District
consistent with the Constitution of the United State
and the provisions of this chapter subject to all the
restrictions and limitations imposed upon the state
by the 10th section of the Ist article of the
Constitution of the United State
Article I, Section 10, of the Constitution forbids the state
to do a vartety of things, including entering into treats
coining money, granting a title of nobility, or, without the
consent of Congress, laying any duty of tonnage
§ 1-203.01 As we have noted, sce supra note 6
legislation passed by the Council (or by initiative)
must be “consistent with the Constitution of the
United States and the provisions of this chapter [th
Home Rule Act] " D.C. Code § 1-203.02. The
Home Rule Act and the District Charter thus serv:
as a constitution for the District. See Convention
Center III, 441 A.2d at 908 (plurality opinion
(egislation enacted by the Council must bi
consistent with the U.S. Constitution and the Hom:
Rule Act”); id. at 930 (dissenting opinion) |
beyond serious dispute that legislation may not
amend a constitution (the Charter)’); Dtstrict
Columbia v. Washington Home Ownership Coun
Inc., 415 A.2d 1349, 1367 (D.C. 1980) (en ban
(concurring opinion) (referring to the Home Rule Act
is “the ‘constitutional’ analog’)
The Hom« Rul \ct net 1 proce ic
amending thi Charte1 which require
collaboration among the Council, the voters of thi
District of Columbia, and Congress. With certa
exceptions not relevant here, the Charter “may bi
amended b in act passed by the Council and
ratified by a majority of the registered qualified
electors of the District voting in the referendum held
for such ratification.’ D.C. Code § 1-203.03 (a). At
the time of the Charter Amendments Act, on which
we will focus here, the Home Rule Act required that
Congress “adopt a concurrent resolution
approving such amendment” before it would becom:
effective. D.C. Code § 1-125 (b) (1977 Supp ). Now.
an amendment to the Charter takes effect unless
Congress, during a period of congressional review
enacts a joint resolution disapproving the
amendment. D.C. Code § 1-203.03 (b)
lll. The Right of Initiative and Its Limits
(he rights of initiative, referendum, and recall
were added to our form of government in 1978 by tl
Charter Amendments Act. (“CAA”) and. theret
became part of the District's Charter. D.C. Law 2-4¢
41).C. Reg. 199 (1977) (as approve d by H. R. Cor
Res. 464 & 471. 95th Cong. (1978)) (codified at D.-¢
Code § 1-204.101-107 (initiative and referendun
ind D.C Code \ 1-204 11] llo (recall)) The (
Charter Amendments are “functionally equivalent
,
to constitutional amendments, Convention Cente
Referendum Committe Board of Elections an
ithics. 399 A.2d 550. 551 (D.C. 1979) (Convent
Center fl), and they may not be changed by ordinar'
legislation ‘We are required to construe the right of
initiative liberally and may impose on the right
only those limitations expressed in the law
clear[{ly] and compelling[ly]” imphed.” Hesse
Burden, 584 A.2d 1, 3 (D.C. 1990) (Hessey J) (quoti
Convention Center IIT, 441 A.2d at 913)
\s amended, the Charter includes one expr
limitation on the subject matter of an initiative
the voters may not propose “laws appropriatin;:
funds. *® Other expres limitation are found
Demonstrating that it thought irefully about the need
for express limitations when drafting the Charter Amendment
Act, the Council placed three express limitations on the right of
referendum. See supra note 3
’ The parties agree that this ise doe not plicate ti
express limitation on the right of initiativs
l4da
elsewhere 1n the Home Rule Act: as we have alread,
mentioned, the legmslative power of the District
(whether exercised by the electors directly or by the
Council) does not extend to certain enumerated
subjects. Some limitations are implicit “(t]he
initiative right must conform to the structure of
rovernment established by Congress in the Charter.
