Amicus Curiae Brief — United States v. Lopez

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No. 93-1260 aa :

In the

Supreme Court of the United States

October Term, 1993

ae

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Petitioner,

V.

ALFONSO LOPEZ, JR.,

Respondent.

5 oa

On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of

Appeals for the Fifth Circuit

+

BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE OR PACIFIC LEGAL

FOUNDATION IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENT

, ae

RONALD A. ZUMBRUN

* ANTHONY T. CASO

JOHN G. SCHMIDT, JR.

*Counsel of Record

Pacific Legal Foundation

2151 River Plaza Drive,

Suite 305

Sacramento, California 95833

Telephone: (916) 641-8888

Attorneys for Amicus Curiae,

Pacific Legal Foundation

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

BAS GP. ARTUEEEED cc cee ewe ecreserneeeses iii

IDENTITY AND INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE ......... l

DEPES TE GEE EOE GOI cso pc eetecepeceeseeaeas 3

fre rr reer ee eLIRer Cee ee 3

SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT ......cccccccsecees 6

| MEU ERTEETER TUTTE CTCL TLE EE eT Te 7

I. THE GUN FREE SCHOOL ZONES ACT

UNDERMINES OUR FEDERAL SYSTEM, WHICH WAS

CREATED TO PROTECT INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY ....... 7

Il. THIS COURT SHOULD NOT ALLOW CONGRESS TO

ALTER THE DELICATE BALANCE OF STATE-

pp i sy ee ee ee 10

III. THIS CASE PRESENTS A RARE INSTANCE WHERE THE

JUDICIARY MUST ACT AS A CHECK ON CONGRESS .. 15

A. Judicial Deference to Congressional

Ambiguity Would Be Inappropriate

eR ek a bk oho hw o's 090. a 0 0 8 ws Os 15

B. The Intent of the Ratifiers

Limits the Reach of Congress to

Its Enumerated Powers ................--.- 20

C. The Gun Free School Zones Act Renders

Article I of the Constitution

IE 6 oe wiguv eb eeg05 66 fe eee 68% 24

1. There Is No Authority for Section 922(q)

in the Commerce Clause ................ 24

il

2. There Is No Authority for Section 922(q)

in the Necessary and Proper Clause......... 25

3. There Is No Authority for Section 922(q)

in Any Other Provision of ArticleI......... 28

CALAMUS cc tccee ssi yev¥ RiSSa eee 29

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES CITED

Page

CASES

Atascadero State Hospital v. Scanlon,

Es vd we CW corse ce 6 eee e eee 11

Barrett v. United States, 423 U.S. 212 (1976) ......... 12

Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 U.S. 238 (1936) ........ 26

Champion v. Ames, 188 U.S. 321 (1903) ............ 12

Chisom v. Roemer, 501 U.S. _, 115 L. Ed. 2d

aaa a ane e.a.0.6 8 0. sleet 6 es 18

Cane Wy ee, BS We SE CIPESD co ccc cic ccccceers 9

EEOC v. Wyoming, 460 U.S. 226 (1983) ......... 15,27

Garcia v. San Antonio Metropolitan Transit

Authority, 469 U.S. 528 (1985) ............... 11,19

Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. 1 (1824) ............ 5,24-25

Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U.S. 452, 115 L. Ed. 2d

chic us b's aut es a4 86 8 é 2 3,9-11,17-19

Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965) ........ 16

Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United

ee 8,12,24-27

Hodel v. Indiana, 452 U.S. 314 (1981) ............. 11

iv

Page

Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S. 294 (1964) . . 5,10,24,26-27

Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 135 (1803) .......... 19-20

Maryland v. Wirtz, 392 U.S. 185 (1968) ........... 25

Michigan Protection and Advocacy

Service, Inc. v. Babin, 799 F. Supp.

ee a on so ee 6.6 a Oa 14,25

NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp.,

Le ee eM or ey aera ere 14,24,27

New York v. United States, 501 U.S.__,

120 L. Ed. 2d 120 (1992) ......... 3,8-9,16,18,23,28-29

New State Ice Co. v. Liebmann, 285 U.S. 262

SE 5 Sh 5 he ae eee bee cee be 8 ao oe 27

Perez v. United States, 402 U.S. 146 (1971) ........ 12,24

Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510 (1925) ....... 16

Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. __,

ee as ee oe a ee ees ee be 16

Printz v. United States, No. CV 94-35-M-CCL,

1994 WL 200058 (D. Mont. May 16, 1994) ....... 18-19

Russell v. United States, 471 U.S. 858 (1985) ....... 14,25

Santa Cruz Fruit Packing Co. v. NLRB, 303 U.S

TG oc vasdewnvon seve neues aeeeues 14,27

Page

Scarborough v. United States, 431 U.S. 563

1) ie ee re ee ee ee ee 11,14

Tafflin v. Levitt, 493 U.S. 455 (1990) ........--55-> 26

Taylor v. Beckham, 178 U.S. 548 (1900) .........--- 20

United States v. Bass, 404 U.S.

