Appendix — New York City Housing Authority v. Davis

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TABLE OF CONTENTS TO APPENDIX

PAGE

Order of the United States Court of

Appeals for the Second Circuit,

Gated Janua;xry 3, ZO0Z 222.2622 ccccccccccccese. la

Order of the United States District

Court for the Southern District of

New York, dated June 20, 2000,

supplementing the record.................-.-. Sla

Summary Order of the United States

Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit,

dated February 23, 2000, remanding for

supplementation of the record..............-. 62a

Order of the United States District Court

for the Southern District of New York,

dated August 11, 1989, making the

preliminary injunction permanent............ 67a

Order of the United States Court of Appeals

for the Second Circuit, dated January 22,

1999, vacating the District Court’s

decisions and remanding for more

specific factual findings and application

of the proper legal standard .................. 110a

Order of the United States District Court for

the Southern District of New York, dated

November 13, 1997, denying NYCHA’s

motion for reconsideration and reargument

and modifying the preliminary injunction

to apply to developments with populations

more than 30% white ...........ccccsccccccees 123a

AM Da tts nt

li

PAGE

Order of the United States District Court for

the Southern District of New York, dated

November 18, 1997, amending the District

Court’s November 13, 1997 order............ 135a

Order of the United States District Court for

the Southern District/of New York, dated

July 17, 1997, preliminarily enjoining the

Order of the United States District Court

for the Southern District of New York,

dated December 30, 1992, approving

Bee e rT Pry rer Te Porro erry ETe Te 174a

EPOGED GOROE FOGY 0 BGS sin od nda ta nededncenceddas 185a

Exhibit A: List of Affected Developments... 229a

Exhibit B: NYCHA’s Tenant Selection

ag | Tr rrprrr rer erores 230a

Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth

PU Ka Gece cys secs hscsnsnaucsscascaass 265a

42 U.S.C. § 1437d(c)(4)(A)(iv) (1994) ........... 266a

42 U.S.C. § 1437n(b)(2) (1994)..... settee eeeeeees 266a

Balanced Budget Downpayment Act,

I, Pub. L. No. 104-99, § 402(d)(1),

Se Ss is De ioc acisnccaveensicase 267a

Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act

of 1998, Pub. L. No. 105-276, §§ 502(a)(3),

502(a)(5)(C), and 502(a){5)(D), 112 Stat.

Res BE EA il aka ve nbekndeceiacvesss 267a

42 U.S.C. § 1437(a)(1)(C) (Supp. 1999).......... 269a

ii

PAGE

42 U.S.C. § 1437a(a)(2)(D) (Supp. 1999)......... 269a

42 U.S.C. §§ 1437n(a)(1), 1437n(a)(3)(A), |

and 1437n(a)(3)(B)(i) (Supp. 1999).......... 270a

42 U.S.C. § 3604(a) (2001) .........0... cece eres 271a

24 C.F.R. § 913.104(a) (1992) ........c cece eee. 272a

24 C.F.R. § 960.211(a)(1) (1992) 0.02... eeeeee. 272a

24 C.F.R. § 960.205(a) (2001) .............000ce 272a

24 C.F.R. § 960.206(b)(2) (2001) ..... 0.2.2... 00 8. 272a

59 Fed. Reg. 36616, 36618-19 (July 18, 1994)... 274a

la

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS

FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT

August Term, 1999

(Argued: February 16, 2000

Final briefs submitted: July 28, 2000

Decided: January 3, 2002)

Docket No. 99-6238

PAULINE DAVIS, CYNTHIA WILLIAMS, CORNELIA SIM-

MONS, and KIM RIVERA, on behalf of themselves and

all others similarly situated,

Plaintiffs-Appellees,

NEW YORK CITY HOUSING AUTHORITY,

Defendant-Appellant.

Before:

WALKER, Chief Judge,

KEARSE and POOLER, Circuit Judges.

a

Appeal from an order of the United States District

Court for the Southern District of New York, Robert W.

Sweet, Judge, permanently enjoining defendant Housing

Authority from altering operations under a consent

decree, entered to remedy racial discrimination in accep-

tance of tenants for public housing, by implementing a

working-family preference at 20 housing projects.

Affirmed in part, reversed in part.

Chief Judge Walker dissents, in a separate opinion.

SCOTT A. ROSENBERG, New York, New York

(Helaine Barnett, The Legal Aid Society,

Civil Division, Civil Appeals & Law

Reform Unit, New York, New York, on

the brief), for Plaintiffs-Appellees.

HENRY SCHOENFELD, New York, New York

(Jeffrey Schanback, General Counsel,

Nancy M. Harnett, Stephen W. Good-

man, Steven J. Rappaport, on the brief),

for Defendant-Appellant.

KEARSE, Circuit Judge:

This case returns to us following remands in 1999 and

2000 to the United States District Court for the Southern

District of New York, Robert W. Sweet, Judge, for fur-

ther findings, clarification, and supplementation of the

record in connection with its issuance of injunctions pro-

hibiting defendant New York City Housing Authority

(“NYCHA” or the “Authority”) from implementing pro-

posed changes in its method of complying with a 1992

consent decree (the “Consent Decree” or “Decree”) set-

a » ene a

3a

tling actions alleging that, in accepting tenants for pub-

lic housing in New York City, the Authority had dis-

criminated against Latinos and African-Americans on the

basis of race. The district court found that NYCHA’s

proposed introduction of a working-family preference

into the tenant acceptance procedures would cause a sig-

nificant perpetuation of past segregation at 20 NYCHA

low-income housing projects, and in 1999 it permanently

enjoined NYCHA from implementing that preference at

those projects. NYCHA appeals, contending principally

that the district court erred (a) in its view of what con-

stitutes segregation, and (b) in finding that segregation

would be significantly perpetuated. For the reasons that

follow, we affirm with respect to 14 of the housing pro-

jects, and we reverse with respect to the remaining six.

I. BACKGROUND

The factual background of this litigation has been

chronicled in several opinions, familiarity with which is

assumed. The prior proceedings are summarized below.

A. The Consent Decree (Davis I)

NYCHA, an independent public corporation created

by New York State Law, operates 322 public housing

projects in New York City. In the early 1990s, parallel

actions were brought by the United States and by plain-

tiffs Pauline Davis et al. on behalf of themselves and

others similarly situated, alleging that NYCHA had

engaged in discrimination in violation of, inter alia, 42

U.S.C. §§ 1981, 1982, and 1983 and the Fair Housing

Act of 1968, as amended, 42 U.S.C. § 3601 ef seq.

(“FHA”), by assigning applicants for public housing to

particular housing projects on the basis of race. NYCHA

ultimately acknowledged that it had engaged in, inter

ee,

4a

alia, “racial steering” (NYCHA Memorandum of Law in

Support of the Fairness and Adequacy of the Davis Set-

tlement and the Entry of the Consent Decree and in

Response to Comments Submitted by Interested Persons,

dated October 30, 1992 (“NYCHA Memorandum Sup-

- porting Consent Decree” or “NYCHA Memorandum”),

at 2!), and it stated that “[t]he Housing Authority con-

cluded that the complaint had merit” (id. at 22).

The parties agreed to settle both actions in 1992 by

entering into the Consent Decree. See Davis v. New York

City Housing Authority, 1992 WL 420923 (S.D.N.Y.

Dec. 31, 1992) (“Davis I’). In urging the district court to

enter the Decree, NYCHA admitted that

[t]he Housing Authority engaged in a number of

policies and practices that had the effect of dis-

criminating against Black and Hispanic applicants.

~ Because the Housing Authority was convinced that

these policies were wrong, and indeed in most

instances were stopped well before the lawsuits

were brought, the Housing Authority believed that

the responsible course was to settle these suits to

remedy these past practices in as fair a manner as

possible.

-

(NYCHA Memorandum at 21.) Describing “a few of

these policies” (id.), the NYCHA Memorandum stated,

inter alia, that the Authority in 1960 adopted an “inte-

gration program” whose “racial steering component

. . continued at a few predominantly white projects

until January, 1988, resulting in a higher proportion of

whites than would have resuited from a race neutral

admissions policy” (id.), and that until 1990, some

NYCHA “employees would expedite applications and

send them to projects to which they would not otherwise

have been sent[,] [o]ften . . . favor[ing] white appli-

5a

cants who sought an apartment at a predominantly white

project” (id. at 22). ’

Following a fairness hearing, then-District Judge

Pierre N. Leval, to whom the case was then assigned,

approved the Consent Decree, making findings of fact

and conclusions of law that included the following:

Plaintiffs’ evidence supports their allegations that

during specified periods. of time the Housing

Authority selected and assigned applicants for pub-

lic housing, and tenants requesting transfers, to cer-

tain housing projects using methods that resulted in

unlawful discrimination against Blacks and His-

panics. These methods included (1) the intermittent

use of codes denoting housing projects to which

only white families could be assigned; (2) the use of

zip code and other geographic restrictions on admis-

sion to projects; (3) the use of racial goals or targets

when new projects were “rented up” and on an

ongoing basis thereafter; and (4) the assignment of

families to projects where vacancies were not

expected to arise.

Davis I, 1992 WL 420923, at *2. The Consent Decree

permanently enjoined [NYCHA] from engaging in

any act or practice which denies equal access to its

housing. . . on the basis of race, color, or national

origin, including[ ] adopting and implementing any

tenant application, selection, assignment, and trans-

fer plan, or any such policy or process, which gives

preference to Applicants or tenants on the basis of

race, color, or national origin.

Consent Decree 9 4(a). Other provisions permanently

enjoined NYCHA from, inter alia, basing denials of

transfers on racial considerations, see id. 4 4(b), making

6a

statements indicating a preference or limitation based on

race, see id. § 4(c), and falsely representing, because of

an applicant’s race, that certain projects were not antic-

ipating vacancies when in fact such vacancies were

anticipated, see id. § 4(d). Although parts of the Decree

were to be dissolved 8'/2 years after its date of entry, the

provision for such dissolution expressly excluded “the

permanent injunctive provisions.” Jd. 4 50.

As part of the injunctive relief granted, the Consent

Decree also required NYCHA to implement a new three-

stage tenant selection and assignment plan (“TSAP”)

that substantialiy revised the Authority’s prior proce-

dures for granting applications for public housing. After

explicitly incorporating the TSAP by reference, the

Decree stated that “[t]he TSAP will be implemented by

the Housing Authority to prevent any unlawful dis-

crimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin,

in compliance with the Housing Authority’s obligations

therewith under Titie VI, the Fair Housing Act and the

implementing regulations and requirements of” the

United States Department of Housing and Urban Devel-

opment (“HUD”). Consent Decree 4 5. HUD “approved

the TSAP for a five-year period as meeting the require-

ments of,” inter alia, HUD’s “regulations governing

non-discrimination on the basis of race, color, or

national origin.” Consent Decree page 5, WHEREAS.

In the TSAP, NYCHA -+ecognizes “federal” prefer-

ences for certain categories of applicants, as required by

certain federal laws, and employs certain of its own pref-

erences (“local preferences”). In the first stage of the

TSAP, applicants are chosen from the overall applicant

pool for interviews as to their eligibility for public hous-

ing. In the second stage, those interviewed who are

found eligible are assigned to waiting lists for vacancies

and are divided into three “Tiers.” Tier III families have

Ta

the highest incomes; Tier I families have the lowest. In

the final stage of the TSAP, NYCHA attempts to allocate

25% of the vacancies to Tier III and to divide the

remaining 75% evenly between Tiers I and II. Under.the

original TSAP’s local preferences, priority is given to

families on the basis of housing need.

The Decree also provided that

[nJo Applicant will be barred or disqualified from

any Project tenanted under the TSAP because of any

minimum income requirements that result in

discrimination on the basis of race, color, or

national origin in violation of Title VI or the Fair

Housing Act; provided, however, that consistent

with HUD’s general occupancy standards, the Hous-

ing Authority may seek to achieve a tenant body in

each Project composed of families with a broad

range of incomes, generally representative of the

range of incomes and rent-paying abilities of lower

income families in its geographic operating area

to the extent permitted under 42 U.S.C.

§ 1437d(c)(4)(A)(iv), 24 C.F.R. § 960.205, and 24

C.F.R. Part 913. . . . If any new minimum income

requirements are added to existing [conventional

housing projects administered by NYCHA], plain-

tiffs shall have the right to challenge such a change

during the five-year period [after full implementa-

tion of the TSAP] orthereafter. .. .

Consent Decree 4 8.

NYCHA was required to have the TSAP fully imple-

mented within one year after entry of the Decree. See id.

q 6(a). If, during the five-year period after full imple-

mentation of the TSAP, NYCHA proposed to modify any

provision of the TSAP, it was to give at least 60 days’

notice to plaintiffs, who were given “the right. . . to

8a

move the court to enjoin the proposed modification as

inconsistent with the terms of th[e] Consent Decree.” Jd.

q 6(b). The Decree also provided that for three years fol-

lowing that five-year period, plaintiffs were allowed to

ask the district court to “modify or otherwise enjoin any

aspect of any TSAP implemented by the Housing

Authority on the ground that it violates the Fair Housing

Act, Title VI and/or HUD implementing regulations.” Jd.

q 6(c).

B. NYCHA’s Proposed Working-Family Preference

(Davis II-IV)

In 1995, NYCHA sought to modify the local prefer-

ences recognized under the TSAP. To the extent material

here, it proposed to introduce a working-family prefer-

ence (“WFP”), altering the factors determining whether

an applicant for public housing is even granted an inter-

view. Under the WFP, federal preference holders who are

working or disabled would receive a priority over those

who are not; as to local preferences, Tier III families and

Tier II families would receive priority, in that order;

thereafter, Tier I applicants who are working or are dis-

abled would be given priority, but other Tier I applicants

would have no priority. See Davis v. New York City

Housing Authority, 1997 WL 407250, at *4 (S.D.N_Y.

July 18, 1997) (“Davis IT’). The proposed WFP would

eliminate applicant housing need as a local priority con-

cern and instead give preference to families who can pay

the most. NYCHA’s goals in proposing this change are to

increase the number of working families in public hous-

ing and increase income integration in public housing, in

order to promote financial and social stability in such

housing. See id. at *14.

Plaintiffs opposed NYCHA’s proposed changes and

moved before Judge Sweet, to whom the case had been

9a

reassigned, for an injunction. While conceding that

NYCHA’s interest in financial stability was legitimate,

plaintiffs contended, supported by affidavits from their

expert Dr. Leonard Cupingood, that the WFP would

favor the admission of white families and thereby have

the effect of perpetuating racial segregation. Plaintiffs

suggested that the WFP be modified so that, while con-

tinuing to give the lowest preference to Tier I (i.e., low-

est-income) families, NYCHA would give all Tier I

applicants equal preference. Under plaintiffs’ proposed

alternative, Tier I families would continue to rank below

Tier II and Tier III families; and thus, because Tier II

and III families by definition have higher incomes than

Tier I families, the number of rentals to higher-income

families would still increase; but desegregation of the

housing projects would be less adversely affected.

NYCHA conceded that plaintiffs’ suggested alternative

might increase income integration but rejected it, stating

that it would frustrate the goal of increasing the pro-

portion of rentals to working families. See Davis II,

1997 WL 407250, at *15.

The district court noted the legitimacy of NYCHA’s

concerns and goals and stated that there was no dispute

that an increase in the proportion of tenants with higher -

incomes was needed in order to safeguard the projects’

stability:

Historically, public housing applicants in the low-

est income categories accounted for approximately

1/3 of all NYCHA rentals. Since 1990, however, an

increase in homeless families applying for housing

has resulted in a significant increase in the number

of rentals to the lowest income applicants. By 1995,

these lowest income applicants accounted for 77.6%

of new admissions. NYCHA states, and plaintiffs do

not dispute, that unless a higher proportion of appli-

10a

cants with higher incomes receive rentals, the sta-

bility of the projects will be jeopardized.

Id. at *4. The court also noted that NYCHA had sub-

mitted its proposed WFP, along with another proposed

modification called “Project Choice,” to HUD for

approval. Although HUD approved Project Choice as

“ ‘not likely to affect the racial identifiability of devel-

opments in New York City,’” Davis II, 1997 WL

407250, at *5 (quoting HUD letter to NYCHA dated

October 24, 1996), HUD’s response to the proposed

WFP, in contrast, was as follows:

“HUD does not approve local preferences, and thus

NYCHA may create these local preferences, so long

as notice and comment requirements are met. How-

ever, NYCHA should be mindful of the injunctive

relief provided for by the Davis consent decree and

its responsibilities under civil rights statutes.”

Davis II, 1997 WL 407250, at *5 (quoting HUD letter to

NYCHA dated July 31, 1996) (emphasis ours).

The district court proceeded to consider the likely

effects of the WFP on NYCHA’s performance of its obli-

gations under the Decree. Noting that in 1995, under the

TSAP’s scheme of priorities, only some 15% of all

applicants for public housing even reached the stage of

being granted interviews, see Davis II, 1997 WL

407250, at *3, the court found that implementation of

the WFP would significantly change

the racial composition of the top 15% of applicants,

who are those likely to be called for interviews.

Under the current TSAP, only 7.2% of the top 15%

of applicants are white. If the new Working Family

Preference were implemented, there would be a sta-

tistically significant increase in the percentage of

lla

white families in the top 15% of the list of appli-

cants. These conclusions are not disputed by

NYCHA.

Id. at *5. The court noted further that Dr. Cupingood had

concluded that if the WFP were implemented at the 11

projects that as of June 1996 remained more than 50%

white, the process of desegregation would be signifi-

cantly slowed at three of the projects, completely

stopped at four projects, and indeed reversed at four pro-

jects. See id.

The court noted, however, that the WFP’s desegrega-

tive effects could easily be lessened:

It also appears that NYCHA could eliminate the

objectionable perpetuation of discrimination by

making revisions to their plan that are even less

drastic than those proposed by plaintiffs. The Work-

ing Family Preference could be instituted in essen-

tially the proposed form, provided white applicants

selected under the preference are not placed in pro-

jects in which whites are over-represented relative

to the applicant pool. The extent to which such a

modification would be administratively feasible or

desirable is, of course, a question for NYCHA.

Id. at *15 (emphases added).