Hessey v. District of Columbia Board of Elections
and Ethics, 601 A.2d 3, 19 (D.C. 1991) (Hessey 11)
Importantly, all of these hmuitations, whether
express or implied, are found in the Charter or thi
Home Rule Act
IV. The Human Rights Act
In 1973, the District of Columbia Council (the
predecessor of the current Council of the District of
Columbia) adopted Title 34 of the Dzistrict of
Columbia Rules and Regulations, known as _ the
“Human Rights Law” (34 DCRR § 3.1). “In enacting
Title 34, the City Council looked beyond the Civil
Rights Act of 1964, including Title VII, to other civil
rights legislation enacted by Congress more than 100
years ago [referring to an 1866 law now codified, as
amended, at 42 U.S.C. §§ 1981 and 1982.|" Arthur
Young & Co. v. Sutherland, 631 A.2d 354, 371 (D.C
1993). Title 34 also drew upon a rich history of loca!
legislation, police regulations, and Commissioners’
Orders dating back to 1869 that prohibited various
types of discrimination in the District of Columbia.’
% See, e.g., District of Columbia | John R. Thompson Co
346 U.S. 100 (1953) (anvolving 1872 and 1873 acts of the
Legislative Assembly of the District of Columbia which, among
other things, prohibited racial discrimination by restaurant
keepers and hotel proprietors); Newsweek Magazine v. District
of Columbia Commission on Human Rights, 376 A.2d 777, 783
(concerned tnat tne poh powe! regulatior
litle 34 might not have the same force and effect a
a statute, the (post Home Rule) Council of the
District of Columbia re-enacted the regulation
lhe Human Right Act of 197% Blodgett
U/niversity Club, 9380 A.2d 210. 217 (D.C. 2007). TI
first section of the Human Right Act explains that
the legislature intended “to secure an end in the
District of Columbia to discrimination for an
other than that of individual merit Bar
ubstantive provision which existed n 19%
prohibited discrimination in public accommodati
mploym«e nt, educational institutio! ma nousil
and commercial space based upo! mal
haracteristics, including sex and sexual orientatio1
In amending the [Human Rights Act] u 197
the legislature emphasized its ‘broad scop
fact that its coverage is wider than Title VII
(1).¢ 1977) (noting that Title 34 repealed and replaced Art
10 (Concerning Admission to, and Accommodation in, Licer
Place of Public Amusement in the District of Columbia
\rticle 45 (Prohibiting Discrimination by Reason of Ra
Color, Religion or National Origin Against Persons Seeking
Utilizing Housing Units) and Article 17 (Prohibitin
Discrimination by Reason of Race, Color, Religion, Natio:
Origin or Sex Against Persons Seeking or Engaged
kmployme nt in the District of Columbia) of the Pol
Regulations of the District of Columbia); Filippo Uv. Real Est
Commission of the District of Columbia, 223 A.2d 268 (D.
1966) (affirming order which suspended license of real ¢
broker who violated fair housing regulations found in Article 4
of the Police Regulations); Central Amusement | District
Columbia, 121 A.2d 865 (D.C. 1956) (prosecution tor violatin
1869 police regulation, then still in effect, which pr
racial discrimination in places of public amusement)
| Lf I ) rs
OUI V¥ that ti in Kight t) in
yu) { ort if iv 1d | l i vO) |
forced b | ind official f tk District
‘ ernment (; Reieht ( tie
(;eorvetou , ( ipy 0?
‘/niversit t : Lf }
ternal q tat , if mitte
ertnetl ‘ tra t iss rte! i Huma
i t \ | t rt | | , | rit I
( } | na\ tl iuma i {
, ’ : i
,
, ‘ rin r
tire tand tnat Lize
‘ i W ( f | f i
i f iitia I ' ! nt
ut riz rin o|
» ‘ ey tl ,
Vi
; | | I ti} ; |
\ Ihe Initiative Keferendun ind Keca
Procedures Act of 1979
78a
Instead, Section 8 of Amendment No. 1 (which
established the rights of initiative and referendum)
instructed:
The Council of the District of Columbia shall
adopt such acts as are necessary to carry out
the purpose of this Amendment within one
hundred and eighty (180) days of the
effective date of this Amendment. Neither a
petition initiating an initiative nor a
referendum may be presented to the District
of Columbia Board of Elections and Ethics
prior to October 1, 1978.
D.C. Law 2-46, Amendment No. 1 § 8, 1978 D.C.
Statutes-at-Large 33, 34-35 (1978 Comp.) (the
codified statute, D.C. Code § 1-204.107, uses the
term “subpart” in place of “Amendment”). The
outcome of this appeal depends mainly on how we
construe this portion of Amendment No. 1.