Accepting the projections made by Dr. Cupingood, the

district court found that plaintiffs were likely to succeed

on the merits of their WFP challenge with respect to the

housing projects whose tenant populations remained pre-

dominantly white. The court entered a preliminary

injunction prohibiting implementation of the WFP at all

322 NYCHA projects, but it invited NYCHA to offer

suggestions for modifications that would limit the

injunction to the disproportionately white projects. See

id. at *18.

|

12a

Thereafter, the parties “agree[d] that the WFP con-

sidered in Davis [II] w[ould] not perpetuate past dis-

crimination at any of the NYCHA projects other than the

21 projects where greater than 30% of the apartments are

rented to whites (the ‘Disproportionate Projects’),”

Davis v. New York City Housing Authority, 1997 WL

711360, at *4 (S.D.N.Y. Nov. 13, 1997, as amended Nov.

20, 1997) (“Davis IIT’), and “agree[d] that the WFP

should go forward for the non-Disproportionate Pro-

jects,” id. at *5. Accordingly, in Davis III, the court nar-

rowed its prior order and enjoined use of the WFP at

only those 21 housing projects where white families then

occupied more than 30% of the apartments.

NYCHA appealed. This Court was unable to resolve

the merits of the appeal, however, as we concluded that

the district court had not provided an adequate expla-

nation for finding that plaintiffs would likely succeed in

showing that the WFP would perpetuate segregation at

the projects to which the injunction applied. See Davis

v. New York City Housing Authority, 166 F.3d 432, 437

(2d Cir. 1999) (“Davis IV’). We stated that although the

opinions in Davis II and Davis III were

not entirely devoid of detail, Judge Sweet failed to

adequately explain the subsidiary facts and method-

ology underlying the ultimate finding. For instance,

Judge Sweet refers to “existing trends demon-

strat[ing] that many of the[ ] additional white fam-

ilies [admitted under the proposed modification]

will be concentrated in predominantly white devel-

opments,” but does not discuss or attempt to explain

these trends or the data reflecting them. He also

fails to address the time period during which the

purported impact of the proposed TSAP was

assessed and/or how future “trends” might affect

application of the TSAP to developments that are

13a

not currently, but subsequently become, predomi-

nantly white. Further, while he focuses on the racial

imbalance the proposed TSAP will cause at specific

developments within the NYCHA system, he does

not identify them by name or state the number, frac-

tion or percentage of additional white families who

will be admitted to each of the 21 developments as

a result of the proposed TSAP.

Davis IV, 166 F.3d at 436 (footnotes omitted). We also

noted that Dr. Cupingood “d[id] not cite to any precise

numerical data underlying his opinion.” Jd. at 437.

Accordingly, while leaving the preliminary injunction

undisturbed, we remanded for the district court to

address these matters, stating that “[t]he proper standard

to be applied on remand is whether the proposed use of

the working family preference will significantly per-

petuate segregation at the relevant NYCHA develop-

ments.” Jd. at 438 (emphasis in original).

C. The WFP as Significantly Perpetuating Segrega-

tion (Davis V)

Following the remand in Davis IV, the district court

conducted a hearing, received additional evidence and

arguments, and addressed, both broadly and in consid-

erable detail, (1) whether there is a basis on which to

conclude that there is segregation to be dealt with under

the Consent Decree, and (2) whether the WFP would sig-

nificantly perpetuate segregation. In an opinion dated

August 11, 1999, the court rendered a final decision,

answering both questions in the affirmative and con-

cluding that plaintiffs were entitled to a permanent

injunction prohibiting NYCHA from implementing the

WFP at 20 housing projects. See Davis v. New York City

l4a

Housing Authority, 60 F.Supp.2d 220 (S.D.N.Y. 1999)

(“Davis V”).

First, as to the existence of segregation, the court

ruled that, for purposes of this litigation, it is appropri-

ate to deem a project segregated if white families occupy

- more than 30% of its apartments. It pointed out that

throughout this litigation projects have been deemed

“disproportionate” or “predominantly white” if more

than 30 percent of the parties residing there are

white. See, e.g., Davis II, 1997 WL 407250 at *12.

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 231 (footnote omitted). The

court noted that this benchmark was reflected in the

TSAP, which was incorporated by reference into the

Consent Decree. See, e.g., id. at 232 n.9 (“[T]he TSAP

identifies housing projects that are 30 percent white as

infected by past segregation.”). The TSAP contains a

“Borrowing Provision” that can be used by a housing

project that has more vacancies than willing applicants.

Such a project is allowed to “borrow[ ]” applications

from another pro‘ect, id. at 231; but “ ‘if the borrowing

project’s tenant body is more than 30% white, [the

NYCHA decisionmaker] shall not select a project whose

tenant body is also more than 30% white,’ ” id. at 232

(quoting TSAP at 29). The court pointed out that the

30% benchmark was

not, as NYCHA urges, an arbitrary number, but a

negotiated figure that implies that the parties and

the Court believed that a project was dispropor-

tionately white if more than 30 percent of its fami-

lies are white. . . . An examination of Exhibit A to

the Consent Decree, a list of projects where it was

alleged that discriminatory practices occurred in sta-

tistically significant amounts, reveals that during

15a

the time in question most of these projects were at

least 30 percent white.

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 232. Further, the court noted

that the injunctive relief ordered was necessarily

premised on a finding that a white tenant population

above the 30% level constituted segregation:

The TSAP must be read as in harmony with exist-

ing law. . . . Under existing law, borrowing of

applications could not have been prohibited at pro-

jects more than 30 percent white (without regard for

claimant relief) unless those projects were still

tainted by past segregation. . . . [R]emedies con-

taining race-conscious relief “must be substantially

related to the objective of eliminating the alleged

instance of discrimination, . . . and must not

unnecessarily trammel the interests of affected third

parties.” Kirkland v. New York State Dept. of Cor-

rectional Serv., 711 F.2d 1117, 1132 (2d Cir. 1983).

Thus, had there been no finding that housing pro-

jects that are greater than 30 percent white were

affected by past segregation, the Borrowing Provi-

sion would be unlawful.

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 232. Accordingly, having pre-

viously “held that ‘[uJnder the TSAP, a project is con-

sidered disproportionately white if more than 30 percent

of its families are white,’ ” the court concluded that “30

percent will continue to be employed as a measure to

identify segregation in this case.” Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d

at 232 (quoting Davis I], 1997 WL 407250 at *12).

Second, as to the impacts of the WFP on the desegre-

gation of the disproportionately white projects, the dis-

trict court, largely crediting the analysis of Dr.

Cupingood, made extensive findings. The court noted

that, in predicting the effects of the WFP on the racial

l6a

mix of those likely to move into public housing projects

(“move-ins”), Dr. Cupingood relied on data for the

period 1991-1994 because 1991 is “the first year that is

free of distortion caused by NYCHA’s own discrimina-

tion,” and 1994 is the “last year that is free of distortion

[caused] by” the initial implementation of the Consent

Decree remedies, to wit, the “Davis move-ins.” Davis V,

60 F.Supp.2d at 226. Dr. Cupingood relied on NYCHA’s

records of move-ins and move-outs by race for each pro-

ject, and he proceeded on the assumption that families of

each race will make decisions about which projects to

choose in the same manner, and with the same proba-

bilities, as families of that race have done in the past.

The court concluded that “[w]hile projections about the

future, are by definition, subject to some uncertainty, Dr.

Cupingood has taken reasonable steps, such as the use of

historical averages, to minimize the impact of possible

uncertainties.” Jd. at 239 n.17.

The court credited Dr. Cupingood’s view that the WFP

would have significant impacts on the disproportionately

white projects, either by increasing the percentage of a

project’s white population or by detrimentally affecting

the degree or timing of the project’s desegregation. The

Davis V opinion included tables showing, for each dis-

proportionately white project, inter alia, “Race Distri-

bution of 1995 Rentals Under Original TSAP and WFP”

(Table 1); “Effect of WFP at Disproportionate Projects

After Five Years Assuming Historical [T]urnover by

Race” (Table 3); “Relative Percentage Reduction in

Number of White Families [D]ue to WFP After Five

[Y ]ears Assuming Historical Turnover by Race” (Table

4); “Change in Percentage White Occupancy At Dis-

proportionate Projects After Five Years Assuming His-

torical Turnover by Race” (Table 5); “Effect of WFP at

Disproportionate Projects After Five Years Assuming

ee he eee

17a

Historical Turnover by Race” (Table 7), and “[same]

After Ten Years” (Table 6). See Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at

225-31.

In discussing the anticipated percentages of apart-

ments that would be occupied by white families at each

Disproportionate Project after five years, with and with-

out the WFP, the court noted that,

[aJssuming historical turnover by race, after five

years under the WFP, the percentage of white fam-

ilies at Middletown Plaza would rise from 51.85 to

60.1% (instead of falling to 49.4%). At the remain-

ing Disproportionate Projects, white occupancy per-

centages would either stabilize or fall more slowly

under the WFP than under the original TSAP. For

example, at Cassidy-Lafayette, after five years the

percentage of white families in occupancy would

inch down from 53.6% to 50.4% (instead of falling

to 42.4%).

Id. at 228-29. These figures were reflected in Table 5:

Table 5

Change in Percentage White Occupancy At

Disproportionate Projects After Five Years

Assuming Historical Turnover by Race

Project Name Initial 5 Years after Davis Move-Ins

% White Original TSAP WFP

Bay View 34.5% 22.9% 24.7%

Berry 56.2% 45.0% 50.4%

Cassidy-Lafayette 53.6% 42.4% 50.4%

Forest Hills 51.7% 41.3% 44.4%

Glenwood 30.0% 18.1% 18.9%

Haber 53.0% 39.6% 46.4%

Holmes Towers 26.6% 18.6% 21.8%

SE sl ene a Bs 5+ He

18a

Project Name Initial 5 Years after Davis Move-Ins

% White OriginalTSAP WFP

Independence 9% [sic] 63.9% 64.8%

Isaacs 33.1% 24.8% 27.9%

Middletown Plaza 51.8% 49.4% 60.1%

~ New Lane 73.0% 64.8% 71.1%

Nostrand 41.9% 30.0% 32.9%

Pelham Parkway 31.8% 22.1% 23.5%

Pomonok 41.5% 33.3% 36.5%

Robbins Plaza 53.4% 42.6% 52.0%

Sheepshead Bay 35.2% 24.0% 26.8%

South Beach 53.1% 41.6% 47.6%

Straus 28.5% 27.4% [sic] 20.9%

Taylor-Wythe 54.4% 51.0% 52.1%

Todt Hill 46.7% 35.7% 39.7%

Williams 61.6% 57.5% 58.2%

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 229; see also id. at 227, Table

3 (at Independence, 493 of 715 apartments were initially

occupied by white families, a percentage of 68.95; at

Straus, under the original TSAP five years after the

Davis move-ins, white families would occupy 48 of 263

apartments, a percentage of 18.3); id. at 233, Table 8 (as

of June 1998, before Davis move-ins, Holmes Towers

and Straus were above the 30% level, at 30.6% and

30.4%, respectively). The court noted that Table 6

showed that

[s]imilar trends exist after ten years, except that

at Disproportionate Projects where desegregation

would not essentially stop, the magnitude of the

impact of the WFP would generally become larger.

For example, at Middletown Plaza, where segrega-

tion would increase under the WFP, the white pop-

ulation would climb to 108 instead of falling to 81.

At Berry Houses, where desegregation would be

19a

significantly slowed, the white population would

fall to 231 instead of 186. In the aggregate, after ten

years under the WFP (again assuming historical

turnover by race), the Disproportionate Projects

would be occupied by 722 more white families than

would have resided in those projects in the absence

of the WFP.

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 229.

NYCHA, proffering the views of its own expert Dr.

David Peterson, argued that Dr. Cupingood’s analysis

was flawed because it was based on the assumption that,

in the absence of the Consent Decree’s injunction, the

percentage of white families admitted to NYCHA’s pub-

lic housing in 1998 would have risen from 4.2% to 9.9%.

The Authority contended that the percentage admitted

would have risen only to 6.48%. However, the district

court found that there were substantial flaws in Dr.

Peterson’s methodology:

[I]n addition to a number of other errors, Dr. Peter-

son did not account for the fact that several thousand

families who moved into NYCHA housing during

1998 were selected for interviews and/or certified to

project waiting lists before the WFP went into oper-

ation. Because families selected under the old TSAP

are still working their way through the “pipeline,”

the white admission rate in 1998 was significantly

lower than would have occurred if all families had

been selected for interviews and certified pursuant to

_the WFP. Moreover, Dr. Peterson[’s] conclusion is

based on an under-representation of 1998 move-ins.

Significantly, even accepting Dr. Peterson’s method-

ology; and adjusting only for the undercount of fam-

ilies to the 21 projects, one obtains a corrected

figure of 8.53 percent white among families who

20a

were placed in 1998 and were “allegedly untainted

by the Pipeline Effect” (Cupingood Sixth Aff. 4 9).

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 239 n.16. Accordingly, the

court rejected Dr. Peterson’s analysis and credited that of

Dr. Cupingood.

The court also reyected NYCHA’s contention “that so

long as the white occupancy rates would decline under

the WFP, regardless of the rate of decline, then the WFP

cannot be said to perpetuate segregation.” Jd. at 238. The

court noted that to “ ‘perpetuate’ means to extend in

time,” id. (other internal quotation marks omitted), and

that that is precisely the effect that the WFP will have.

Although at the outset of housing discrimination litiga-

tion “the adverse impact of an applicant selection pro-

cess. . .1S determined by whether minority applicants

are chosen at a rate lower than their proportional repre-

sentation in the overall applicant pool,” once remedies

for segregation have been ordered and the defendant pro-

poses to change its method of compliance “[t]he query

. . 1S not whether the [change] would have an adverse

impact On minority applicants, but whether it will

significantly perpetuate segregation.” Davis V, 60

F.Supp.2d at 237 n.14 (emphasis omitted).

Where a court-ordered plan intended to eradicate

past segregation is in effect, and where, as here, a

proposed char ze to the plan is alleged to perpetuate

past segregation, the Supreme Court has compared

the results under the proposed plan with those under

the original, court-ordered plan.

Accordingly, in evaluating whether the WFP sig-

nificantly perpetuates segregation, the relevant com-

parison will be the desegregation that would be

a

2la

achieved under the original TSAP with the projected

effect of the WFP.

The relevant inquiry here is not whether deseg-

regation will occur eventually, but whether the WFP

will significantly delay desegregation at the Dis-

proportionate Projects. See Monroe v. Board of

Commissioners, 391 U.S. 450, 459. . . (1968) (“if

it cannot be shown that such a plan will further

rather than delay conversion to a unitary, nonracial,

nondiscriminatory school system, it must be held

unacceptable.”); Wright[ v. Council of the City of

Emporia}, 407 U.S. [451,] 460. . . [(1972)] (“if the

proposal would impede the dismantling of the dual

system, then the district court. . . may enjoin it

from being carried out’).

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 237-38 (emphasis in original).

The district court concluded that the WFP would

significantly impede desegregation at NYCHA’s 20

disproportionately white projects, see Davis V, 60

F.Supp.2d at 231 n.7 (of the 21 projects covered by the

preliminary injunction pursuant to Davis III, Glenwood

was omitted because prior to June 1998 it had fallen

“below the 30% threshold”). The court reached this con-

clusion because the WFP will “more than double white

admission rates,” and “because existing trends demon-

strate that many of these additional white families will

be concentrated in predominantly white developments.”

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 238-39 (internal quotation

marks omitted). It found these effects to have both

“[s]tatistical significance,” which “measures whether a

particular phenomenon is the cause of a specific set of

effects,” and “[lJegal significance,” which “measures

whether, assuming the phenomenon was the cause of

22a

those effects, those effects have any legal import.” /d. at

239. As to statistical significance, the court stated as

follows:

A standard tool for assessing statistical signifi-

cance is the two-standard deviation test. The test is

used to determine whether a deviation from the

expected norm is small enough to be attributable to

chance, or so large that random chance could not

reasonably account for the outcome. “The greater the

number of standard deviations, the less likely it is

that chance is the cause of any difference between the

expected and observed results.” Ottaviani [v. State

Univ. at New Paltz, 875 F.2d 365, 371 (2d Cir. 1989),

cert. denied, 493 U.S. 1021 (1990)]. Courts have fre-

quently adopted a standard of two to three standard

deviations as constituting statistical significance.

See Hazelwood School District v. United States, 433

U.S. 299, 311 n.17. . . (1977) (“if the difference

between the expected value and observed number is

greater than two or three standard deviations, then

the hypothesis that employees were hired without

regard to race would be suspect.”); Castaneda v.

Partida, 430 U.S. 482, 496 n. 17. . . (1977).

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 239 (footnote omitted). The

court noted that, in terms of the total number of apart-

ments affected by the WFP in the disproportionately

white projects, the magnitude of the effects would be

well in excess of two standard deviations:

For the five year-period, and assuming historical

turnover trends for each race, the WFP would result

in a total of approximately 1,139 white move-ins at

the Disproportionate Projects, as compared to only

625 without the WFP. The difference between these

figures—some 514 excess white move-ins—repre-

23a

sents 15.39 standard deviation units and is highly

significant.

Id. at 239-40 (footnote omitted). And over a period of

“ten years, assuming historical turnover rates for each

race, the WFP would increase white move-ins from

1;217 to approximately 2,240—an increase of 1,023

white move-ins. The difference represents 21.92 stan-

dard deviation units.” Jd. at 240 n.19. The court found

that the magnitude would also be statistically significant

when assessed in terms of individual projects:

[A]fter five years, 18 of the 21 Disproportionate Pro-

jects would have statistically significant white move-

in differential caused by the WFP. At the ten year

mark, again using historical turnover rates for each

race, 20 of the 21 Disproportionate Projects would

have statistically significant reductions in desegre-

gation. At Holmes Towers, for example, the WFP

would result in approximately 75 white move-ins as

opposed to 34 without the WFP, a disparity repre-

senting 4.3 standard deviation units. At Pomonok,

there would be approximately 287 white move-ins

with the WFP and 138 without the WFP in place, a

difference constituting 8.21 standard deviation units.

Id. at 240.

Finally, as to the legal significance of the WFP’s retar-

dation of desegregation, the court noted that

[while . . . many of the cases cited by the par-

ties involve larger discrepancies than in the instant

case, “small” percentage-point differences can

result in significant perpetuation of segregation. At

the Pomonok project, for example, where the WFP

would increase the white occupancy rate by 3.2 per-

centage points after five years, and 5.5 percentage

24a

points after ten years, (see Cupingood Third Aff.

[Cupingood’s] Tables 4 and 6), every percentage

point increase in the white population means relin-

quishing 20 apartments to white families that would

have gone to African-American and Hispanic fam-

ilies. At Pomonok alone, the WFP would deprive

non-white families of 66 apartments after five years

(see id. [Cupingood’s] Table 5) and 114 apartments

after ten years (see id. [Cupingood’s] Table 7).