A. Creating Time to lmplement the CAA
The District of Columbia asserts that “[d]Jeciding
what acts are ‘necessary to carry out’ the undefined
‘purpose’ of the CAA requires policy decisions that
are properly left to the Council and that this Court
cannot make without expressing lack of the respect
due coordinate branches of government.” We
disagree.
We focused on these same provisions in
Convention Center 1, where this court held that the
Charter Amendments were not self-executing. After
quoting or describing various excerpts from the
79a
legislative history, we characterized Section 8 as a
“legislative mandate,” 399 A.2d at 553, for the
Council to pass “enabling legislation,” id. at 551,
552, “implementing legislation,” id. at 553, or
“implementing acts.” /d. “[T]he drafters chose the
October 1 date on the assumption that the necessary
preparations for administering an initiative election
- the passage of implementing legislation and the
allocation of monies to the Board — would be
completed.” 395 A.2d at 553. If the Council acted, as
directed, within 180 days, the implementing steps
would be completed before the Amendment took
effect on October 1.'! Notably, Section 8 of
Amendment No. 1 does not purport to enlarge the
Council’s authority; it does not contain any
additional delegation of Congressional power.
The majority points to models of other language
that might have been used if the Council were
expected “to enact merely procedural rules governing
the initiative and referendum process.” (Judge
Thompson’s opinion at 24) A similar point should be
made about the majority’s comparison of Section 8’s
language to the “necessary and proper” clause of
11 The House Report accempanying the concurrent
resolution which approved the CAA explained: “Section 8
requires the Council to adopt appropriate implementing acts,
and makes October 1, 1978, the effective date of this Council
Act.” H.R. Rep. No. 95-890, at 5 (1978). The attached report
from the Council of the District of Columbia similarly states
that Section 8 “directs the Council to adopt any further acts
which may be necessary to implement the Amendment and
prohibits the submission of any initiative or referendum
petitions to the Board until after October 1, 1978.” Id. at 17.
80a
Article I, Section 8, Clause 18 of the Constitution. !2
That model might have been used if the Council, the
voters, and the Congress intended that Section 8
enhance the power of the Council. The fact that the
word “necessary” appears in both places does not
make this an apt comparison.
Moreover, any mystery about the purpose of the
CAA evaporates when Section 8 of Amendment No. 1
is considered in context, as it should be. See District
of Columbia v. Beretta, U.S.A., Corp., 872 A.2d 633,
652 (D.C. 2005) (en banc) (“[W]le do not read
statutory words in isolation; the language of
surrounding and related paragraphs may _ be
instrumental to understanding them.”). Rather than
being “undefined,” and perhaps indiscernible, as the
District suggests, the “purpose” of the CAA was “|t]o
amend the Charter of the District of Columbia to
provide for the power of initiative, referendum, and
recall.” D.C. Law 2-46, Preamble, 1978 D.C.
Statutes-at-Large 33 (1978 Comp.). The CAA
contained two amendments to the District Charter,
each of which had a distinct purpose. Charter
Amendment No. 1 — now codified as Subpart 1 —
establishes the rights of initiative and referendum.
The codified version of Section 8 of Amendment No.
1 (D.C. Code § 1-204.107) instructs the Council to
“adopt such acts as are necessary to carry out the
purpose of this subpart [Amendment] within 180
12 Article 1, Section 8, Clause 18 provides: “lhe Congress
shall have Power .. . {t]o make all Laws which shall be
necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing
Powers and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the
Government of the United States, or in any Department or
Officer thereof.”
days of the effective date of this subpart.” Charter
Amendment No. 2 — Subpart 2 as codified -
establishes the mght of recall. A corresponding
provision, D.C. Code §1-204.115, instructs the
Council to “adopt such acts as are necessary to carry
out the purpose of this subpart... .”
Considered in context, this “necessary to carry
out the purpose” language was a mandate to enact
implementing legislation — to adopt such acts as are
necessary to make the rights’ of initiative,
referendum, and recall available to the people of the
District of Columbia — and to do so in a timely
manner. It did not grant any license to restrict those
rights, which had been established through the
painstaking process of amending the Charter.
B. Limiting Subject Matter
The implementing legislation arrived (albcit
beyond the 180-day period allotted) in the form of
the Initiative, Referendum and Recall Procedures
Act of 1979. This legislation, among other things,
prescribed the form in which a measure must be
submitted and the number of copies required, and
established timetables and procedures for processing
it. D.C. Code § 1-1001.16.'3 The Board must reject a
13 Kor example, the supporters of an initiative “shall file
with the Board 5 printed or typewritten copies of the full text of
the measure, a summary statement of not more than 100
words, and a short title of the [proposed initiative] ... .” D.C.
Code § 1-1001.16 (a)(1). If the Board accepts the initiative or
referendum measure, “[w]ithin 20 calendar days, of [such
acceptance}],” it must, among other things, “[p]repare, in the
proper legislative form, the proposed [measure].” D.C. Code § 1-
82a
petition that is not in the proper form. D.C. Code § 1-
1001.16 (b)(1)(B). Moreover, “the Board shall refuse
to accept the measure if the Board finds that it is not
a proper subject of initiative ... under the terms of
title IV of the District of Columbia Home Rule Act
[the District Charter]... .” D.C. Code § 1-1001.16
(b)(1). These were genuine implementing steps. But
the Council went further and inserted a restriction
on the subject matter an initiative could address — a
limitation not found in the Charter or in the Home
Rule Act.
Reacting to understandable concerns that the
rights of initiative and referendum could be misused
by the majority to discriminate against minorities,
the Council instructed the Board (in the IPA) to
refuse to accept a measure if it “authorizes, or would
have the effect of authorizing, discrimination
prohibited under Chapter 14 of Title 2 [the Human
Rights Act.]” D.C. Code § 1-1001.16 (b)(1)(C). But
the legitimacy of this concern does not mean that the
Council had the authority to restrict a_ right
established in the Charter. In lght of the current
litigation, it is striking that, while the IPA was
under consideration, both the Corporation Counsel
and the legislature’s own General Counsel warned
that the Council did not have the power to impose
1001.16 (c)(3). “After preparation, the Board shall adopt the
summary statement, short title, and legislative form at a public
meeting and shall within 5 days, notify the proposer of the
measure of the exact language. In addition, the Board, within 5
days of adoption, shall submit the [same information] to the
District of Columbia Register for publication.” D.C. Code § 1
1001.16(d).
83a
this limitation on the right of initiative. The Office
of Corporation Counsel explained, for example, that
[tlhe merits of the policy embodied by this
restriction on the voters’ rights is beside the
point. Any substantive restrictions on the
rights of the voters granted by Charter
Amendment No. 1 are contrary to that
Amendment and, hence, are void and of no
effect. Such legislation may only be
accomplished by the Charter Amending
Procedure or by Act of Congress.
Supplemental Memorandum from Louis P. Robbins,
Principal Deputy Corporation Counsel, Office of the
Corporation Counsel, to Judith W. Rogers, Special
Assistant for Legislation, 2 (June 2, 1978); 3 Op.
C.C.D.C. 102, 103 (1978)."4
14 Both the Office of Corporation Counsel and the General
Counsel of the Council of the District of Columbia issued
cautionary advice on more than one occasion while the IPA was
under consideration. For example, commenting in the spring of
1978, Corporation Counsel stated: “Additional restrictions in
the subjects subject to initiative which are not in the Charter
Amendment could not be made pursuant to an act of the
Council, but only through the Charter Amendment procedure.”
Memorandum from Louis P. Robbins, Principal Deputy
Corporation Counsel, to Judith W. Rogers, Special Assistant for
Legislation, 6 4] 2 (May 2, 1978); 3 Op. C.C.D.C. 60, 65 (1978).
The General Counsel stated that in contrast to all the other
limitations on the right of initiative, which were “procedural in
quality” and provided for a “ministerial review process
consistent with the function of an implementing act[,]” the
antidiscrimination provision “engrafts ...a new requirement
not in the Charter amendment .. . .” Memorandum from
Edward B. Webb, Jr., General Counsel, to Council Members, 2
(June 7, 1978) (attaching the supplemental memorandum from
84a
The majority brushes aside these “doubts
expressed by lawyers,” emphasizing that “the elected
representatives of the people — the Council and the
Mayor — thought otherwise.” (Majority Opinion at
31, 382) But this is a question of legal or
“constitutional” authority, not a matter of political
judgment.