These figures are significant in sheer magnitude.

. . Perhaps more importantly, they are significant

to the families affected. To be sure, the WFP has

numerous benefits, but with respect to the Dispro-

portionate Projects, these are outweighed by its

adverse effects. The WFP markedly inhibits the rate

at which desegregation will occur, adversely affects

the ratios at the Disproportionate Projects, and con-

travenes the purposes of the Consent Decree. In

short, the WFP significantly perpetuates segregation.

Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 240-41 (footnotes omitted).

Accordingly, having determined that the effects of the

WFP in slowing the pace of desegregation at the dis-

proportionately white projects would be significant, the

court enjoined NYCHA from implementing the WFP at

the 20 relevant developments, making its preliminary

injunction permanent.

D. Comparisons of the TSAP With and Without the

WFP (Davis VI-VII)

NYCHA again appealed. This Court again remanded

without resolving the merits, asking for additional infor-

mation. See Davis v. New York City Housing Authority,

2000 WL 232191 (2d Cir. Feb. 23, 2000) (“Davis VI’).

25a

Given that the WFP had been implemented in 1998 at

some 302 projects, i.e., all but the 20 projects covered

by the injunction, we stated that we would benefit from

knowing (1) whether and to what extent actual tenant

move-outs correspond with projected move-outs, and

whether and to what extent the actual numbers would

alter the experts’ conclusions; (2) at each of the 20 cov-

ered projects, how many months it is expected to take to

achieve a white family occupancy rate below 30% with

and without the WFP; and (3) whether figures presented

in the Davis V tables based on Dr. Cupingood’s estimate

of a 9.9% white admissions rate under the WFP should

be revised to reflect a rate of 8.53%, as it appeared Dr.

Cupingood might have suggested in one affidavit, or a

rate of 8.28% as NYCHA suggested.

In June 2000, the district court responded to the ques-

tions posed by Davis VI. As to our first question, the

court found that the expert witnesses for both sides

opined that the use of actual move-out rates for 1998

would not necessarily increase the accuracy of the white

admissions rate projections. See Davis v. New York City

Housing Authority, 103 F.Supp.2d 228, 229 (S.D.N.Y.

2000) (“Davis VII’). As to our last question, the court |

found that the reference in Dr. Cupingood’s prior affi-

davit to a rate of 8.53% was the result of a copying error

and that the intended reference was to a rate of 8.28%.

Id. at 231. However, the court found that Dr. Cupin-

good’s rationale for using the rate of 9.9% for white

move-ins rather than a rate of 8.28% was more persua-

sive than that proffered by Dr. Peterson for the lower

rate. Jd. at 232. The court also found that use of the

8.28% rate would not show any significant decrease in

the WFP’s effects of delaying desegregation in the 20

projects. Jd. “Thus, adoption of the 8.28% rate, and revi-

sion of the calculations, would not change this Court’s

26a

prior conclusion that implementation of the WFP at the

Disproportionate Projects would result in a significant

perpetuation of discrimination.” /d.

As to our second question, requesting a comparison of

the estimated times for desegregation under the TSAP

with and without the WFP, the court set forth the fol-

lowing table:

Months to Reach 30%

Project Without WFP

Bay View 17

Berry 195

Cassidy-Lafayette 195

Forest Hills 149

Haber 146

Holmes

Towers Already below 30%*

Independence 620

Isaacs 18

Middletown

Plaza Will never reach 30%

New Lane Will never reach 30%

Nostrand 57 :

Pelham Parkway 6

Pomonok 84

Robbins Plaza 355

Sheepshead Bay 23

South Beach 163

Straus Already below 30%*

Taylor St./

Wythe Ave. 649

Todt Hill 103

Williams 707

*After Davis Move-lIns.

Id. at 231.

Months to Reach 30%

With WFP

21

Will never reach 30%

Will never reach 30%

246

Will never reach 30%

Already below 30%*

899

29

Will never reach 30%

Will never reach 30%

85

8

171

Will never reach 30%

35

Will never reach 30%

Already below 30%*

1323

198

1066

27a

Following these findings, the appeal by NYCHA was

reinstated.

II. DISCUSSION

On appeal, NYCHA contends principally (1) that nei-

ther the Consent Decree nor the TSAP defined housing

projects with more than 30% white tenant populations as

segregated, and that the district court therefore erred in

using that standard in finding the 20 projects in question

to be segregated; (2) that the district court erred in its

findings as to the WFP’s desegregation delays because

the court (a) accepted the view of Dr. Cupingood rather

than that of Dr. Peterson, (b) failéd to do a project-by-

project analysis, and (c) analyzed the “wrong compara-

bles”; and (3) that the court erred in concluding that the

differences in white tenancy percentages with and with-

out the WFP are legally significant. For the reasons that

follow, we reject most of NYCHA’s contentions, finding

merit only in its challenge to the ruling as to the legal

significance of the WFP’s effects at six projects.

A. Standard of Review

The standard of review is well established. In review-

ing the district court’s judgment and its issuance of a

permanent injunction, we may overturn the court’s find-

ings of fact only if they are clearly erroneous. See Fed.

R. Civ. P. 52(a).

Although the meaning of the phrase “clearly erro-

neous” is not immediately apparent, certain general

principles governing the exercise of the appellate

court’s power to overturn findings of a district court

may be derived from [Supreme Court] cases. The

foremost of these principles. . . is that “[a] finding

28a

is ‘clearly erroneous’ when although there is evi-

dence to support it, the reviewing court on the entire

evidence is left with the definite and firm convic-

tion that a mistake has been committed.” United

States v. United States Gypsum Co., 333 U.S. 364,

395 (1948). This standard plainly does not entitle a

reviewing court to reverse the finding of the trier of

fact simply because it is convinced that it would

have decided the case differently. The reviewing

court oversteps the bounds of its duty under Rule

52(a) if it undertakes to duplicate the role of the

lower court. “In applying the clearly erroneous stan-

dard to the findings of a district court sitting with-

out a jury, appellate courts must constantly have in

mind that their function is not to decide factual

issues de novo.” Zenith Radio Corp. v. Hazeltine

Research, Inc., 395 U.S. 100, 123 (1969). If the dis-

trict court’s account of the evidence is plausible in

light of the record viewed in its entirety, the court of

appeals may not reverse it even though convinced

that had it been sitting as the trier of fact, it would

have weighed the evidence differently. Where there

are two permissible views of the evidence, the

factfinder’s choice between them cannot be clearly

erroneous. United States v. Yellow Cab Co., 338

U.S. 338, 342 (1949); see also Inwood Laborato-

ries, Inc. v. lves Laboratories, Inc., 456 U.S. 844

(1982).

Anderson v. Bessemer City, 470 U.S. 564, 573-74

(1985); see also id. at 577 (the question is not whether a

contrary finding by the court of appeals would be clearly

erroneous, but only whether the finding made by the dis-

trict court was clearly erroneous). These standards apply

whether the district court’s findings are based on oral

29a

testimony or solely on documentary evidence. See, e.g.,

id. at 574; Fed. R. Civ. P. 52(a).

Determinations as to the existence and cause of racial

discrimination are findings of fact, and hence are subject

to the clearly-erroneous standard of review. See, e.g.,

Anderson v. Bessemer City, 470 U.S. 564, 573 (1985);

Pullman-Standard v. Swint, 456 U.S. 273, 287-90

(1982); United States v. Yonkers Board of Education, 837

F.2d 1181, 1218 (2d Cir. 1987), cert. denied, 486 U.S.

1055 (1988). We apply no different standard for the dis-

trict court’s findings as to the likely future discrimina-

tory effects of actual or proposed conduct. Even as to

past events, a trial judge

cannot always be confident that -he “knows” what

happened. Often, he can only determine whether the

plaintiff has succeeded in presenting an account of

the facts that is more likely to be true than not.

Anderson v. Bessemer City, 470 U.S. at 580. Our task as

an “appellate tribunal[]. . . is more limited still: we

must determine whether the trial judge’s conclusions are

clearly erroneous.” Jd. at 580-81. We similarly review

only for clear error the district court’s findings as to

whether particular conduct will more likely than not per-

petuate discrimination.

The district court’s conclusions as to questions of law,

or as to mixed questions of fact and law, are reviewed de

novo. See, e.g., St. Johnsbury Academy v. D.H., 240 F.3d

163, 168 (2d Cir. 2001); United States v. City of Yonkers,

197 F.3d 41, 49 (2d Cir. 1999), cert. denied, 529 U.S.

1130 (2000). A determination of the legal significance of

the effects that the court has found likely to occur is a

conclusion of law. The interpretation of a Consent decree

is also an issue of law that is freely reviewable by the

court of appeals. See, e.g., United States v. O’Rourke,

30a

943 F.2d 180, 186 (2d Cir. 1991); United States v. Inter-

national Brotherhood of Teamsters, 931 F.2d 177, 182-

83 n.1 (2d Cir. 1991); Berger v. Heckler, 771 F.2d 1556,

1568 (2d Cir. 1985); see also id. at 1567-68 (“Consent

decrees are a hybrid in the sense that they are. . . con-

strued largely as contracts, but are enforced as orders.”’).

The propriety of relief in the form of a permanent

injunction is reviewable for abuse of discretion. See,

e.g., Knox v. Salinas, 193 F.3d 123, 128-29 (2d Cir.

1999) (per curiam); General Media Communications,

Inc. v. Cohen, 131 F.3d 273, 278 (2d Cir. 1997), cert.

denied, 524 U.S. 951 (1998); Schulz v. Williams, 44 F.3d

48, 53 (2d Cir. 1994). And “though a court cannot ran-

domly expand or contract the terms agreed upon in a

consent decree, judicial discretion in flexing its super-

visory and enforcement muscles is broad.” EEOC v.

Local 580, International Association of Bridge, Struc-

tural & Ornamental Ironworkers, 925 F.2d 588, 593 (2d

Cir. 1991); see also Berger v. Heckler, 771 F.2d at 1568

(court’s interest in protecting the integrity of a judicially

approved consent decree “justifies any reasonable action

taken by the court to secure compliance” (internal quotes

omitted)). ‘i

B. The 30-Percent Level as the Measure of Segregation

For several reasons, we reject NYCHA’s contention

that the district court erred in using the 30% white fam-

ily population level as the standard for whether a

NYCHA public housing project should be deemed

segregated. —

First, the district court drew the 30% figure directly

from the Consent Decree and the litigation surrounding

it. As set out in Part I1.C. above, the TSAP’s Borrowing

Provision allows an undersubscribed public housing pro-

ject to borrow applications from another project; but it

3la

explicitly forbids an undersubscribed project whose ten-

ant population is more than 30% white from borrowing

applications from another project whose tenant popula-

tion is also more than 30% white. Thus, the Consent

Decree, which expressly incorporated the TSAP by ref-

erence, treated 30% as the significant level.

Second, the Decree identified 31 projects as “Affected

Developments,” see Consent Decree 7 1(b) & Exhibit A,

and required NYCHA to give priority placement at those

31 projects to some 1,990 families who had been

“adversely affected by discrimination since 1985,” Davis

1, 1992 WL 420923, at *2. When Davis I was entered, 24

of those 31 projects, or more than 77%, had white fam-

ily populations in excess of 30% (with three of the

remaining seven having white tenant populations of 29-

29.9%). (See NYCHA Tenant Statistics by Race as of

Dec. 31, 1992.) And those 24 projects constituted 80%

of the 30 NYCHA projects whose white tenant popula-

tions exceeded 30%. (/d.) Thus, it was reasonable for the

district court to use the 30% figure as a reflection of

which projects the parties had agreed were infected by

past segregation.

Third, although NYCHA contends that none of its pro-

jects should be considered “segregated” under the Con-

sent Decree once NYCHA has provided the relief that

the Decree ordered for individual applicants, that con-

tention is belied by the Decree itself. The Decree (a)

allowed plaintiffs, within the first five years of the

TSAP’s operation, to seek an injunction against any pro-

posal to modify the TSAP on the ground that the modi-

fication would be inconsistent with the Decree or with

the FHA, and (b) allowed plaintiffs, within the three

years following that five-year period, to request modi-

fication of the Decree on the ground that NYCHA’s

implementation of the TSAP was violating the FHA.

32a

Accordingly, the existence of segregation in New York

City public housing may properly be measured by FHA

standards, not solely by whether NYCHA has provided

the individualized relief ordered for specific victims of

prior discriminatory practices.

Fourth, when Davis V was decided, NYCHA data

showed that, overall, white families in NYCHA housing

projects constituted just 7.0% of the tenant population.

(NYCHA Research and Policy Development Special

Tabulation of Tenant Characteristics as of Jan. 1, 1999

(“NYCHA 1999 Tenant Characteristics Tabulation”), at

1). Thus, in using the 30% level as the pertinent measure

of segregation, the court generally considered @ project

to be segregated only if its white population was at least

23 percentage points higher than the average white ten-

ant population system-wide, or more than four times the

system-wide average.

The court’s treatment of such wide discrepancies as

indicative of segregation was entirely consistent with

existing law. In United States v. Yonkers Board of Edu-

cation, for example, we upheld findings that housing in

the city of Yonkers was segregated in 1980 where

minorities constituted 40.4% of the residents of one

quadrant of the city, but only 18.8% of the city’s total

population. See 837 F.2d at 1185, 1218; see also id. at

1185-86 (in five of the 10 real estate tracts within that

quadrant, minorities constituted more than 50% of the

residents). We concluded that there was no error in the

district court’s findings that the city’s decision to con-

centrate low-income housing, occupied principally by

minorities, in that quadrant had a discriminatory effect.

See id. at 1219-20. Cf. Brown v. Board of Education, 892

F.2d 851, 870 & n.54 (10th Cir. 1989) (comparing

minority enrollment in particular schools against system-

wide figures and finding vestiges of segregation where

33a

the difference in minority representation between the

actual population and the student population exceeded

15 percentage points), vacated, 503 U.S 978 (1992),

reinstated in full, 978 F.2d 585 (10th Cir. 1992), and

cert. denied, 509 U.S. 903 (1993); Penick v. Columbus

Board of Education, 583 F.2d 787, 799 (6th Cir. 1978)

(same), aff'd, 443 U.S. 449 (1979).

NYCHA attempts to distinguish such authorities by

pointing out that the present litigation was resolved

without a trial on the merits and that the Consent Decree

recited that NYCHA did not concede liability. This

approach is unpersuasive. To establish a violation of the

FHA, a plaintiff need not show discriminatory intent but

need only prove that the challenged practice has a dis-

criminatory effect. See Huntington Branch, NAACP v.

Town of Huntington, 844 F.2d 926, 936 (2d Cir.), aff'd,

488 U.S. 15 (1988) (per curiam); United States v.

Yonkers Board of Education, 837 F.2d at 1217. The FHA

prohibits such practices and authorizes courts to order

“affirmative action to erase the effects of past segrega-

tion and desegregate housing patterns.” Otero v. New

York City Housing Authority, 484 F.2d 1122, 1133 (2d

Cir. 1973). Here, NYCHA’s own records plainly show

segregative housing patterns. In 1992, NYCHA operated

more than 320 public housing projects. Some 62.66% of

the white families (9,731 of 15,530) lived in the 31 pro-

jects that were defined in the Consent Decree as

Affected Developments. (See NYCHA Tenant Statistics.

by Race as of Dec. 31, 1992.) In addition, there are four

projects (Haber, Independence, Taylor-Wythe, and

Williams) that were not defined as Affected Develop-

ments but are covered by the present injunction, whose

respective white tenant populations at the end of 1992

ranged from 42% to 65% (see NYCHA Tenant Statistics

by Race as of Dec. 31, 1992) and in 1998 ranged from

34a

53% to 61.6%, see Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 227, Table

3; id. at 229, Table 5. As of December 31, 1992, those

four projects housed an additional 1,298 white families.

(See NYCHA Tenant Statistics by Race as of Dec. 31,

1992.) Thus, when Davis I was decided, NYCHA had

placed more than 71% of the white public-housirg pop-

ulation in 35 of its 320-odd projects.

In approving the Consent Decree, the district court

found that plaintiffs’ evidence supported their allega-

tions that NYCHA had selected, assigned, and trans-

ferred applicants for public housing to particular projects

using methods that resulted in unlawful discrimination

on the basis of race. Davis I, 1992 WL 420923, at *2.

NYCHA did not appeal those findings. Nor could it

legitimately have done so. In urging the district court to

approve the Consent Decree, NYCHA stated that it had

engaged in a number of practices, some dating back to

1960, and some lasting until 1990,-“that had the effect of

discriminating against Black and Hispanic applicants.”

(NYCHA Memorandum Supporting Consent Decree at

21-22.) NYCHA stated that those policies included

racial steering and favoring white applicants for pre-

dominantly white housing projects (id. at 22), that “these

policies were wrong” (id. at 21), and that “[t]he Housing

Authority concluded that the complaint had merit” (id. at

22). See Part I1.A. above. Having made those statements

to the court in order to secure judicial approval of the

Decree, NYCHA cannot now disavow them.

In sum, only 7% of the families in NYCHA housing

projects system-wide are white; the TSAP, incorporated

into the Consent Decree, treated 30% white family occu-

pancy as a threshold signifying segregation; when the

Decree was entered, more than 62% of the white public-

housing population lived in fewer than 10% of the

NYCHA projects; and nearly all of the projects whose

35a

tenant populations were more than 30% white were tar-

geted by the Decree for placement of individual appli-

cants who had been the victims of past discrimination.

We see no clear error in the district court’s finding that

in negotiating and approving the Consent Decree, the

parties and the court, respectively, had regarded projects

more than 30% of whose apartments were rented to

white families as segregated, nor any error in the court’s

use of the 30%-level as a reasonable standard.

C. The District Court’s Findings of Fact as to the

WFP’s Effects

Nor do we see clear error in the district court’s find-

ings as to the likely percentages of white tenant popu-

lations in the 20 covered projects with and without the

WFP. NYCHA attacks those findings principally by

arguing that the court should have adopted the views

presented by Dr. Peterson rather than those of Dr.

Cupingood; that the court failed to conduct a project-by-

project analysis; and that it erred in comparing the pro-

jected effects under the WFP to the projected effects

under the original TSAP rather than to the then-current

racial composition of the projects. We disagree.

As discussed in Part II.A. above, decisions-as to which

witness to credit and which of two permissible infer-

ences to draw lie strictly within the province of the dis-

trict court as factfinder. As discussed in Parts I.C. and D.

above, the district court found that Dr. Cupingood had

extrapolated data from a reasonable period—one that

was free of distortion either by NYCHA’s discriminatory

practices or by the implementation of decretal remedies

for those practices—and that his assumptions, “us[ing]

historical averages, to minimize the impact of possible

uncertainties,” Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 239 n.17, were

reasonable. Further, in response to the remand in Davis

36a

VI, both sides’ experts agreed that use of actual turnover

data for the available period would not change their

views as to the likely effects of the WFP in the future.

Although predictive analysis is generally more specu-

lative than statistical analysis of existing data—which

the district court recognized, see, e.g., Davis V, 60

F.Supp.2d at 239 n.17 (“projections about the future, are

by definition, subject to some uncertainty”)—the need

for predictions in this case, in order to determine the

WFP’s likely effects, was inescapable.

The district court found that Dr. Peterson’s analysis

was flawed in several respects. It is immaterial to appel-

late review whether the views proffered by Dr. Peterson

were nonetheless permissible. The views proffered by

Dr. Cupingood were permissible, and we thus see no

basis on which to conclude that the court’s acceptance of

his analysis, rather than that of Dr. Peterson, is clearly

erroneous.

NYCHA also contends that Dr. Cupingood’s analysis

is flawed because it would automatically produce sta-

tistical significance over time. We disagree because the

present inquiry falls outside the realm in which ordinary

statistical analysis, and the need for inquiry into sig-

nificance from a purely statistical standpoint, are

needed. Ordinarily, such an inquiry is used when observ-

able data are compared against expected data, or when

two sets of observations are compared, and the question

is whether the differences between the two data sets are

attributable to a factor other than chance. In the present

case, there is no question as to what causes the differ-

ences between the projections of the pace of desegre-

gation with and without the WFP: the differences are

caused simply by the contrasting hypotheses.

Nor is there any merit in NYCHA’s contention that the

district court failed to analyze the likely effects of the

37a

WFP on a project-by-project basis. Most of the district

court’s analyses were conducted at both the project level

and the aggregate level. See, e.g., Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d

ai 240 (“Statistical significance can also be analyzed at

the project level.”) Although the court did not discuss

every project in detail, its inclusion of the numerous

tables in Davis V and Davis VII, showing the levels of

white-family concentration at each project for various

time periods, provides adequate assurance that each pro-

ject was considered individually. Thus, while we dis-

agree with some of the court’s conclusions as to the legal

significance of the WFP differential at certain of the pro-

jects, see Part II.D. below, we see no indication that the

court failed to give each project individual attention.

Finally, the court did not err in comparing the antici-

pated desegregation effects under the WFP against the

anticipated effects under the original TSAP rather than

against the racial composition of the projects without the

TSAP. The remedies implemented under the TSAP were

designed to alleviate past racial discrimination. It was

both consistent with Supreme Court cases, as the district

court discussed in Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 237, and

eminently reasonable for the court to compare the effects

of NYCHA’s proposed changes against the anticipated

status of the projects under the original TSAP.

D. The Legal Significance of the WFP’s Effects

The matter of whether the differences in the pace of

desegregation under the original TSAP and the TSAP as

it would be modified by the WFP are legally significant

is a question of law that we review de novo. The caselaw

give us little guidance as to what constitutes legal sig-

nificance. The district court focused primarily on the

issue of desegregation and the differences between the

existing and the proposed procedures in achieving deseg-

38a

regation. In so doing, the court adopted the reasonable

premise that past segregation may be perpetuated by

actions that slow the pace of desegregation, even though

they do not reverse it, see, e.g., Arthur v. Nyquist, 712

F.2d 816, 822 (2d Cir. 1983) (affirming suspension of

hiring and layoff rules that delayed desegregation of

public school faculty), cert. denied, 467 U.S. 1259

(1984); Sarabia v. Toledo Police Patrolman’s Ass’n, 601

F.2d 914 (6th Cir. 1979) (affirming suspension of civil

service rule that restrained growth in African-American

representation on the police force). Were the court not to

consider the effects of proposed conduct on the pace of

desegregation, desegregation could be delayed to such

an extent that it effectively would never be achieved.

And were there no worthy countervailing considerations,

the court’s correct findings that proposed modifications

would substantially delay desegregation would likely

end our inquiry.

In the present case, however, NYCHA has proposed

the WFP in pursuit of a valid countervailing interest that

is, to some extent, in tension with the goal of expeditious

desegregation and that is worthy of consideration. As

discussed in Part I.B. above, NYCHA’s goal in propos-

ing a preference for working families is to increase the

number of such families, increase income integration in

public housing, and thereby promote financial and social

stability in such housing. There can be no doubt that this

is a legitimate objective. In providing federal funding for

low-income housing, Congress has prohibited recipient

public housing agencies from “concentrat[ing] very low-

income families (or other families with relatively low

incomes) in public housing dwelling units in certain

public housing projects or certain buildings within pro-

jects,” 42 U.S.C. § 1437n(a)(3)(A) (Supp. V 1999), and

Di i i in ele pee hts nade ae) dies *

a ee

39a

has required such agencies to adopt plans for decon-

centration:

A public housing agency shall submit with its

annual public housing agency plan. . . an admis-

sions policy designed to provide for deconcentration

of poverty and income-mixing by bringing higher

income tenants into lower income projects and

lower income tenants into higher income projects.

This clause may not be construed to impose or

require any specific income or racial quotas for any

project or projects,

42 U.S.C. § 1437n(a)(3)(B)(i) (Supp. V 1999). See also

42 U.S.C. § 1437d(c)(4)(A)(iv) (1994) (which, at the

time the WFP was proposed, provided that public hous-

ing authorities “to the maximum extent feasible, . . .

will include families with a broad range of incomes and

will avoid concentrations of low-income and deprived

families with serious social problems”), repealed, Bal-

anced Budget Downpayment Act, I, Pub. L. No. 104-99,

§ 402(d)(1), 110 Stat. 26, 41 (1996). As amended in

1998, § 1437n provides that “[a] public housing agency

may establish and utilize income-mix criteria for the

selection of résidents for dwelling units in public hous-

ing projects, subject to the requirements of this section,”

42 U.S.C. § 1437n(a)(1) (Supp. V 1999).

Consistent with these statutory provisions, HUD reg-

ulations explicitly permit a preference for “working fam-

ilies.” See 24 C.F.R. § 960.205(a) (2001); 24 C.F.R.

§ 960.206(b)(2) (2001). In issuing § 960.205(a), HUD

commented that “[t]he Department is convinced that

housing agencies must have the flexibility to give pref-

erence to working families to assure diversity in the res-

idency of projects and to include families who can serve

40a

as role models for other families.” 59 Fed. Reg. 36,618

(July 18, 1994).

Notwithstanding that conviction, HUD did not endorse

NYCHA’s proposed WFP. Nor, however, despite having

responsibility under § 602 of Title VI of the Civil Rights

Act of 1964 to review plans for federally funded public

housing to ensure compliance with federal civil rights

law, see 42 U.S.C. § 2000d-1 (1994), did HUD criticize

the WFP. Rather, when NYCHA sought HUD’s approval

for the WFP and Project Choice, HUD’s response with

respect to the WFP—unlike its reaction to Project

Choice, which HUD found “ ‘not likely to affect the

racial identifiability of developments in New York City

for the remaining period of the Davis TSAP,’ ” Davis II,

1997 WL 407250, at *5 (quoting HUD letter to NYCHA

dated October 24, 1996)—was to remind NYCHA that it

must give notice of the proposed WFP and that it must

“ ‘be mindful of the injunctive relief provided for by the

Davis consent decree and its responsibilities under civil

rights statutes.’” Davis II, 1997 WL 407250, at *5

(quoting HUD letter to NYCHA dated July 31, 1996).

We too are mindful of NYCHA’s responsibilities under

the Decree and the civil rights laws, and we conclude

that the assessment of whether the effects of the WFP

are legally significant involves a balancing of the inter-

est in eradicating the past effects of segregation against

the interest in achieving financial stability in public

housing. The latter is reflected in the public housing

statutes discussed above. The district court acknowl-

edged that interest, see Davis II, 1997 WL 407250, at

*14, as well as the existence of cause for concern on the

part of NYCHA, see id. at *4 (noting that the percentage

of applications from families who are homeless or in the

lowest income category had risen from approximately

33% to 77.6%). And plaintiffs did “not dispute, that

4la

unless a higher proportion of applicants with higher

incomes receive rentals, the stability of the [NYCHA]

projects will be jeopardized.” Jd.

At the same time, we think it plain that Congress did

not mean to cause public housing agencies to implement

plans for financial deconcentration in a way that would

violate the civil rights laws. And we take into account

the fact that, in the present case, the concentration of

most of the white families in a small percentage of the

projects was the consequence of NYCHA policies and

practices that—as acknowledged by NYCHA in urging

judicial approval of the Consent Decree—included racial

steering, withholding of information that could have led

minority applicants to rent apartments in predominantly

or disproportionately white projects, misrepresentations

that deterred such integrated rentais, and favorable treat-

ment for white applicants seeking housing in predomi-

nantly or disproportionately white projects. As a result,

when the Decree was entered, NYCHA had placed more

than 71% of its white families in 35 of its 320-odd pro-

jects. (See NYCHA Tenant Statistics by Race as of Dec.

31, 1992.) More than 51% of the white families (7,929

of 15,530) lived in the 20 projects that are at issue on

this appeal (see id.); and that concentration level

declined little after the implementation of the TSAP. As

of January 1, 1999, there were a total of 12,185 white

families residing in NYCHA projects (see NYCHA 1999

Tenant Characteristics Tabulation at 1), and 5771 of

them lived in the 20 projects covered by the injunction

(see id. at 25, 29, 59, 104, 119, 126, 133, 136, 177, 192,

193, 203, 207, 223, 236, 241, 251, 258, 262, 297). Thus,

when the permanent injunction was. entered, 20 of

NYCHA’s 322 housing projects (6.2%) still housed

47.36% of the white families.

42a

Balancing all of the factors, we conclude that in the

circumstances of this litigation, the district court deter-

mined correctly, with respect to most—although not

all—of the 20 projects in question, that the desegrega-

tion delays that would be caused by implementation of

the WFP are legally significant. In reaching this con-

clusion, we consider the delays not just in terms of per-

centages but also as real-time intervals. With that focus,

which is somewhat broader than that of the district court,

we see significant distinctions between certain cate-

gories of projects: There are two projects that were in

effect desegregated prior to the entry of the permanent

injunction, four projects at which the WFP is predicted

to delay the achievement of desegregation by very small

intervals of real time, several others at which desegre-

gation will be delayed for a large number of years, still

others that would otherwise eventually be desegregated

but that will never reach the 30% level under the WFP,

and two projects that will never reach the 30% level with

or without the WFP. ;

The projects covered by the injunction, see Part I.D.

above, and Davis VII, 103 F.Supp.2d at 231, are ranked

below in order of the time it will take their white tenant

populations to decline to the 30% level under the WFP,

with the last column showing the differential between

that time and the time each would need to reach that

level without the WFP.

Months to Months to

Reach 30% Reach 30%

Project Without WFP With WFP Differential

Holmes

Towers Already below 30 None n/a

Straus Already below 30 None n/a

Months to Months to

_Reach 30% Reach 30%

Project Without WFP WithWFP Differential

Pelham

Parkway 6 8 2 months

Bay View 17 21 4 months

Isaacs 18 29 11 months

Sheepshead Bay 23 35 12 months

Nostrand 57 85 2.33 years

Pomonok 84 171 7.25 years

Todt Hill 103 198 7.92 years

Forest Hills 149 246 8.08 years

Independence 620 899 23.25 years _

Williams 707 1066 29.92 years

Taylor/Wythe 649 1323 56.17 years

Haber 146 Will never reach 30%

South Beach 163 Will never reach 30%

Berry 195 Will never reach 30%

Cassidy-

Lafayette 195 Will never reach 30%

Robbins Plaza 355 Will never reach 30%

Middletown

Plaza Never 30% Will never reach 30%

New Lane’ Never 30% Will never reach 30%

Although Holmes Towers and Straus, respectively, had

white populations of 30.6% and 30.4% as of June 1998,

see Davis V, 60 F.Supp.2d at 233, Table 8, they were,

factoring in the Davis move-ins, at 26.6% and 28.5%

respectively, by the time the injunction was made per-

manent, see id. at 229, Table 5; Davis VII, 103 F.Supp.2d

at 231. There was no prediction that the white tenant

populations in those two projects would rise above the

30% level as a result of the WFP. In Davis III, plaintiffs

agreed that the WFP should not be enjoined at projects

44a

whose white tenant population was not above 30%. See

1997AWEL-711360, at *4-*5. More importantly, 30% has

been used by the district court throughout as the measure

of segregation. In the circumstances, we conclude that

Holmes Towers and Straus should not have been deemed

still segregated. The effects of the WFP in delaying fur-

ther integration of those projects should not have been

found legally significant, and implementation of the

WFP at those projects should not have been enjoined.

At four projects, the desegregation delays caused by

implementation of the WFP would range from two

months to 12 months. The delays of two months and four

months for Pelham Parkway and Bay View, respectively,

are not legally significant but rather are de minimis. Nor

do we view the delays of 11 and 12 months for Isaacs

and Sheepshead Bay, respectively, as impermissibly

long. Substantial strides in desegregating those projects

have been made since entry of the Consent Decree, caus-

ing them to approach the 30% level. Thus, whereas on

December 31, 1992, Isaacs and Sheepshead Bay, respec-

tively, had white tenant populations of 52.9% and 54.1%

(see NYCHA Tenant Statistics by Race as of Dec. 31,

1992), by January 1, 1999, their respective white tenant

populations were 36.3% and 35.0% (see NYCHA 1999

Tenant Characteristics Tabulation at 136, 236). Given

this history and the valid objective of financial stability,

we conclude that the delays of 11 and 12 months at those

two projects are not legally significant. In sum, we con-

clude that implementation of the WFP at Pelham Park-

way, Bay View, Isaacs, and Sheepshead Bay should not

be enjoined.

The WFP’s effects at the 14 remaining projects, sub-

stantially delaying their desegregation, are legally sig-

nificant. Although the law tolerates some “reasonable

delay” in achieving desegregation, nearly a decade has

45a .

passed without these projects’ nearing the 30% deseg-

regation level. All of these 14 projects had white tenant .

populations substantially in excess of 30% when the

Consent Decree was entered in 1992, and they still had

white populations substantially in excess of 30% in

1999. Indeed, nine of them remain more than 50% white.

The anticipated pace of desegregation under the original

TSAP in most cases already provided for additional

“reasonable” delay. For example, even without the WFP,

the projected time remaining after 1999 for desegrega-

tion of the Pomonok and Todt Hill projects was some

seven or eight years, i.e., some 13-14 years after entry of

the Decree. We regard NYCHA’s proposed expanded

delays, most ranging from more than seven years to eter-

nity, as legally significant, and we see no abuse of dis-

cretion in the district court’s permanent injunction

against implementation of the desegregation-delaying

WFP at these remaining projects.

We recognize that it is predicted that three projects

(Independence, Williams, and Taylor/Wythe) even under

the original TSAP would not be desegregated for more

than a half-century. Those target dates are indeed distant.

But the WFP’s impact, delaying the ultimate desegre-

gation of those projects for an additional 23-56 years, is

a perpetuation of desegregation that we cannot deem

insignificant. Further, though the anticipated dates of

desegregation of five projects (South Beach, Berry, Cas-

sidy-Lafayette, Robbins Plaza, and Haber) are also more

than a decade away without the WFP, under the WFP

desegregation would never be achieved. We cannot view

such “delays” as not legally significant.

Lastly, at Middletown Plaza and New Lane, a reduc-

tion to the 30% level is not expected under either plan.

Although the WFP thus would not prevent the actual

desegregation of those projects, its implementation

|

46a

would have legal significance, for it would impede or

reverse the expected five-year decreases in white-fam-

ily concentration. According to Table 5 in Davis V, 60

F.Supp.2d at 229, white family tenancy at New Lane

would decrease from 73% to 64.8% without the WFP;

but it would decline only to 71.1% with the WFP. And at

Middletown Plaza, which is projected for only a modest

decrease from 51.8% to 49.4% without the WFP, adop-

tion of the WFP would actually increase the percentage

of white families from 51.8% to 60.1%. Thus, though

Middletown Plaza and New Lane would not reach deseg-

regated levels even without the WFP, the degree of seg-

regation would be significantly greater with the WFP.

In sum, we conclude that at those six projects where

the WFP will not delay the reduction of the white tenant

population to 30% either at all or by more than 12

months, the effects of the WFP are not legally signifi-

cant. At the remaining 14 projects, the delays that would |

be caused by the WFP are legally significant, and imple-

mentation of the WFP at those projects was properly

enjoined.

It is, of course, well established that a district court

has the power, in the exercise of its discretion, to mod-

ify its past injunctive decrees in order to accommodate

changed circumstances. See, e.g., United States v. United

Shoe Machinery Corp., 391 U.S. 244, 248-49, 251

(1968); System Federation No. 91, Railway Employees’

Department v. Wright, 364 U.S. 642, 646-48 (1961);

Fed. R. Civ. P. 60(b)(5). It remains open to NYCHA to

move for a modification of the present injunction against

implementation of the WFP at any of the remaining 14

projects in the event that the number of apartments

rented to white families at such project declines to the

30% level.

47a

CONCLUSION

We have considered all of NYCHA’s contentions on

this appeal and, except as indicated above, have found

them to be without merit. The order of the district court

is reversed to the extent that it enjoined NYCHA from

implementing the WFP at the Bay View, Holmes Towers,

Isaacs, Pelham Parkway, Sheepshead Bay, and Straus

projects; in all other respects, the injunction is affirmed.

JOHN M. WALKER, JR., Chief Judge, dissenting:

I am concerned that the majority, in its effort to more

rapidly rectify the past discriminatory practices of the

New York City Housing Authority (““NYCHA”), has

endorsed a questionable attempt at social engineering

and, in doing so, has reached a decision that may well

have the practical effect of making several of the hous-

ing projects in New York City worse. Although the

majority acknowledges the importance of working fam-

ilies to the financial and social stability of public hous-

ing, its treatment of the working family preference

(“WFP”) leaves the impression that those interests must

always yield to a desegregation remedy, however

crafted. I disagree with any such implication, and with

the majority’s rejection of the position in favor of the

WFP taken by the NYCHA.