We perceive no principled basis for deferring
to the Council’s interpretation of the Home
Rule Act, apart from the merits of the
Council’s argument. Although “the
interpretation of its powers by any branch is
due great respect from the others [,] .. . ‘[iJt
is emphatically the province and duty of the
judicial department to say what the law is.”
United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 703...
(1974) (quoting Marbury v. Madison, 1
Cranch 137, 177... (1803)).
District of Columbia v. Washington Home Ownership
Council, Inc., 415 A.2d at 1351 n.5.
The Corporation Counsel gave sound advice in
1978. The rights of initiative, referendum, and recall
had become part of the Charter, which cannot be
amended except by Act of Congress or by going
through the Charter Amendment process. ‘The
“necessary to carry out” language in the Charter
Amendments Act did not give the Council power to
Corporation Counsel). The General Counsel opined that
“(cjlearly, this is an indirect attempt to further amend the
Charter and is, therefore, legally without effect.” Id.
ji -
Soa
enact legislation inconsistent with the Charter
Amendments. Price v. District of Columbia Board of
Klections and Ethics, 645 A.2d 594, 598-99 (D.C.
1994) (citing Convention Center III, 441 A.2d at 915).
“[Llegislation implementing the Charter
Amendments is valid only if it does not conflict with
the Charter Amendments.” Jd. “Nor could the
Council amend the Charter Amendments by
enacting the IPA since, as the Self-Government Act
clearly provides, the Charter may be amended only
as provided in D.C. Code § 1- 205(a) (1992) [now
codified as D.C. Code § 1-203.03 (a) (2001)].” Price,
645 A.2d at 599.
VI. Appellees’ Arguments
A. Should We Abstain?
Invoking the Supreme Court’s decision in Baker
v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962), the District urges us to
abstain from deciding this case. It argues, among
other things, that the Council’s inclusion of anti-
discrimination provisions in_ the _ Initiative,
Referendum and Recall Procedures Act of 1979 has
“functioned successfully” over the past decades and
now forms part of a statutory scheme upon which
the government and the public rely. This argument
surely overstates the case. Although the Human
Rights Act limitation on the right of initiative has
existed for more than thirty years, this is the first
6a
challenge to its validity.!5 More importantly, Baker
makes plain that “[t]he courts cannot reject as ‘no
law suit’ a bona fide controversy as to whether some
action denominated ‘political’ exceeds constitutional
authority|[,]” 369 U.S. at 217, which is precisely what
is at issue here.
By conducting this review of the Council’s action,
we are not, as the District of Columbia asserts,
expressing a lack of the respect due a coordinate
branch of government. To the contrary, we proceed
cautiously, recognizing “the need to ‘balance
deference to the legislative authority of the Council,
with our own duty to oversee Council action which
might exceed congressionally delegated authority.”
Atchison v. District of Columbia, 585 A.2d 150, 156
(D.C. 1991) (quoting American Federation of
Government Employees v. Barry, 459 A.2d 1045,
1050 (D.C. 1983)).
15 In Hessey III we held that a proposed initiative would
not violate the HRA. Hessey v. Burden, 615 A.2d 562, 579 (D.C.
1992) (Hessey IIT). Apparently none of the parties challenged
the validity of the HRA limitation on the right of initiative. In
Committee for Voluntary Prayer v. Wimberly, 704 A.2d 1199
(D.C. 1997), opponents of a voluntary prayer initiative argued
that it violated the HRA as well as the constitution. We did not
consider whether the initiative violated the HRA because we
affirmed the trial court’s holding that the initiative was
“patently, obviously, and unquestionably unconstitutional.” /d.
at 1201, 1203. More importantly, there is no indication that
either party challenged the validity of the HRA limitation.
“When instances which actually involve the question are rare,
or have not in fact occurred, the weight of the mere presence of
acts on the statute book for a considerable time, as showing
general acquiescence in the legislative assertion oi a questioned
power, is minimized.” Myers v. United States, 272 U.S. 52, 171
(1926).
87a
We frequently have had to decide the scope of
the Council’s authority under the Home Rule Act.
Compare Washington Home, 415 A.2d 1349 (Council
had no authority to pass another substantially
identical emergency act in response to same
emergency) with United States v. Alston, 580 A.2d
587 (D.C. 1990) (after period of congressional review
was doubled for certain types of legislation, Council
had authority to pass successive, substantially
identical emergency acts to preserve the status quo
while identical legislation enacted by the Council
after two readings was pending before Congress for
review); see also Umana v. Swidler & Berlin,
Chartered, 669 A.2d 717, 724 n.15 (D.C. 1995) (Home
Rule Act does not “lhmit the Council’s authority to
enact or to alter the substantive law to be applied by
the courts”); Capitol Hill Restoration Society, Inc. v.
Moore, 410 A.2d 184 (D.C. 1979) (Council’s grant of
appellate court jurisdiction in certain noncontested
cases impermissibly altered this court’s
jurisdiction.). Furthermore, we have often considered
the proper scope of the right of initiative, and we
have rejected an “argument that adoption of the
initiative right by the Council, Mayor, and electorate
violated the District’s Charter.” Stevenson v. District
of Columbia Board of Elections and Ethics, 683 A.2d
1371, 1375 (D.C. 1996). We also have addressed the
validity of a separate portion of the IPA. See Price,
645 A.2d at 600 (concluding that a portion of the IPA
conflicted with the Charter Amendments). The
District does not satisfactorily explain why this case
is so different that we must, or even may, abstain
from deciding it.
Sa
B. Unique Insight?
The District also points out that most of the
same Councilmembers who passed the Charter
Amendments Act approved the Initiative,
Referendum and Recall Procedures Act of 1979. It
argues that, “although the second Council could not
change the Charter through ordinary legislation, its
unique insight into what the CAA meant gave its
interpretation through the IPA _ presumptive
validity.” However, the cases on which the District
relies do not support this proposition. Moreover, we
have seen no indication that the Councilmembers
who enacted the IPA (thereby imposing the Human
Rights Act limitation on the right of initiative)
thought they were interpreting the CAA or
purported to rely on insiders’ knowledge of its
purpose. Nor did they profess unique understanding
of what the “necessary to carry out” language meant.
The District and the majority focus single-
mindedly on the supposed intent of the Council in
drafting and “interpreting” the CAA. See, e.g., ante
at 29 (“what the Council did in enacting the IPA
provides an authoritative interpretation of the intent
and meaning of the CAA”). Tellingly, however, they
point to no evidence that the voters of the District or
members of Congress (all indispensable partners in
amending the Charter) thought they were delegating
to the Council an undefined power to limit the right
of initiative in any way the Council thought
necessary. !®
i6*Since amendments to the Charter’ required
Congressional approval when the initiative right was approved
The District misplaces its reliance on Eldred 1
Ashcroft, 537 U.S. 186 (2003), where the Supreme
Court noted that it “has repeatedly laid down the
principle that a contemporaneous legislative
exposition of the Constitution when the founders of
our Government and framers of our Constitution
were actively participating in public affairs,
acquiesced in for a jong term of years, fixes the
construction to be given [the Constitution’s]
provisions. Jd. at 213 (quoting Myers v. United
States, 272 U.S. 52, 175 (1926)). This case is not
comparable to Kldred, where the Court relied upon
“Congress’ unbroken practice since the founding
generation... . 587 U.S. at 213-14. “History
revealled] an unbroken congressional practice of
granting to authors of works with existing copyrights
the benefit of term extensions so that all under
copyright protection will be governed evenhandedly
under the same regime.” Jd. at 200. The Court
explained: “Such consistent congressional practice is
entitled to very great weight, and when it is
remembered that the rights thus established have
not been disputed during a period of [over two]
centurfies], it is almost conclusive.” Jd. at 213
(internal quotations and citation omitted).
by Congress, D.C. Code § 1-1320 (1991 Repl.), the court must
consider Congressional intent in approving the amendment
Because the Charter amendment is in the form of an act passed
by the Council, and because the Charter Amendment on the
right of initiative included authority for the Council to adopt
implementing legislation, the court must address the intent of
the Council.” Hessey IJ, 601 A.2d at 7.