As the agency charged with administering public

housing, the NYCHA should generally be allowed to

implement critical objectives such as the WFP even

though it might slow the pace of desegregation some-

what. The NYCHA has acknowledged the wrongfulness

of its past practices of segregation and is now working to

promote desegregation. In my opinion, the WFP repre-

48a

sents a good faith effort by the NYCHA to maintain the

viability of public housing in New York City by striking

a balance between rapid desegregation and the values

promoted by social and financial stability. That such a

balance needs to be struck cannot be doubted. As

Congress found in the “Findings and Purposes” section

of the Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act of

1998, “the public housing system is plagued by a series

of problems, including the concentration of very poor

people in very poor neighborhoods and disincentives for

economic self-sufficiency.” Pub. L. No. 105-276,

§ 502(a)(3), 112 Stat. 2518, 2520. Congress further made

the significant finding that the “public interest[] will

best be served by a reformed public housing program

that,” among other things, “vests in public housing agen-

cies that perform well the maximum feasible authority,

discretion, and contro] with appropriate accountability

. [and that] rewards employment and economic

self-sufficiency of public housing residents.” Id.

§ 502(a)(5)(C) & (D), 112 Stat. at 2521 (emphasis added).

The plaintiffs themselves have acknowledged the

important values promoted by the WFP in the consent

decree. The consent decree authorizes the NYCHA to

“seek to achieve a tenant body in each Project composed

of families with a broad range of incomes, generally rep-

resentative of the range of incomes and rent-paying abil-

ities of lower income families in its geographic

operating area to the extent permitted under 42 U.S.C.

§ 1437d(c)(4)(A)(iv), 24 C.F.R. § 960.205, and 24 C.F.R.

Part 913.” (Majority Op. at 7 (quoting Consent Decree

4 8)). Section 1437d(c)(4)(A)(iv) in turn requires every

contract for contribution to provide that the public hous-

ing agency will comply with requirements prescribed by

the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development,

ee

including the selection of tenant criteria that “are

49a

designed to ensure that, to the maximum extent feasible,

the projects of an agency will include families with a

broad range of incomes and will avoid concentrations of

low-income families and deprived families with serious

social problems.” 42 U.S.C. § 1437d(c)(4)(A)(iv) (1992)

(emphasis added). Similarly, 24 C.F.R. § 960.205 man-

dates that tenant selection criteria “shall be reasonably

related to individual attributes and behavior of an appli-

cant and shall not be related to those which may be

imputed to a particular group or category of persons

of which an applicant may be a member.” 24 C.F.R.

§ 960.205 (1992) (emphasis added).

Although we should never blindly defer to agency

decisions, I do not think that the NYCHA’s congres-

sionally-authorized WFP should be enjoined without a

project-by-project and in-depth examination of the rel-

ative importance of project stability and the other values

promoted by the WFP, on the one hand, and the rate at

which desegregation targets are met, on the other. The

majority's adherence to the district court’s talismanic

number of 30% for whites is no substitute for such an

examination. While the 30% figure was accepted by the

NYCHA as an aspirational goal in the consent decree,

that was long before it could have been known that the

30% figure would be a barrier to the implementation of

the WFP. The 30% number seems to have been picked

out of thin air. Why not 25% or 35% or 40%? Why not a

different number for different projects? In my view, the

30% figure amounts to an arbitrary number that is being

used to frustrate the considered policy of the NYCHA.

Putting aside the counter-intuitive notion that permeates

the district court’s analysis, affirmed by the majority,

that a project with more than 30% white-occupied apart-

ments is “predominantly white” (Majority Op. at 13) and

thus is segregated, it is clear that the color-blind WFP

50a

would not perpetuate such “segregation” but, except for

Middletown Plaza which is located in a largely white

area, would reduce it, albeit more slowly than under the

tenant selection and assignment plan (“TSAP”). More-

over, under the district court’s and the majority’s hold-

ings, the 30% figure sheds its aspirational character and

effectively becomes a quota which, should the NYCHA

fail to meet it with sufficient dispatch, penalizes a hous-

ing project by denying to it the WFP.

In sum, the practicai effect of the majority’s decision

is to deny housing to people who deserve it because of

their hard work or other merit solely on the basis of their

race or ancestry, to frustrate the worthwhile efforts of

the NYCHA to reward and promote employment and

economic self-sufficiency in its tenants, and to deny the

existing tenants the obvious benefit of having working

families as their neighbors. I am concerned that by over-

riding the NYCHA’s policy decision for the sake of more

rapid desegregation, the majority’s decision could result

in the deterioration of the New York City housing pro-

jects that remain under the injunction to the point where

the achievement of its desegregation targets would be a

Pyrrhic victory.

I respectfully dissent.

dicteeltinebite da Vesa athena

S5la

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK

90 Civ. 628 (RWS)

PAULINE DAVIS, CYNTHIA WILLIAMS, CORNELIA

SIMMONS, and KIM RIVERA, on behalf of themselves

-and all others similarly situated,

Plaintiffs,

—against—

THE NEW YORK CITY HOUSING AUTHORITY,

; Defendant.

92 Civ. 4873 (RWS)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Plaintiff,

—against—

THE NEW YORK CITY HOUSING AUTHORITY,

Defendant.

52a

APPEARARNGLE S: ~

THE LEGAL AID SOCIETY CIVIL DIVISION

Attorney for Plaintiff Class in Davis

90 Church Street, 15th Floor

New York, NY 10007

By: SCOTT A. ROSENBERG, Director of Litigation

HELAINE BARNETT, Esq., Attorney-in-Charge

Of Counsel

THE NEW YORK CITY HOUSING AUTHORITY

Attorney for Defendant

75 Park Place, 11th Floor

New York, NY 10007

By: JEFFREY SCHANBACK, General Counsel

HENRY SCHOENFELD, ESQ.

NANCY M. HARNETT, ESQ.

STEPHEN W. GOODMAN, ESQ.

Of Counsel

OPINION

Sweet, D.J.,

This action has been remanded to this Court for sup-

plementation of the record, see Davis v. New York City

Hous. Auth., No. 99-6238 (2d Cir. Feb. 23, 2000) (sum-

mary order), following the appeal of defendant The New

York City Housing Authority (“NYCHA”) from this

Court’s grant of a permanent injunction to plaintiffs

Pauline Davis et al. (the “Davis Plaintiffs”) enjoining

NYCHA from implementing the Working Family Pref-

erence (“WFP”) at NYCHA housing projects with a dis-

proportionately high rate of white occupancy (the

“Disproportionate Projects”), see Davis v. New York City

Hous. Auth., 60 F. Supp.2d 220 (S.D.N.Y. 1999). The

Kot tat es Ax ——T ee Se

—

a“

dite o/ ath 6 casted,

PS ee

53a

Court of Appeals has directed further factual develop-

ment as to three questions: (1) how actual move-out

rates in 1998 under the WFP affect the analyses of the

expert witnesses; (2) a comparison of how many months

it is expected to take to achieve a white occupancy rate

below 30% at each of the Disproportionate Projects

under the original Tenant Selection and Assignment Plan

(“TSAP”) versus under the TSAP as modified by the

WFP; and (3) whether the tables presented in this

Court’s prior opinion of August 11, 1999, see Davis v.

New York City Hous. Auth., 60 F. Supp.2d 220 (S.D.N_-Y.

1999), should be revised to reflect a projected white

admissions rate below 9.9%.

The background and prior proceedings in this action

have been set forth in previous opinions and will not be

recounted here. See Davis v. New York City Hous. Auth.,

1992 WL 420923 (S.D.N.Y. Dec. 31, 1992) (Davis 1);

Davis v. New York City Hous. Auth., 1997 WL 407250

(S.D.N.Y. July 18, 1994) (Davis II); Davis v. New York

City Hous. Auth., 1997 WL 711360 (S.D.N.Y. Nov. 13,

1994) (Davis II1); Davis v. New York City Hous. Auth.,

166 F.3d 432 (2d Cir. 1999) (Davis IV); Davis v. New

York City Hous. Auth., 60 F. Supp. 2d 220 (S.D.N-Y.

1999) (Davis V); Davis v. New York City Hous. Auth.,

No. 99-6238 (2d Cir. Feb. 23, 2000) (summary order)

(Davis VI). Following remand, briefs and affidavits were

submitted addressing the questions raised by the Court

of Appeals. Oral argument was heard on May 3, 2000.

I. Actual 1998 Move-out Rates and Their Effect

on the Experts’ Conclusions

The first question raised by the Court of Appeals was

“whether and to what extent actual move-outs corre-

spond with projected move-outs and whether and to what

54a

extent the actual numbers influence the experts’ con-

clusions.” Davis VI, at 2.

Plaintiffs’ expert, Dr. Leonard A. Cupingood (“Dr.

Cupingood”) has set forth the relevant data in Table 1 of

his April 13, 2000 Affidavit. NYCHA’s expert, Dr.

- David W. Peterson (“Dr. Peterson”) has set forth com-

parable data in Tables 2a and 2b of his Seventh Affi-

davit. The 1998 numbers differ slightly between the two

sets of data because Dr. Peterson used a methodology to

adjust NYCHA’s internally inconsistent data, while Dr.

Cupingood used the NYCHA data without making the

adjustment. (See Peterson Eighth Aff. § 10 n.3; Cupin-

good April 28, 2000 Aff. ¢19 n.1.) It is not clear

whether the adjusted or the non-adjusted data is better

for the comparison made here. (See Cupingood April 28,

2000 Aff. 919 n.1.) In any event, as explained below, the

experts agree that use of the actual 1998 data does not

necessarily increase accuracy nor does it influence their

conclusions; thus, differences between the two sets of

data are immaterial. For convenience, both Dr. Cupin-

good’s and Dr. Peterson’s data are reproduced below in

Table 1.

Table 1

Overall White _ Non-White

Project* Rate(%)** Rate (%) Rate ( %)

1991- 1998 1991- 1998 1998 1991- 1998 1998

94 _ 94 \(Cup.) (Pet.) 94 (Cup.) (Pet.)

Bay View , 6.5 | 4.9, 9.1) 7.5) 7.7) 2.9) 3.4 | 4.5)

Berry + 6.5 |10.0) 7.4) 10.1 | 9.4) 3.5) 9.8 |13.7.

\Cassidy- | | | | |

Lafayette | 10.3 | 12.9 12.9 | 13.5 |14.0; 4.5 12.4 | 14.7 |

t ———

\ForestHills; 4.5 | 2.5) 5.8) 3.3 | 7.4) 2.5) 16 | 0.0)

EE ee

Haber | 8.7 | 82/100 63 7.3| 74/103 (12.1.

i

a ee ee

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Overall White Non-White

Project* Rate(%)** Rate (%) Rate (%)

1991- 1998 1991- 1998 1998 1991- 1998 1998

94 94 (Cup.) (Pet.) 94 (Cup.) (Pet.)

Holmes

Towers 8.3 8.1 9.7 10.1 Do | teh i: tom 8.6

Independ-

ence 1.6 3.7 ®, kt Be = 6 49 40.8

Isaacs 6.0 6.3 8.0 8.3 6.3 a4 1: 35 6.9

Middletown

Plaza 12.0 10.9 10.4 14.7 14.7 (15.4 > 63 ° 7.5

‘New Lane 8.7 9.5; 9.5 | 10.6 ($11.1 4.2: 68 | 8.1

Nostrand LR. 7.0: 8.2 8.7 | 89) 46; 5.7 | 6.8

Pelham

Parkway 6.2 6.2) 80 66: 62 3.9! 5.9: 8.7

Pomonok 5.5 6.9 6.1 7.5 74 46 > 6.4 9.0

Robbins

Plaza 11.4 | 15.3 ' 12.7 | 20.5 ‘20.5 |} 8.5; 9.0 ;11.9

Sheepshead

Bay 7.5 7.4; 95; 94: 9.1 ; 4.8; 6.2 | 8.1

South Beach 7.4 65 | 84; 5.7 | 6.1 3.3 | Fae | 7

Straus 4.4 34; $9 | 2.35 | 2.5 | £.2| 3.8 | 44

Taylor St./

Wythe Ave; 2.2 | 2.7 | -1.5 1.1 R.3 i 2.8) OF ; 7

Todt Hill | 6.0 5.8: 76; 66) 7 3.31 32 | $8

Williams 2.0 24| Hi 28 i 2a! 2.8) 2H i 2A

‘Overall*** 68 7.3, 86 8.8 4.4 6.5

* Peterson includes Glenwood, but it is no longer a Dispropor-

tionate Project, so it is omitted here.

** Peterson does not include statistics on the overall rate.

*** Weighed by the Number of Move-Outs; Peterson does not cal-

culate this figure.

Dr. Cupingood has concluded that using actual 1998

turnover rates, as opposed to historical turnover rates

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from the period 1991 to 1994, “does not necessarily lead

to more accurate projections of future occupancy levels

because the 1998 rates reflect a single year, rather than

a four-year period.” (Cupingood April 13, 2000 Aff. ¢

3(a).) Turnover rates for a single year “can be expected

to have a higher variation than during a four-year

period.” (Jd. ¢4.) Dr. Peterson has concluded that use of

1998 turnover rates “is generally typical of the values

that occurred in 1991-94,” and therefore “the effect of

knowing the actual turnover rates for 1998 is not so

much to change the projections into the future as it is to

emphasize the fact that they are uncertain.” (Peterson

Seventh Aff. ¢ 12.) Dr. Peterson, nevertheless, agrees

with Dr. Cupingood that use of the actual 1998 numbers

does not necessarily increase the accuracy of the pro-

jections. (Peterson Eighth Aff. 49.)

Use of the actual 1998 numbers did not influence the

experts’ conclusions. '

' Dr. Cupingood did, however, note that use of actual 1998

rates “causes an increase in the expected segregative impact of the

WFP.” (Cupingood April 13, 2000 Aff. € 3(a).) Dr. Cupingood esti-

mates that, using the 1998 data, a white admissions rate of 9.9%, and

separate turnover rates by race would result in 497 more white fam-

ilies at the 20 Disproportionate Projects after five years, as compared

with 422 using the 1991-1994 rates. (See id. ¢7.) After ten years, the

1998 data would result in 816 more white families as opposed to 696

using the 1991-1994 rates. (See id. ¢ 10.)

Dr. Peterson, by contrast, concludes that use of the 1998 turnover

rates would cause an increase in the time required to reach 30% white

occupancy under the WFP for certain of the Disproportionate Pro-

jects, and a decrease in the time for certain other Disproportionate

Projects. (See Peterson Eighth Aff. ¢ 13.)

57a

Il. Expected Delay in Reaching 30% White Occu-

pancy Rate Under TSAP Versus WFP

The second question raised by the Court of Appeals

was “(a) under the original Tenant Selection and Assign-

ment Plan (“TSAP”), how many months [is it] expected

to take to achieve a white occupancy rate below 30% at

[each of the Disproportionate Projects]; and (b) under

the modified TSAP incorporating the WFP, how many

months [is it] expected to take to achieve a white occu-

pancy rate below 30% at [each of the Disproportionate

Projects?]” Davis VI, at 2.

The Court of Appeals did not specify whether it

wished this question to be answered using projections

from the 1998 move-out rates or from the 1991-94 rates.

As set forth above, because the experts agree that the

1991-94 rates are as acceptable as the 1998 rates, the

data set forth here is based on projections from the 1991-

94 rates. Data using the 1998 rates has also been calcu-

lated and is contained in the affidavits of Dr. Cupingood

and Dr. Peterson. In addition, for the reasons set forth

below in Section III of this opinion, the calculations of

delay assume a 9.9% white admissions rate. Finally, it is

appropriate to utilize statistics based on turnover by

race, as opposed to overall turnover.

Dr. Cupingood has set forth the relevant data in Table

6A of his April 13, 2000 Affidavit. For convenience, the

portion relevant to the question raised by the Court of

Appeals is reproduced below as Table 2. Dr. Peterson’s

calculations are rejected because they were done assum-

ing a 6.28% white admissions rate without the WFP and

an 8.28% rate with the WFP. (See Peterson Seventh Aff.

§ 19.) The calculations previously adopted by this Court

in Davis V were made assuming a 4.2% white admis-

sions rate without the WFP, see Davis V, 60 F. Supp. 2d

58a

at 238 n.16, and the Court of Appeals did not remand for

the purpose of reconsidering that rate.

Table 2

Project Months to Reach Months to Reach

30% Without WFP 30% With WFP

Bay View 17 21

Berry 195 Will Never Reach 30%

Cassidy-Lafayette 195 Will Never Reach 30%

Forest Hills 149 246 |

'Haber 146 Will Never Reach 30%

Holmes Towers Already Below 30%* Already Below 30%*

Independence | 620 899

Isaacs | 18 = 29

Middletown

Plaza Will Never Reach 30% Will Never Reach 30%

New Lane Will Never Reach 30% Will Never Reach 30%

Nostrand 57 85

Pelham Parkway | 6 8

-Pomonok 84 171

Robbins Plaza 355 _ Will Never Reach 30%

Sheepshead Bay | 23 | 35 |

South Beach 163 - Will Never Reach 30%

Straus _ Already Below 30%* Already Below 30%* |

Taylor St./ | |

Wythe Ave. 649 i 1323 |

Todt Hill | 103 198 |

‘Williams | 707 if 1066 |

* After Davis Move-Ins.

Ill. The Tables in Davis V Will Not Be Revised

The third request of the Court of Appeals was that this

Court “consider whether the tables presented in its opin-

ion that relied on the 9.9% admissions rate should be

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revised in light of Dr. Cupingood’s July 27, 1999 affi-

davit.”” Davis VI, at 3.

The 9.9% projected white admission rate under the

WFP was arrived at by Dr. Cupingood using a computer

simulation and 1995 data, before the WFP went into

effect. Using actual data from 1998, adjusted for the

“pipeline effect” and other factors, Dr. Peterson con-

cluded that the actual white admission rate would be

6.88%. (Peterson Seventh Aff. 45.) Dr. Cupingood dis-

puted this figure, asserting that the proper rate would be

8.53%. (Cupingood July 27, 1999 Aff. 4 10.) Dr. Cupin-

good acknowledges that the calculation of the 8.53% rate

was based on a copying error and that the correct rate

using that methodology should have been 8.28%.

(Cupingood April 13, 2000 Aff. 4 25.)