YLa
By contrast to Eldred, the provision at issue here
has been in existence for about thirty years (as
opposed to over two hundred). More importantly, the
District has not pointed us to, nor can we find, any
“routine application” or “consistent legislative
practice” that has been followed by the Council or
approved by the voters or Congress.'’ ‘The most that
can be said is that the Human Rights Act limitation
has gone unchallenged for more than thirty years.
The Myers decision, on which Eldred relied, makes
clear that the legislature may not unilaterally
determine the extent of its authority:
In the use of Congressional legislation to
support or change a particular construction
of the Constitution by acquiescence, its
weight for the purpose must depend not only
upon the nature of the question, but also
upon the attitude of the executive and
judicial branches of the Government, as well
17 No inference of approval may fairly be drawn from the
failure of Congress to disapprove the IPA, which contained the
Human Rights Act limitation on the right of initiative. See
Springer v. Government of the Phillipine Islands, 277 U.S. 189,
209 (1928) (“The inference of an approval by Congress from its
mere failure to act at best rests upon a weak foundation. And
we think, where the inference is sought to be applied, as here,
to a case where the legislation is clearly void as in
contravention of the Organic Act, it cannot reasonably be
indulged.”); Clayton v. People of the Territory of Utah, 132 U.S
632, 642 (1890) (“At all events, it can hardly be admitted, as a
general proposition, that, under the power of congress reserved
in the organic acts of the territories to annul the acts of their
legislatures, the absence of any action by congress is to be
construed to be a recognition of the power of the legislature to
pass laws in conflict with the act of congress under which they
were created.”). But see majority opinion at note 45
as upon the number of instances in the
execution of the law in which opportunity for
objection in the courts or elsewhere is
afforded. When instances which actually
involve the question are rare, or have not in
fact occurred, the weight of the mere
presence of acts on the statute book for a
considerable time, as showing’ general
acquiescence .. ., 1S minimized
272 U.S. at 170-71. It was a crucial factor in Myers
that “the decision of the First Congress on a question
of primary importance in the organization of the
government... was soon accepted as a final decision
of the question by all branches of the government.”
Id. at 136. Nothing comparable has happened here,
and we therefore are not persuaded by the District’s
argument relying on Eldred and Myers
C. The Council’s Rationale
When one focuses on the _ subject matter
restriction imposed by the IPA, an obvious question
arises: Why didn’t the Council simply add the
Human Rights Act limitation to its draft of the
Charter Amendments Act?!® No satisfactory answer
has emerged from the legislative history of the CAA.
However, the history of the IPA strongly suggests
‘18 ‘The Council approved the original version of the Charter
Amendments Act before it passed the Human Rights Act. The
Mayor signed the Human Rights Act on September 28, 1977. 24
D.C. Reg. 6038 (Jan. 27, 1978). However, the Council amended
the Charter Amendments Act four weeks later, before it was
presented to the voters on November 8, 1977. H.R. Rep. No. 95
890, at 2
92:
that the “Human Rights Act limitation” was an
afterthought, a concern brought to the Council’s
attention after the Charter had been amended. D.C.
Council, Report on Bill No. 2-317 at 5 (May 3, 1978)
(“Subsequent to the public hearing [on the IPA], the
Committee staff received myriad telephone calls in
support of an amendment to the enabling legislation
which would restrict consideration of initiative
measures which _ foster discrimination. Such an
amendment was adopted by the Committee in
reporting this measure.”). When imposing this
limitation on subject matter, the members of the
Council did not suggest that the CAA had
empowered them to do so. Rather, they invoked
authority outside the CAA — the Supreme Court’s
decision in Rettman v. Mulkey, 387 U.S. 369 (1967),
and the Council’s own statutory authority over
elections. D.C. Council, Report on Bill No. 2-317 at
11 (May 3, 1978). Neither rationale gave the Council
authority to amend the Charter.
1. Reitman v. Mulkey
Reitman considered a provision of the California
Constitution that had been initiated by the voters,
but the Supreme Court’s holding is no more a check
on the right of initiative than it is on acts passed by
a legislature. So far as the decision discloses, it was
irrelevant that the provision was adopted by
initiative.