Dr. Cupingood does not believe, however, that his cal-

culations should be adjusted for an 8.28%, rather than

9.9%, rate, as the existence of this Court’s injunction at

the Disproportionate Projects could have led to white

“turndowns,” i.€., certain white families may have

declined offers to live in public housing unless they

could live in a predominantly white project. (Cupingood

April 13, 2000 Aff. § 26.) To buttress this proposition the

Davis Plaintiffs cite to John Yinger, Closed Doors,

Opportunities Lost: The Continuing Costs of Housing

Discrimination 13-14 (1995) (noting that many white

families prefer neighbors who are also white), and to

various cases, see United States v. Starrett City Assocs.,

840 F.2d 1096, 1099 (2d Cir. 1988); Gladstone Realtors

v. Village of Bellwood, 441 U.S. 91, 110 (1979); Barrick

Realty, Inc. v. City of Gary, 354 F. Supp. 126, 135 (N.D.

Ind. 1973), aff’d 491 F.2d 161 (7th Cir. 1974). NYCHA,

though it disputes the admissibility of the Yinger cite as

evidence, is unable to contravene the unfortunate fact of

the underlying proposition.

aaa aii aici aati.

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Dr. Cupingood also asserts that Dr. Peterson invalidly

compared data between 1997 and 1998, because the

applicant pools differ each year. (Cupingood April 28,

2000 Aff. 4 2(c).)

Dr. Peterson responds that Dr. Cupingood has pro-

vided no evidence to support the assertion that the WFP

would artificially lower the system-wide intake rate for

white families below 9.9%. (See Peterson Eighth Aff.

44.) Moreover, Dr. Peterson contends that Dr. Cupin-

good’s calculation method already accounts for the pos-

sibility of such an artificial depression, because Dr.

Cupingood assumed that the percentages of white and

non-white families placed in one of the Disproportion-

ate Projects in the years 1991-94 would be the same as

the percentages of white and non-white qualified fami-

lies which in the future would desire to be placed in a

Disproportionate Project, regardless of the policy under

which they would qualify. (See id. 45.)

Dr. Cupingood’s reasoning is more persuasive. Com-

bination of the 1997 and 1998 data, which is drawn from

two separate applicant pools, introduces new uncer-

tainties into the calculations. Also, it is not clear from

Dr. Peterson’s affidavit whether Dr. Cupingood’s

methodology did in fact already account for the possi-

bility of artificial depression due to the WFP. Dr. Cupin-

good’s computer simulation using the 1995 data remains

the best means of estimating the expected white admis-

sions rate under the WFP, and consequently the 9.9%

rate used in the previous findings of fact will not be

revised.

However, regardless of the conclusions reached in the

preceding paragraph, Dr. Cupingood, in his April 13,

2000 Affidavit, has already calculated the effect of rely-

ing upon a 8.28% rate revision. (See Cupingood April

13, 2000 Aff., Tables 8A-13B.) As the calculations set

EO a.

6la

forth in Tables 8A-13B of that affidavit demonstrate, uti-

lization of an 8.28% rate does not significantly decrease

the WFP’s effect of delaying the desegregation of the

Disproportionate Projects. Thus, adoption of the 8.28%

rate, and revision of the calculations, would not change

this Court’s prior conclusion that implementation of the

WFP at the Disproportionate Projects would result in a

significant perpetuation of discrimination.

It is so ordered.

New York, NY

June 20, 2000

ROBERT W. SWEET

ROBERT W. SWEET

U.S.D.J.

62a .

UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS

FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT

No. 99-6238

Filed February 23, 2000

SUMMARY ORDER

THIS SUMMARY ORDER WILL NOT BE PUB-

LISHED IN FHE FEDERAL REPORTER AND MAY

NOT BE CITED AS PRECEDENTIAL AUTHORITY

TO THIS OR ANY OTHER COURT, BUT MAY BE

CALLED TO THE ATTENTION OF THIS OR ANY

OTHER COURT IN A SUBSEQUENT STAGE OF THIS

CASE, IN A RELATED CASE, OR IN ANY CASE FOR

PURPOSES OF COLLATERAL ESTOPPEL OR RES

JUDICATA.

At a Stated term of the United States Court of Appeals

for the Second Circuit, held at the United States Court-

house, Foley Square, in the City of New York, on the 23

day of February two thousand.

PRESENT:

Hon. Amalya L. Kearse,

Hon. John M. Walker, Jr.,

Hon. Rosemary S. Pooler,

Circuit Judges.

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PAULINE DAVIS; CYNTHIA WILLIAMS; BLANCA IRIS

HERNANDEZ, on behalf of themselves and all others

similarly situated; GINA CAMPBELL, on behalf of

themselves and all others similarly situated; JEANETTE

VARGAS, on behalf of themselves and all others sim-

ilarly situated; CORNELIA SIMMONS; KIM RIVERA,

Plaintiffs-Appellees,

NEW YORK CITY HOUSING AUTHORITY,

Defendant-Appellant.

APPEARING FOR APPELLANT:

HENRY SCHOENFELD, of Counsel!

(Jeffrey Schanback, General

Counsel, on the brief),

New York City Housing Authority,

New York, NY

APPEARING FOR APPELLEES:

SCOTT A. ROSENBERG, Director of

Litigation (Helaine Barnett,

Attorney-in-Charge, on the brief),

The Legal Aid Society, Civil

Appeals & Law Reform Unit,

New York, NY

Appeal from the United States District Court for the

Southern District of New York (Sweet, J/.).

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UPON DUE CONSIDERATION, IT Is HEREBY ORDERED,

ADJUDGED AND DECREED that this matter is remanded

to the district court for supplementation of the record.

Defendant-appellant New York City Housing Author-

ity (“Authority”) has appealed from the August 11, 1999

judgment of the district court granting the motion by

plaintiffs-appellees Pauline Davis et al. (“plaintiffs”) for

an order permanently enjoining the Authority from

implementing the working family preference (“WFP”) at

housing projects whose tenant body is more than 30%

white.

Following consideration of the briefs and oral argu-

ments of the parties and the record on appeal, the panel

has determined that it would benefit from further factual

development in three areas. First, we would like to know

how the actual figures for move-outs under the WFP, to

the extent such data are available, affect the analysis of

the expert witnesses. For example, plaintiff's expert’s

projections were based on historical move-out rates from

the period 1991-94. However, beginning in 1998, the

WFP has been implemented at all projects not covered

by the injunction, so that data as to actual move-outs by

race or ethnicity may be available. Plaintiff’s counsel

indicated at oral argument that actual move-out figures

from 1998 were not available at the time of the hearing

below. If these data are currently available, we would

like to know whether and to what extent actual move-

outs correspond with projected move-outs and whether

and to what extent the actual numbers influence the

experts’ conclusions.

Second, because the legal significance of the impact

of the WFP on the rate of desegregation of the sites

covered by the district court’s injunction may turn in

substantial part on the expected delay, if any, in deseg-

regating each project if the WFP is implemented there,

en 4 Seem Meee

65a

we would like to have data as to each project bearing on

the following questions: (a) under the original Tenant

Selection and Assignment Plan (“TSAP”), how many

months it is expected to take to achieve a white occu-

pancy rate below 30% at that project; and (b) under the

modified TSAP incorporating the WFP, how many

months it is expected to take to achieve a white occu-

pancy rate below 30%.

Third, we suggest that the district court revisit the

question of whether to credit projections that relied on

an estimation that white admissions under the WFP

would increase to approximately 9.9%. Plaintiff’s

expert, Dr. Leonard Cupingood, on whose data the dis-

trict court relied, appears to suggest in an affidavit dated

- July 27, 1999 that using actual figures on white admis-

sions under the WFP, after accounting for the so-called

“pipeline effect” and other factors, reduces the projected

white admissions rate to 8.53%. The Authority notes in

response that correction of a calculation error by Dr.

Cupingood would lower this figure to 8.28%. Although

Dr. Cupingood states that the revised figure of 8.53%

would not alter his “fundamental conclusion that the

WFP will significantly slow or reverse desegregation at

the 21 Disproportionate Projects,” the effect of the WFP

at each housing project should be evaluated on the basis

of tables that rely on an estimated white admissions rate

that is as accurate as possible. We therefore ask the dis-

trict court to consider whether the tables presented in its

opinion that relied on the 9.9% admissions rate should

be revised in light of Dr. Cupingood’s July 27, 1999 affi-

davit.

Accordingly, we remand this case to the district court

for supplementation of the record, pursuant to the pro-

cedures described in United States v. Jacobson, 15 F.3d

19, 21-22 (2d Cir. 1994). We request that, within sixty

66a

days of this order, the district court, after receiving any

additional submissions from the parties and their experts,

make further express findings and, if warranted, modify

its existing findings.

The mandate shall issue forthwith and shall state that

the parties are to inform the clerk of this court when the

district court has issued its supplementation of the

record in accordance with this order. Following such

notification, jurisdiction of the appeal will be automat-

ically restored to this court, and the clerk will reassign

the appeal to this panel, without a need for either party

to file a new notice of appeal. After jurisdiction is

restored, the clerk shall set an expedited briefing sched-

ule, and the parties may, if they wish, submit supple-

mental letter briefs not to exceed 10 single-spaced pages

confined to the implications on the case of the data

requested in this order and the district court’s findings

with respect thereto. It is unlikely that further oral argu-

ment will be necessary.

FOR THE COURT:

Roseann B. MacKechnie, Clerk

By: LUCILLE CARR

Lucille Carr, Deputy Clerk

eee a — per el

_—_ a ee

67a

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK

90 Civ. 0628 (RWS)

PAULINE DAVIS, et al., on behalf of themselves

and all others similarly situated,

Plaintiffs,

—against—

THE NEW YORK CITY HOUSING AUTHORITY,

Defendant.

92 Civ. 4873 (RWS)

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Plaintiff,

—against—

THE NEW YORK CITY HOUSING AUTHORITY,

Defendant.

68a

APPEARANCES:

THE LEGAL AID SOCIETY CIVIL DIVISON

Attorney for Plaintiffs

90 Church Street, 15th Floor

New York, New York 10007

By: HELAINE BARNETT, Esq., Attorney-in-Charge

SCOTT A. ROSENBERG, ESQ.,

Director of Litigation

JUDITH GOLDINER, ESQ.

Of Counsel

HONORABLE MARY JO WHITE

United States Attorney for the

Southern District of New York

100 Church Street

New York, New York 10007

Attorney for the United States of America

By: NEIL M. CORWIN

Assistant US Attorney

Of Counsel

JEFFREY SCHANBACK, General Counse! \

Attorney for Defendant New York City

Housing Authority

75 Park Place, 11th Floor

New York, New York 10007

By: HENRY SCHOENFELD, Esq.

NANCY M. HARNETT, Esq.

STEPHEN W. GOODMAN, Esq.

JAMES R. ADOLF, ESQ.

Of Counsel

69a

OPINION

Sweet, D.J.

Once again before the Court, this time on remand, is

the motion by Pauline Davis, et al (the “Davis Plain-

tiffs”) to enjoin the defendant New. York City Housing

Authority (“NYCHA” or the “Authority”) from imple-

menting the Working Family Preference (“WFP”) con-

tained in its proposed changes to its Tenant Selection

and Assignment Plan (“TSAP”) incorporated by refer-

ence in the Consent Decree in this action. In addition,

NYCHA has moved to lift the preliminary injunction

previously issued. Upon the findings and conclusions set

forth below, the motion of the Davis Plaintiffs is

granted, and the preliminary injunction is made perma-

nent. The NYCHA’s motion is denied.

As will appear in greater detail below, this action from

its inception has been hard fought, and the issues have

been difficult and complicated. As the Consent Decree

approaches its sunset,' the Davis Plaintiffs seek to

employ its provisions to achieve remediation of the con-

ditions which gave rise to the action, while NYCHA

contends that the Consent Decree has achieved its pur-

pose. While there clearly are conflicting contentions

concerning the proposed changes in the TSAP, the

underlying questions during this phase of the litigation

concern the continued viability and scope of the Consent

Decree. The resolution of those issues overshadow and

underlie the specifics of the WFP controversy.

' By its terms, the Consent Decree entered on July 1, 1992, to

which the United States of America was a party, will expire on Jan-

uary 1, 2001.

70a

Prior Proceedings

The description of the prior proceedings contained in

the opinion of the Court of July 18, 1997 (the “July 18

Opinion”) remain relevant but need not be repeated.

Prior decisions include Davis v. New York City Housing

Authority, 1992 WL 420923 (S.D.N.Y. Dec. 31, 1992)

(Davis 1); Davis v. New York City Housing Authority,

1997 WL 407250 (S.D.N.Y. July 18, 1994) (Davis II);

Davis v. New York City Housing Authority, 1997 WL

711360 (S.D.N.Y. Nov. 13, 1994) (Davis III); Davis v.

New York City Housing Authority, 166 F.3d 432 (2d Cir.

1999) (Davis IV), familiarity with which is assumed.

Those facts and prior proceedings relevant to the instant

motion are set forth below.

The July 18 Opinion held that while the proposed

WFP did not have an “adverse impact” on minority

applicants, it would perpetuate past segregation in pre-

dominantly white projects and granted the Davis Plain-

tiffs a preliminary injunction prohibiting the adoption of

the proposed WFP. The Court also granted NYCHA

leave to apply for a modification of the injunction “upon

a showing that the Working Family Preference will be

implemented in a manner that will not affect desegre-

gation in projects with a disproportionately high rate of

white occupancy.” Davis II, 1997 WL 407250 at *18.

The NYCHA filed a notice of appeal and moved for

reconsideration. The motion for reconsideration was

denied on November 13, 1997 on the grounds that on a

motion to reconsider, the NYCHA “may not advance

new facts, issues or arguments not previously presented

to the court.” Davis III, 1997 WL 711360 at *3 (internal

quotations and citations omitted). However, the injunc-

tion was modified to permit NYCHA to implement the

WFP “as proposed in any project where white families

do not constitute more than 30 percent of the families at

Tla

the project.”? Jd. at *5. NYCHA filed another notice of

appeal.

On January 22, 1999, the Court of Appeals filed its

opinion by Chief Judge Morey L. Sear, sitting by des-

ignation, vacating the July 18 Opinion, but leaving the

preliminary injunction intact, “until the district court has

had the opportunity to address these matters on remand.”

Davis IV, 166 F.3d at 438. In particular, the Second Cir-

cuit noted that paragraph 13 of plaintiffs’ expert Dr.

Cupingood’s (“Dr. Cupingood”) Second Affidavit,’ and

the July 18 Opinion, were deficient because:

‘ The July 18 opinion was narrowed to enjoin the WFP at only

21 NYCHA developments classified as “predominantly white” in the

TSAP which was incorporated in the Consent Decree. “Predominantly

white” is the term used for projects where more than 30% of the units

are rented to white families. These projects are referred to as “Dis-

proportionate Projects” and/or “Affected Developments” and these

terms have become terms of art in this litigation.

In paragraph 13 of Dr. Cupingood’s Second Affidavit he

States:

I was also asked to calculate the effect that the proposed

changes to the TSAP would have on slowing down the deseg-

regation in projects which were more than 50 percent white

as of June 1996. Information supplied to me indicated that

the following 11 projects were more than 50 percent white as

of June 1996—Berry, Cassidy-Lafayette. Forrest Hills, Inde-

pendence, Middletown Plaza, New Lane, Robbins Plaza,

South Beach, Taylor-Wythe, Todt-Hill, and Williams. Some

of these projects are affected by the Davis Consent Decree.

For these “Davis” projects, I first conservatively assumed

that all units set aside for Davis tenants would represent

replacement for white tenants. Then assuming the turnover

rates and move-in rates from Appendix E of [NYCHA

expert] Dr. Peterson's affidavit continued and that the pro-

posed changes to the TSAP were adopted, I calculated that a)

there would be no further desegregation at four of the pro-

jects, b) the desegregation would be reversed at four other

72a

(a) “it is unclear to which proposed change—project

choice or working family preference, or both—

plaintiffs’ expert attributes the perpetuation of seg-

regation.” Davis IV, 166 F.3d at 437;

(b) the time period during which the purported

impact of the proposed TSAP changes will allegedly

occur is not specified. See id. at 436;

(c) there is no discussion of, or data reflecting, the

so-called “existing trends” allegedly showing that

additional white families admitted under the WFP

will concentrate in predominantly white develop-

ments. /d.;

(d) the subsidiary facts and methodology underlying

the ultimate finding are not adequately explained.

See id.;

(e) plaintiffs’ expert does not identify the precise

numerical data underlying his opinion. See id at 437;

(f) the names of the developments at which the WFP

will allegedly perpetuate segregation is not identi-

fied. See id at 436;

(g) plaintiffs’ expert expressed no opinion as to

whether the WFP will perpetuate segregation at ten

of the developments covered by the injunction. See

id; and

(h) the number, fraction, or percentage of additional

white families who will be admitted to each of the

21 developments as a result of the WFP is not

stated. See id.

projects, and c) the desegregation would be slowed signifi-

cantly at three projects. Thus, adoption of the proposed

changes to the TSAP would adversely affect the desegrega-

tion at these majority white projects.

:

&

f

73a

The remand was filed on February 18, 1999, a pretrial

conference was held, and a hearing was held on June 18,

1999. Additional affidavits, memoranda and arguments

were received through July 27, 1999, at which time

which the matter was deemed fully submitted. Although

offered, neither party sought to examine or cross-exam-

ine any of the witnesses, expert or otherwise.

The Scope of the Remand

Initially the Court of Appeals stated: “we consider

Judge Sweet’s findings on the issue of perpetuation of

segregation insufficient under Rule 52(a). While not

entirely devoid of detail, Judge Sweet failed to ade-

quately explain the subsidiary facts and methodology

underlying the ultimate finding.” Davis IV, 166 F.3d at

436. In particular, the number of white families pro-

jected to be admitted to the projects at issue was found

wanting.

The Court of Appeals was also unable to determine

whether paragraph 13 of the affidavit of Dr. Cupingood,

which was adopted by the district court as a finding,

reflected changes discussed were attributable to which

proposed change—project choice, the WFP, or both.

The Court of Appeals also had difficulty in deter-

mining the source of statistics underlying Dr. Cupin-

good’s ultimate finding that the proposed WFP would

perpetuate segregation at certain NYCHA developments.

For these reasons, the Court concluded Dr. Cupingood’s

affidavit was so “vague and conclusory” as to permit the

discovery of relevant matters from the record and

required remand “for proceedings consistent with this

opinion.”

Although the Authority did not appeal on the basis of

a failure to conduct an evidentiary hearing, the Court

74a

pointed out “when a factual issue is disputed, oral tes-

timony is preferable to affidavits.”

The Court recognized that NYCHA’s position that the

effect of the TSAP on segregation was de minimis was

advanced after the filing of the notice of appeal and had

not been dealt with by the district court, but noted that

on remand the proper standard to be applied is “whether

the proposed working family preference will signifi-

cantly perpetuate segregation at the relevant NYCHA

developments.” Davis IV, 166 F.3d at 438 (emphasis in

original).

The Facts

Based upon the hearing, the facts set forth in the affi-

davits of Dr. Cupingood and Dr. David W. Peterson

(NYCHA’s expert witness) (“Dr. Peterson”) are sup-

ported by the data cited and are credible, although cer-

tain of the conclusions drawn from these facts remain in

contention. The facts as set forth below are found on the

basis of the prior proceedings and the affidavits of the

parties and the experts. Neither of the parties sought a

hearing to challenge the process by which the following

facts were established.

A. The Consent Decree

In 1992, NYCHA, the Davis Plaintiffs and the United

States entered into a Consent Decree permanently

enjoining various racially discriminatory tenant selection

and assignment practices at NYCHA’s public housing

projects. (Consent Decree {§ 4(a)-(h)). The Consent

Decree provided inter alia for: (1) injunctive relief bar-

ring future housing discrimination on the basis of race,

color or national origin, (Consent Decree 4 4); (2) the

implementation of a new TSAP which substantially

revised NYCHA’s tenant selection and assignment sys-\

aT

75a

tems, and which prohibits further discrimination, (Con-

sent Decree 945-9); (3) remedial relief for 2,190

claimants of NYCHA’s past discrimination,* (Consent

Decree 9§ 10-39); and (4) significant record keeping and

reporting by NYCHA regarding tenant selection and

assignment practices. (Consent Decree 4 43-48).

The Consent Decree also requires NYCHA to “adopt

and implement the TSAP. . . to prevent any unlawful

discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national ori-

gin, in compliance with the Housing Authority’s obli-

gations therewith under Title VI, the Fair Housing Act

and the implementing regulations and requirements of

HUD.” (Consent Decree 45). In adopting and imple-

menting the TSAP with “respect to existing projects and

new projects to be opened in the future,” NYCHA

agreed that it would use “no racial quota system, or

other practice technique or device to house Applicants in

particular projects, buildings, or apartments, or to oth-

erwise limit the availability of housing, on account of

race, color, or national origin.” (Consent Decree 4 7(a)).>

Under the Consent Decree, NYCHA’s TSAP must

remain in effect for at least five years (Consent Decree

{ 6(a)) and during that time, the Plaintiffs may not chal-

lenge actions by NYCHA that comply with the TSAP as

racially discriminatory. Jd. However, the Consent Decree

permits challenges to any amendments to the TSAP

adopted or proposed by NYCHA during the five year

period ( 6(b)).

4 The remedial relief consisted of awarding HUD Section 8

housing vouchers to 200 claimants; the remaining 1,990 victims

received priority placement at any of 31 so-called “Affected Devel-

opments” where past segregation occurred.

> The TSAP was designed “to assure that [the Housing Author-

ity] receives and processes applications for conventional public hous-

ing efficiently and in accordance with the laws.” TSAP, § J at 1.

76a

B. The Working Family Preference

In July 1995, NYCHA proposed to change the TSAP

by adopting the WFP. The essential difference between

the original TSAP and the WFP is the WFP’s elimination

of the “applicant’s need for housing” as a priority.

Instead, the WFP gives preference to families based on

income. Thus, under the original TSAP, priority was

afforded to families who needed housing the most.

Under the WFP, in contrast, priority is afforded to fam-

ilies who can pay the most, regardless of their housing

need.

In Davis II, this Court described the operation of the

WFP as follows:

NYCHA would establish new local priorities as part

of the applicant selection process. The highest local

priority would be assigned to the highest income,

Tier III applicants. The second priority is given to

Tier II families. The lowest priority is given to Tier

I families, but only to those who are working or are

disabled. Tier I families receiving public assistance

would receive no local priority. In addition, the pro-

posed TSAP would categorize federal preference

holders as working (including the disabled) or “non-

working.” The federal preference holders who are

working or disabled would receive a priority over

those who are not. NYCHA also proposes to

increase to 50% the proportion of new rentals to

local preference holders and to reduce the propor-

tion of rentals to federal preference holders to 50%

Davis II, 1997 WL 407250, at *4.

As set forth in Davis IJ, 1997 WL 407250 at *14, local

preferences favoring working families are permitted, see

24 C.F.R. § 960.205(a) (1995), and such preferences do

not require approval by the Department of Housing and

77a

Urban Development (“HUD”). The Davis Plaintiffs con-

cede the proposed objectives of the WFP, namely,

income integration in public housing and increasing the

number of working families in public housing, are legit-

imate, but contend that the NYCHA has not sustained its

burden of demonstrating that there is no less discrimi-

natory means of advancing the same interests. Plaintiffs

proposed an alternative method of increasing the repre-

sentation of upper income families that would have a

less racially discriminatory effect than the proposed

WEP, a method which NYCHA has rejected.

C. The Effect of the Working Family Preference

According to NYCHA’s computer tapes, 5,885 fami-

lies moved into NYCHA apartments during 1995. The

racial breakdown of those families, along with the racial

breakdown that would have occurred if the WFP had

been in effect during that year, are summarized in the

following table:

Table 1

Race Distribution of 1995 Rentals Under

Original TSAP and WFP

African- Puerto Other

White American’ Rican Hispanic Other Total

Original

TSAP 250 2703 1768 860 340 5885

WFP 580 2594 1339 835 537 5885

Difference 330 -109 —429 -—25 233 0

For future projections, Dr. Cupingood assumed that

families of each race will make decisions about which

projects to choose in the same manner, and with the

same probabilities, as families of that race have done in

the past.

78a

NYCHA records move-outs and move-ins by race for

each project in a report entitled, “Tenant Statistics by

Race.” NYCHA’s expert, Dr. Peterson, annexed such

reports as Exhibit E to his January 7, 1999 affidavit. Dr.

Cupingood relied on these reports in his original affi-

davit and in this report in calculating expected move-out

and move-in rates.

To calculate the probable number of white move-outs

at each Disproportionate Project, Dr. Cupingood began

by selecting a period for historical reference. Since

Davis claimants began moving into Affected Develop-

ments in August 1995, the last year that is free of dis-

tortion by Davis move-ins 1s 1994. Additionally, since

the bulk of NYCHA’s discriminatory practices ended in

1990, the first year that is free of distortion caused by

NYCHA’s own discrimination was 1991. Thus, Dr.

Cupingood selected the years 1991 through 1994 as a

period for historical reference.

For each Disproportionate Project, Dr. Cupingood then

calculated move-out rates based on NYCHA’s Tenant

Statistics by Race for the period 1991 through 1994. For

example, if the population of a project at the beginning

of 1991 was 100, and if 5 families moved out during

1991, then the move-out rate for 1991 at that project was

5 percent (Cupingood Report, 4 8). Based on calculations

like these for each Disproportionate Project for each

year from 1991 to 1994, Dr. Cupingood determined the

average move-out rate for each project. As a further

refinement, Dr. Cupingood also calculated race-specific

move-out rates for each Disproportionate Project (/d.).

He then determined the probable number of white move-

outs at each project in a given year by applying the

appropriate turnover percentage to the population at the

end of the year. (Cupingood Report, 4 9).

79a

Using the historical period 1991-1994, Dr. Cupingood

determined the total number of move-ins of each race

into each project. He then determined the percentage of

the total for white and non-whites who moved into each

Disproportionate Project.° For example, there were 1,775

‘white move-ins during the four year period, 67 of whom

moved into New Lane. The relative likelihood of a white

family selection New Lane was therefore 67 divided by

1775, or 3.78% (Cupingood Report; ¢ 10 & Table 3).

Among all non-white move-ins from 1991 to 1994,

8.35 percent moved into one of the Disproportionate

Projects.

Table 2

Clustering by White Families in Disproportionate Projects

Project Name White Non-White

Bay View 2.14% 1.18%

Berry 1.92% 0.03%

Cassidy-Lafayette "3.78% 0.19%

Forest Hills 0.73% 0.16%

Glenwood 0.56% 0.85%

Haber 1.86% 0.27%

. Three Disproportionate Projects in the Williamsburg area of

Brooklyn required special consideration during this analysis. On

April 17, 1991, NYCHA settled a contempt motion with the plaintiffs

in Williamsburg Fair Housing Comm. v. New York CityHousing Auth.,

76 Civ. 2125 (S.D.N.Y.). As part of that settlement, NYCHA agreed

to provide relief to identified victims of racial quotas that NYCHA

enforced at the Independence, Williams, and Taylor Wythe projects

between 1980 and February 1988. During the 1992-94 time period,

over a third of all apartments rented at the three Williamsburg area

projects were to victims of discrimination who moved in pursuant to

that settlement. All victims in the Williamsburg case were families of

color. In calculating move-in rates at these projects for the 1991-94

time period, Dr. Cupingood excluded move-ins that were made pur-

suant to the Williamsburg settlement. (See Cupingood Report, 4 11).

80a

Project Name White Non- White

Holmes Towers 0.90% 0.44%

Independence 0.17% 0.08%

Isaacs 1.30% 0.33%

Middletown Plaza 1.92% 0.14%

New Lane 3.78% 0.10%

Nostrand 2.48% 0.87%

Pelham Parkway 1.13% 0.90%

Pomonok 3.89% 1.14%

Robbins Plaza 1.69% 0.12%

Sheepshead Bay 1.92% 0.85%

South Beach 1.80% 0.23%

Straus 0.68% 0.10%

Taylor-Wythe 0.11% 0.07%

Todt Hill 1.35% 0.25%

Williams 0.11% 0.10%

Total 34.19% 8.38 %

Dr. Cupingood applied these figures to determine the

probable impact on the WFP on move-in and move-out

rates at each Disproportionate Project. He began by

assuming that the WFP would have the racial impact cal-

culated in his original November 14, 1996 affidavit, and

adopted by this Court in its findings in Davis IJ. That is,

he assumed that white admissions would comprise 9.9

percent of all admissions; African-Americans 44.1 per-

cent; and so forth. See Davis II, 1997 WL 407250, at *4

(Cupingood Report, 4 12).

Next, using the historical move-in and move-oui rates

described above, he calculated the number of white

move-ins and move-outs that would occur at each Dis-

proportionate Project with the WFP operating. He per-

formed these calculations for each of the next five years,

and each of the next ten years. Each calculation was per-

formed using two alternative assumptions. The first

assumption posits that move-out probabilities for each

race at each project will follow historical trends for that

8la

particular race and project. The second assumption

which Dr. Cupingood employed in preparing his original

affidavit posits that move-out probabilities for each race

at each project will track overall historical turnover rates

for that project. Dr. Cupingood then repeated these cal-

culations on the assumption that the WFP was not oper-

ating. Again, these calculations were performed for the

next five and ten years. Based on these figures, Dr.

Cupingood quantified the impact the WFP would have

on desegregation at each of the 21 Disproportionate Pro-

jects. He did so both in terms of the number of white

families affected, and the percentage of white families

affected. A summary of changes in the white population

at each Disproportionate Project appears below in

Table 3.

Table 3

Effect of WFP at Disproportionate Projects After Five Years

Assuming Historical turnover by Race

Project Total Initial Five Years After Davis Move-Ins

Name Apts White Original TSAP WFP

Bay View 1491 514 341 368

Berry $02 282 226 253

Cassidy-

Lafayette 349 187 148 176

Forest Hills 383 198 158 170

Glenwood 1172 352 212 222

Haber 364 193 144 169

Holmes

Towers $27 140 98 115

Independence 715 493 457 463

Isaacs 634 210 157 177

Middletown

Plaza 168 87 83 101

New Lane 270 =197 175 192

Nostrand 1118 469 335 368

82a

Project Total Initial Five Years After Davis Move-Ins

Name Apts White Original TSAP WFP

Pelham

Parkway 1240 394 274 292

Pomonok 2047 ~=850 682 748

Robbins

Plaza 148 79 63 77

Sheepshead

Bay 1032 363 248 277

South Beach 416 221 173 198

Straus 263 65 48 55

Taylor-Wythe 520 283 266 271

Todt Hill 501 234 179 199

Williams 565 348 326 329

Total 14436 6099 4740 5172

Table 4

Relative Percentage Reduction in Number of

White Families Due to WFP After Five years

Assuming Historical Turnover by Race

Project Name Reduction in White Families Percentage

No WFP WFP

Bay View 173 146 ~ 15.6%

Berry 56 29 48.2%

Cassidy-Lafayette - 39 11 71.8%

Forest Hills 40 28 30.0%

Glenwood 140 130 7.1%

Haber 49 24 51.0%

Holmes Towers 42 25 40.5%

Independence 36 30 16.7%

Isaacs 53 33 37.7%

Middletown Plaza 4 -14 n/a

New Lane 22 3 77.3%

Nostrand 134 101 24.6%

Pelham Parkway 120 102 15.0%

Pomonok 168 102 39.3%

Robbins Plaza 16 2 87.5%

Sheepshead Bay 115 86 25.2%

83a

Project Name Reduction in White Families Percentage

No WFP WFP

South Beach 48 23 52.1%

Straus 17 10 41.2%

Taylor-Wythe 17 12 29.4%

Todt Hill 55 35 36.4%

Williams 22 19 13.6%

Total 1366 938

As the table indicates, at most projects where the WFP

would not cause actual increases in segregation, the

impairment in desegregation is at least 25 percent

(Cupingood Report, 4 15).

The impact on desegregation can also be seen in terms

of the percentage of white families who would reside in

each Disproportionate Project. Assuming historical

turnover by race, after five years under the WFP, the per-

centage of white families at Middletown Plaza would

rise from 51.85 to 60.1% (instead of falling to 49.4%).

At the remaining Disproportionate Projects, white occu-

pancy percentages would either stabilize or fall more

slowly under the WFP than under the original TSAP. For

example, at Cassidy-Lafayette, after five years the per-

centage of white families in occupancy would inch down

from 53.6% to 50.4% (instead of falling to 42.4%). Table

5 below summarizes the changes in white occupancy

percentages caused by the WFP after five years (assum-

ing historical turnover by race).

84a | ;

Table 5

/ Change in Percentage White Occupancy At

Disproportionate Projects After Five Years

Assuming Historical Turnover by Race

Project Name Initial Five Years after Davis Move-Ins

% White Original TSAP WFP

Bay View 34.5% 22.9% 24.7%

Berry 56.2% 45.0% 50.4%

Cassidy-Lafayette 53.6% 42.4% 50.4%

Forest Hills 51.7% 41.3% 44.4%

Glenwood 30.0% 18.1% 18.9%

Haber 53.0% 39.6% 46.4% ~

Holmes Towers 26.6% 18.6% 21.8%

Independence 9.0% 63.9% 64.8%

Isaacs 33.1% 24.8% 27.9%

Middletown Plaza 51.8% - 49.4% 60.1%

New Lane 73.0% 64.8% 71.1%

Nostrand 41.9% 30.0% 32.9%

Pelham Parkway 31.8% 22.1% 23.5%

Pomonok 41.5% 33.3% 36.5% |

Robbins Plaza 53.4% 42.6% 52.0% =

Sheepshead Bay 35.2% 24.0% 26.8% 4

South Beach 53.1% 41.6% 47.6% :

Straus 28.5% 27.4% 20.9%

Taylor-Wythe 54.4% 51.0% 52.1%

Todt Hill 46.7% 35.7% 39.7%

Williams 61.6% 57.5% 58.2%

Similar trends exist after ten years, except that at Dis-

essentially stop, the magnitude of the impact of the WFP

would generally become larger. For example, at Mid-

dletown Plaza, where segregation would increase under

the WFP, the white population would climb to 108

instead of falling to 81. At Berry Houses, where deseg-

regation would be significantly slowed, the white pop-

ulation would fall to 231 instead of 186. In the

aggregate, after ten years under the WFP (again assum-

proportionate Projects where desegregation would not | ;

|

85a

ing historical turnover by race), the Disproportionate

Projects would be occupied by 722 more white families

than would have resided in those projects in the absence

of the WFP. (Cupingood Report, § 16). Table 6 summa-

rizes white occupancy figures after ten years of opera-

tion with and without the WFP.

Table 6

Effect of WFP at Disproportionate Projects After Ten Years

Assuming Historical Turnover by Race

Project Name Total Initial Ten Years after Davis Move-Ins

Apts White Original TSAP WFP

Bay View 149] 514 230 272

Berry 502 282 186 231

Cassidy-

Lafayette 349 187 123 168

Forest Hills 383 198 128 148

Glenwood 1172 352 130 145

Haber 364 193 114 154

Holmes Towers 527 140 73 100

Independence 715 493 425 436

Isaacs 634 210 121 154

Middletown

Plaza 168 87 81 108

New Lane 270 197 159 188

Nostrand 1118 469 245 — 298

Pelham

Parkway 1240 394 193 222

Pomonok 2047 850 $58 672

Robbins Plaza 148 79 54 76

Sheepshead

Bay 1032 363 175 200

South Beach 416 221 141 183

Straus 263 65 36 47

Taylor-Wythe 520 283 250 259

Todt Hill 501 234 140 174

Williams 565 348 305 312

Total

14436

6099

3819

86a

Table 7 below summarizes the impact of the WFP on

the white population of the Disproportionate Projects,

assuming that move-out patterns for each race at each

project would reflect the overall historical move-out

trend for that project. For all the Disproportionate Pro-

jects, the WFP would boost the white population after

five years from 5,176 to 5,680—an increase of 504 white

families. After ten years, the WFP would boost the white

population at the 21 Disproportionate Projects from

4,433 to 5,288—an increase of 855 white families.