According to the California Supreme Court, that
initiative (Proposition 14) was designed “to overturn
state laws that bore on the right of private sellers
and lessors to discriminate” and “to forestall future
93a
state action that might circumscribe this right.” 387
U.S. at 374. When enacted, it became Art. I, § 26, of
the California Constitution,!9 but the state Supreme
Court held that it “was invalid as denying the equal
protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth
Amendment.” Jd. at 373. Affirming, the Supreme
Court of the United States accepted the California
court’s conclusion “that § 26 would and did have
wider impact than a mere repeal of existing statutes.
... The right to discriminate, including the right to
discriminate on racial grounds, was now embodied in
the State’s basic charter, immune from legislative,
executive, or judicial regulation at any level of the
state government.” Jd. at 376-77. “The California
Supreme Court believes that the section will
significantly encourage and involve the State in
private discriminations|,]” and the Supreme Court of
the United States concluded that it had “been
presented with no_- persuasive’ considerations
indicating that these judgments’ should be
overturned.” /d. at 381.
‘9 Art. I, § 26, provided
Neither the State nor any subdivision or agency
thereof shall deny, limit or abridge, directly or
indirectly, the right of any person, who is willing or
desires to sell, lease or rent any part or all of his real
property, to decline to sell, lease or rent such property
to such person or persons as he, tn his absolute
discretion, chooses.
387 U.S. at 371. The real property covered by § 26 was limited
to residential property. Jd. The section did not apply to state
owned real! estate. /d.
94a
Of especial interest here, the Supreme Court of
California had rejected an effort to keep the
proposition off the ballot, reasoning “that it would be
more appropriate to pass on those questions after
the election .. . than to interfere with the power of
the people to propose laws and amendments to the
Constitution and to adopt or reject the same at the
polls.” Mulkey v. Reitman, 413 P.2d 825, 829 (Cal.
1966) (quoting the court’s previous order). Moreover,
the provision was struck down because it violated
the federal Constitution, not because it was deemed
inconsistent with a state law. Reitman clearly does
not stand for the proposition that one act of the
Council (here, the IPA) can place another act of the
Council (even one prohibiting discrimination) off-
limits to the initiative process.
2. Section 752
The Council also invoked, and appellees now rely
upon, D.C. Code § 1-207.52 (2006) (“Section 752” of
the Home Rule Act), which grants the Council
“authority to enact any act or resolution with respect
to matters involving or relating to elections in the
District.” We emphasize, however, what we have
said before — “nothing in Section 752... grants the
Council authority to amend the Charter... .” Price,
645 A.2d at 599.
At the time Section 752 was enacted, the right of
initiative did not exist. It therefore is far from clear
that Congress would have thought that the phrase
“matters involving or relating to elections in the
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District” encompassed initiatives. More
fundamentally, given that Section 752 predates by
five years the creation of the right of initiative, it is
implausible that Congress intended Section 752 to
confer upon the Council power to exclude whole
subject areas from consideration by the electorate.
In any event, if Section 752 is as broad as
appellees assert, why was the Charter Amendments
Act necessary? Why didn’t the Council simply use
its power over elections to create the rights of
initiative, referendum, and recall? One obvious
answer is that, even if an initiative is an election, it
is much more — it is an exercise of legislative power.
The Charter provided that “the legislative power
granted to the District by [the Home Rule Act] is
vested in and shall be exercised by the Council in
accordance with this chapter.” D.C. Code § 1-204.04.
Allowing the voters to exercise legislative power
amounted to a further delegation of Congress’s
authority. Creating that right thus required a
Charter Amendment.
If a Charter amendment was necessary to create
the right of initiative, an amendment is equally
necessary to limit that right. See Price, 645 A.2d at
599. And by restricting the subject matter which an
initiative may address, the Human Rights Act
limitation unmistakably alters (and reduces) the
right of initiative. The Council’s authority relating to
elections, found in Section 752, did not (and cannot)
96a
authorize a restriction amounting to an amendment
of the Charter.2°
Finally, appellees have offered no satisfactory
answer to the following question: If the Council’s
powers are as broad as they assert, what is to
preclude the Council from imposing additional
subject matter limitations on the right of initiative
or, indeed, from extingui
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