Table 7

Effect of WFP at Disproportionate Projects After Five Years

Assuming Historical Turnover by Race

Project Name Total Initial Five Years after Davis Move-Ins

Apts White Original TSAP WFP

Bay View 1491 517 401 440

Berry 502 283 244 274

Cassidy-

Lafayette 349 187 177 209

Forest Hills 383 198 171 184

Glenwood 1172 356 252 267

Haber 364 193 153 179

Holmes Towers 527 144 109 127

Independence 715 493 460 465

Isaacs 634 219 185 211

Middletown

Plaza 168 87 75 93

New Lane 270 197 187 205

Nostrand - 1118 471 367 409

Pelham

Parkway 1240 403 310 333

Pomonok 2047 852 709 780

Robbins Plaza 148 78 69 83

Sheepshead

Bay 1032 365 279 314

South Beach 416 221 185 212

87a

Project Name Total Initial Five Years after Davis Move-Ins

Apts White Original TSAP WFP

Straus 263 65 48 55

Taylor-Wythe 520 283 257 261

Todt Hill 501 235 199 222

Williams 565 348 317 321

Total 14436 6099 4740 5172

Discussion

I. The Issues

As noted, the Second Circuit has held that the proper

standard to be applied on remand is “whether the pro-

posed working family preference will significantly

perpetuate segregation at the relevant NYCHA devel-

opments.” Davis IV, 166 F.3d at 438. NYCHA has urged

that the remediation required by the Consent Decree has

been achieved and that therefore there is no perpetuation

of segregation which could result from the WFP and no

discrimination remaining to be remediated under the

Consent Decree. In addition, the Authority contends that

if there is segregation extant under the Consent Decree

the WFP does not significantly perpetuate it. The Davis

Plaintiffs take the contrary view of the issues. The ques-

tions to be resolved therefore are:

1. Is there a basis upon which to conclude that

there is segregation to be dealt with under the

Consent Decree?

2. Does the WFP significantly perpetuate segre-

gation?

88a

II. There is Segregation to be Dealt with under

the Consent Decree

A. 30 Percent Will Be Used as the Metric By

Which Segregation Will Be Determined in

this Case

As an initial matter, the parties disagree as to the

appropriate measure for assessing whether segregation

exists. As noted, throughout this litigation projects have

been deemed “disproportionate” or “predominantly

white” if more than 30 percent of the parties residing

there are white.’ See, e.g., Davis II, 1997 WL 407250 at

*12. The Authority contends that there is nothing in the

Consent Decree that supports the inference that if a pro-

ject is 30 percent white it is disproportionate or segre-

gated.

The sole reference to the 30 percent figure is con-

tained in the TSAP, incorporated by reference in the

Consent Decree. Section VIII(A) of the TSAP, entitled

the “Project Outreach Plan,” states in relevant part that:

“if the OCD [Occupancy Control Division] determines

that borrowing applications from a nearby project is

likely to solve the project’s need for applications, it shall .

select the nearest project that has a sufficient number of

applications for that size apartment. However, if the bor-

rowing project’s tenant body is more than 30% white,

OCD shall not select a project whose tenant body is also

: more than 30% white.” (TSAP at 29, hereinafter the

“Borrowing Provision’”).®

7 There are now 20 Disproportionate Projects as in the past

year, the Glenwood project fell below the 30 percent threshold. As

such, this Court’s injunction no longer applies to Glenwood.

8 The revised TSAP of December 15, 1997 contains an iden-

tical provision except that OCD is now referred to as the Field Liai- |

son Division (“FLD”). .

89a

The 30 percent figure set forth in the Borrowing Pro-

vision is not, as NYCHA urges, an arbitrary number, but

a negotiated figure that implies that the parties and the

Court believed that a project was disproportionately

white if more than 30 percent of its families are white.

See Armour & Co., 402 U.S. at 681 (“Consent decrees

are entered into by parties to a case after careful nego-

tiation has produced agreement on their precise terms’’).

An examination of Exhibit A to the Consent Decree, a

list of projects where it was alleged that discriminatory

practices occurred in statistically significant amounts,

reveals that during the time in question most of these

projects were at least 30 percent white. Plaintiffs aver

that the parties adopted the 30 percent figure because “it

described in a simple manner that could easily be imple-

mented in the TSAP which projects had been...

affected by past segregation.” (Tr. of June 18, 1999

Hearing at 59).

The TSAP must be read as in harmony with existing

law. See, e.g., Prate v. Freedman, 583 F.2d 42 (2d Cir.

1978) (before a consent decree can be approved, the

court must assure itself that the terms of the decree are

not unlawful, unreasonable, or inequitable). Under exist-

ing law, borrowing of applications could not have been

prohibited at projects more than 30 percent white (with-

out regard for claimant relief) unless those projects were

still tainted by past segregation. As will be discussed

more fully below, remedies containing race-conscious

relief “must be substantially related to the objective of

eliminating the alleged instance of discrimination, . . .

and must not unnecessarily trammel the interests of

affected third parties.” Kirkland v. New York State Dept.

of Correctional Serv., 711 F.2d 1117, 1132 (2d Cir.

1983). Thus, had there been no finding that housing pro-

jects that are greater than 30 percent white were affected

90a

by past segregation, the Borrowing Provision would be

unlawful.

This Court has held that “[uJ]nder the TSAP, a project

is considered disproportionately white if more than 30

percent of its families are white.” See Davis II, 1997 WL

- 407250 at *12.° This finding was not disturbed by the

Second Circuit on appeal. Accordingly, 30 percent will

continue to be employed as a measure to identify seg-

\regation in this case.

B. The Consent Decree Extends Beyond

Remediation of Davis’ Victims

It is the position of the Authority that the Court may

no longer consider whether the Disproportionate Projects

remain segregated once NYCHA has fully complied with

its court-ordered obligations to render remedial relief to

the specific victims of its prior discriminatory practices.

Specifically, NYCHA urges that “Once remedial relief

has been provided under the Davis consent decree the

Developments can no longer be considered segregated

and the WFP cannot, as a matter of law, be said to per-

petuate segregation there.” (Letter to the Court, dated

May 10, 1999, from Henry Schoenfeld, Esq. at 1).

The Authority made this precise argument to the Court

of Appeals in this case, and the Second Circuit declined

to adopt it. See Davis IV, 166 F.3d 432.'° As a factual

9 This does not mean, as NYCHA posits, that the TSAP

imposes a “quota” or requires that any particular project achieve any

specific level of desegregation. Rather, the TSAP identifies housing

projects that are 30 percent white as infected by past segregation.

Thus, with regard to these identified projects, changes to the TSAP

that significantly perpetuate segregation violate the Fair Housing Act.

10 In the Authority’s brief to the Second Circuit, four pages

were devoted to this argument. Page 16 of the Authority’s brief reads,

“[o]nce the remedial relief under the consent decree is fully imple-

9la

matter, an examination of NYCHA’s own statistics

reveals that victim relief in this case will not desegregate

the Affected Developments.''’ As the following table

demonstrates, even after claimant relief is completed,

every Affected Development will still have white pop-

ulations significantly greater than the prevalence of

whites in the relevant applicant pool.

,

Table #8

Project Total June 1998 After Davis Relief % White

Name Apts #White ZWhite #White % White In App.

Pool

Bay View 1491 520 34.9% 514 34.5% 4.3%

Berry 502 286 §=57.0% 282 56.2% 6.9%

Cassidy-

Lafayette 349 187 53.6% 187 53.6% 35.8%

Forest ;

Hills 383 200 50.9% 198 51.7% 23.1%

Glenwood 1172 362 30.9% 352 30.0% 4.3%

Holmes

Towers 527 161 30.6% 140 26.6% 5.2%

Isaacs 634 234 36.9% 210 33.1% 5.2%

Middletown

Plaza 168 87 51.5% 87 51.8% 1.9%

New Lane 270 197 73.0% 197 73.0% 35.8%

Nostrand 1118 474 42.4% 469 41.9% 4.3%

Pelham

Parkway 1240 420 33.9% 394 31.8% 1.7%

Pomonok 2047 869 42.5% 850 41.5% 3.4%

Robbins

Plaza 148 79 53.4% 79 53.4% 5.2%

Sheepshead

‘Bay 1032 368 35.7% 363 35.2% 4.3%

mented, the working family preference cannot, as a matter of law,

perpetuate segregation.”

” See NYCHA Tenant Statistics By Race, June 30, 1998.

92a

Project Total June 1998 After Davis Relief % White

Name Apts #White %White #White %White In App.

Pool

South Beach 416 223 53.6% 221 53.1% 6.9%

Straus 263 80 30.4% 65 24.7% 5.2%

Todt Hill 501 238 47.5%. 234 46.7% 6.9%

As the table indicates, virtually all of the Affected

Developments will remain at least 30 percent white even

after relief for Davis claimants ends. Thus, these pro-

jects are not desegregated merely because the process of

locating and offering apartments to past victims of dis-

crimination will soon end.

Significantly, the Authority’s interpretation is incon-

sistent with the record upon which the Consent Decree is

based. At the time the Consent Decree was entered in

1992, the NYCHA “admitted to race-conscious admis-

sions practices that led to ‘racial steering’ of white appli-

cants to predominantly white housing projects. Move-in,

move-out data also demonstrated a consistent pattern of

white families being replaced by other white families

over time, a pattern the United States, in its memorandum

in support of the Decree concluded ‘could only occur as

a result of a deliberate racial quota system.’ ” Davis II,

1997 WL 407250 at *10. The Authority has admitted that

its discriminatory practices began as early as 1960, (see

NYCHA Mem. In Support of Fairness and Adequacy of

Consent Decree, at 21 (Oct. 30, 1992)), and the Honor-

able Pierre N. Leval found that these practices persisted

and resulted in segregation in New York City public

housing as late as 1991. See Davis v. New York City

Housing Authority, 1992 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 19965, 1992

WL 420923, *2 (S.D.N.Y. December 30, 1992).!? Under

12 Judge Leval found that:

Plaintiffs’ evidence supports their allegations that during

specified periods of time the Housing Authority selected and

93a

the Consent Decree, however, NYCHA has been required

to extend relief only to plaintiff class members who were

victims of discriminatory practices between 1985 and

1990. See Consent Decree at 9§ 1(g)&(1), 10-39. Because

the victim relief afforded by the Consent Decree is lim-

ited to a subset of the years in which NYCHA practiced

racial steering, the Consent Decree’s remedial relief pro-

visions only go part of the way toward effectuating

desegregation.

NYCHA’s position is also belied by the text and struc-

ture of the Consent Decree. As the Supreme Court has

stated, “the scope of a consent decree must be discerned

within its four corners, and not by reference to what

might satisfy the purposes of one of the parties to it.”

United States v. Armour & Co., 402 U.S. 673, 681-82

(1971). The Consent Decree is not limited to the relief to

be provided to the Davis class members. It also includes

extensive injunctive relief designed to address the past

discriminatory actions of the NYCHA and to ensure the

achievement of a non-discriminatory system and the

elimination of segregation.

assigned applicants for public housing, and tenants request-

ing transfers, to certain housing projects using methods that

resulted in unlawful discrimination against Blacks and His-

panics. These methods included (1) the intermittent use of

codes denoting housing projects to which only white families

could be assigned; (2) the use of zip code and other geo-

graphic restrictions on admission to projects; (3) the use of

racial goals or targets when new projects were “rented up”

and on an ongoing basis thereafter; and (4) the assignment of

families to projects where vacancies were not expected to

arise. The evidence submitted by plaintiffs also supports their

allegations that one or more of these practices continued dur-

ing the period addressed in the Consent Decree (1983 through

1990, and on Staten Island through May 1991). Davis v. New

York City Housing Authority, 1992 WL 420923 at *2.

94a-

For example, NYCHA is “permanently enjoined from

. . adopting and implementing any tenant application,

selection, assignment, and transfer plan, or any such pol-

icy or process, which.gives preference to Applicants or

tenants on the basis of race, color, or national origin.”

Consent Decree, 4 4(a). Other permanent injunctive pro-

visions bar NYCHA from refusing to make rentals or

transfers on the basis of race (¢ 4(b)); making statements

indicating a preference or limitation based on race

({ 4(c)); representing on account of race that apartments

are not anticipating vacancies when they are, in fact,

anticipating vacancies (§ 4(d)); and a number of other

limitations.

These injunctions apply not just to the Affected

Developments as defined in § 1(b)—and indeed, not

just to “Conventional Public Housing” as defined in

q 1(h)—but to all of NYCHA’s housing, “conventional or

otherwise” (44), by requiring NYCHA to operate a race-

neutral tenant-selection system at all of its housing pro-

jects.

Under the Consent Decree, these permanent injunctive

provisions may not be construed to bar remedial relief to

others who do not receive relief under the Consent

Decree. Paragraph 4(j) of the Consent Decree provides:

Nothing in this paragraph shall be deemed to pro-

hibit the provision of remedial relief under this

Consent Decree or remedial relief to any identified

victims of past discrimination on the basis of race,

color or national origin who do not receive relief

under this Consent Decree.

Consent Decree, 4(j).

In addition to the injunctive decrees in 4, NYCHA is

also enjoined to adopt a TSAP and implement it “to pre-

vent any unlawful discrimination on the basis of race,

a ae Pe ee

95a

color, or national origin, in compliance with the Housing

Authority’s obligations therewith under Title VI, the Fair

Housing Act and the implementing regulations and

requirements of HUD.” (45). In implementing the TSAP,

NYCHA is barred from using racial quota systems

(q 7(a)) and neighborhood preferences (4 7(b)). NYCHA

is also enjoined from referring applicants out of turn to

particular projects because of race (4 7(c)). Where a dis-

pute arises concerning whether a change by NYCHA to

the TSAP violates these provisions, as happened here,

NYCHA is permitted, pending resolution by this Court,

to:

implement the proposed modification at its own

risk, but without prejudice to the right of the plain-

tiffs to move the court to enjoin the proposed mod-

ification as inconsistent with the terms of this

Consent Decree, and to seek full and complete relief

for persons harmed by the changes, and any other

appropriate relief authorized by the Fair Housing

Act.

Consent Decree, 9 6(b). This language permits plaintiffs

to seek relief for persons other than and in addition to

those who may have been claimants affected by

NYCHA’s past discrimination.

Unlike other portions of the Consent Decree, which

“sunset” after a period of time, the permanent injunctive

portions of the Decree have no sunset date. Paragraph 50

of the Consent Decree provides:

With the exception of the permanent injunctive pro-

visions, this Consent Decree shall be dissolved eight

years and six months after the date of entry.

Therefore, as these provisions make clear, changes to

the TSAP that violate Title VI and the Fair Housing Act

96a

may be enjoined, and the Court may order any other

relief authorized by those statutes, even after victim-

relief at the Affected Developments expires. Paragraph

4 (j) of the Consent Decree states that the permanent

injunctions may not be construed so as to bar relief for

- persons “who do not receive relief under this Consent

Decree.”

The permanent injunctions in 44 apply not just to the

31 Affected Developments listed in Exhibit A to the

Consent Decree—and, as noted, not just to “Conven-

tional Public Housing” as defined in § 1(h)—but to

all NYCHA housing, “conventional or otherwise.” If

NYCHA were correct that TSAP changes causing

increases in segregation are not actionable after victim-

relief at the Affected Developments ends, then the

extension of the injunction beyond the Affected Devel-

opments to all NYCHA housing, “conventional or oth-

erwise,” would be meaningless.

Paragraph 6(b) of the Consent Decree authorizes the

plaintiffs to seek “full and complete relief” for persons

harmed by changes to the TSAP that violate the Fair

Housing Act. If the Court could not find that increases in

segregation caused by changes to the TSAP violate the

Fair Housing Act after victim-relief ends, as NYCHA

claims, then 4 6(b) would be extraneous, since the Court

could not order full and complete relief once victim-

relief ended. The completion of victim-relief at some

Affected Developments has no bearing on whether a

TSAP change that increases segregation in NYCHA’s

projects are actionable under the Consent Decree.

NYCHA attempts to conflate relief for identified vic-

tims of discrimination with relief designed to effect

desegregation. However, victim relief and relief intended

to eradicate segregation stand on different footings.

-A preference based on race to identified victims of

97a

discrimination is always a permissible equitable remedy.

As the Ninth Circuit has stated, “when. . . a state gives

the identified victims of state discrimination jobs or con-

tracts that were wrongly denied them, the beneficiaries

are not granted a preference ‘on the basis of their race’

but on the basis that they have been individually

wronged.” Coalition for Economic Equity v. Wilson, 122

F.3d 692, 700 n.7 (9th Cir.), cert. denied, 118 S. Ct. 397

(1997); see also City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson CO.,

488 U.S. 469, 526 (1989) (Scalia, J. concurring) (“Noth-

ing prevents Richmond from according a contracting

preference to identified victims of discrimination. While

most of the beneficiaries might be black, neither the ben-

eficiaries nor those disadvantaged by the preference

would be identified on the basis of their race.’’).

By contrast, race-conscious relief designed to eradi-

cate the effects of past segregation is permissible under

both Title VII,'* see Local No. 93, Int’l Ass’n of Fire-

fighters v. City of Cleveland, 478 U.S. 501, 516 (1986),

and the Fourteenth Amendment, see Wygant v. Jackson

Bd. Of Educ., 476 U.S. 267, 287 (1986) (O’Connor, J.,

concurring), even if the relief benefits a class that

includes non-victims, so long as it is narrowly tailored to

serve a compelling state interest. See Milliken v. Bradley,

418 U.S. 717 (1974); United States v. Yonkers Board of

Educ., 837 F.2d 1181, 1236 (2d Cir. 1987). The predicate

for this type of relief is that past segregation actually

affected the class of persons to whom the relief runs,

even if the class includes persons who are not them-

selves victims of discrimination. See e.g., Local No. 93,

13 Title VII and Title VII “are part of a coordinated scheme of

federal civil rights laws enacted to end discrimination; the Supreme

Court has held that both statutes must be construed expansively to

implement that goal.” Huntington Branch, NAACP v. Town of Hunt-

ington, 844 F.2d 926, 934 (2d. Cir.) (noting relevance of Title VII

case law to Title VIII cases), aff’d, 488 U.S. 15 (1988).

98a

478 U.S. at 516 (“It is equally clear that the voluntary

action available to employers and unions seeking to

eradicate race discrimination may include reasonable

race-conscious relief that benefits individuals who were

not actual victims of discrimination.”) (citing Steel-

workers v. Weber, 443 U.S. 193, 61 L. Ed. 2d 480, 99

S. Ct. 2721 (1979)).

The Consent Decree in this case incorporates both

forms of relief. The injunctive provisions of 44 4-8 are

intended to eradicate the effects of past segregation at

NYCHA’s projects, “conventional or otherwise.” The

beneficiaries of the permanent injunctions include both -

victims and non-victims of discrimination. The victim-

specific relief provisions, in contrast, are intended to

afford relief to actual victims of discrimination at 31

designated Affected Developments.

Given that the Consent Decree adopted a comprehen-

sive package of remedies designed to correct segregation

that occurred over decades, it is premature to assume

that segregation has been e

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Appendix — New York City Housing Authority v. Davis · 536 U.S. 904 | Frix