. 7) |) eee eee 4,11-12,18-19

United States v. Carolene Products Co.,

904 U.S. 146 (193E) . 0 wc cere cree we erensss 5,16

United States v. Darby, 312 U.S. 100 (1941) ........-. 24

United States v. Mennuti, 639 F.2d 107

rv) a. |) ene ene ee ee ee eo a 24

United States v. Osteen, No. 93-6398 (6th Cir.)

decision pending .....-.--- eee eee eee erereee 2

United States v. Pereira, 347 U.S. 1 (1954) ........-.-. 12

United States v. Tot, 319 U.S. 463 (1943) ........... 11

United States v. Voss, 787 F.2d 393

(Oth Cle, FUR) nc ccc cece c eer ccenrevnsnes 25

Wickard v. Filburn, 317 U.S.

10) ee i re 5-7,10,12,14,28

Will v. Michigan Department of State Police,

491 U.S. 58 (1989)... ee eee 13

Wilson v. Biggs, No. 93-772

(Jan. 18, 1992) 2... cece cece rere rere rerees 2

vi

Page

UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION

EY BN ital a é oo oc 4.0 Oe rea 16

Amend. X os erred ee ae 7

Art. I, § 8, cl. 3 TeTererrere ccs . 8,12

o.¢ . | Sg a-ha a 29

cl. 10 ees a ; eee wean nares 29

cl. 16 , 7 | ; | 29

DREW ee recacesvecsedevestber 29

i . re [oa

Art. Ill, § 3, cl. 2. peeueeaes wre .. 29

STATUTES

Cal. Mil. & Vet. Code §§ 120-23 ............ re).

Cal. Penal Code § 1250 ............ 5 i. ae a nicek ane ae

Tex. Penal Code § 46.04(a) ........... a Fe

The Firearms Owners’ Protection Act of 1986,

Pub. L. No. 99-308, 100 Stat. 449-461 ..... ; rer

DERI OEE cee ececcenveeresvbiamees 15

EMRE. 0.066 60000 sere bebe eeeew ieee 10

ROME cecesccceseeeeetehekeuMen <a = oe

Vii

Page

|. PRAT PeRereeer ee rerre eee re 4

BERR ec cweweeebveteeereteseuetauss passim

RULES

Supreme Court Rule 37 .........2 22 ee eee eee eee: l

MISCELLANEOUS

Raoul Berger, Federalism: The Founder's Design

CED nn b0 how eee CAC Se Rew Whwhneabeve eden 24

James L. Buckley, Federalism and the Scope

of the Federal Criminal Law, 26 Am. Crim.

L, Boe GUD ec ewe tee eeeseonececvess 15

Richard A. Epstein, The Proper Scope of

the Commerce Power, 73 U. Va. L. Rev.

of rrr rr ie are te oe 20

Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in

America (Henry Reeve Trans., Henry

Steele Commager, ed. 1839) ..........-.6%%. io a

Friedrich A. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom

(ee rer er ee ae Se eee ee 2

Don B. Kates, The Second Amendment and the

Ideology of Self-Protection, 9 Const.

Commentary 87 (1992) .......-- 2 eee ee eeees 16-17

John G. Schmidt, Jr., The Tenth Amendment: A "New"

Limitation on Congressional Commerce Power,

45 Rutgers L. Rev. 417 (1993) ........5-550> 20-21

vill

Page

William Van Alstyne, Dual Sovereignty, Federalism and

National Criminal Law: Modernist Constitutional

Doctrine and the Nonrole of Supreme Court,

26 Am. Crim. L. Rev. 1740 (1989) ............ 20,29

The Compact Oxford English Dictionary

Pn tn si ndetpev ee ds oscus seta nieces 24

The Federalist No. 10 James Madison) ........... 21-22

The Federalist No 17 (Alexander Hamilton) .......... 22

The Federalist No. 42 (James Madison) ............. 24

The Federalist No. 45 James Madison) .......... 9,22-23

The Federalist No. 52 (James Madison) ........... 21-22

The Federalist No. 78 (Alexander Hamilton) ........ 17-18

The Federalist No. 84 (Alexander Hamilton) ......... 23

The Debate on the Constitution (Library of

ee bad. wee kee a eee e «ek 6 8 21,23,28

The Debates in the Several State Conventions

on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution

as Recommended by the General Convention

at Philadelphia in 1787 (Jonathan Elliot,

Se 6 Gh do ao be ob 60 6 5 0 200 21

Dictionary of the English Language

(Samuel Johnson ed. 3d ed. 1765) ............... 24

Laurance H. Tribe, American Constitutional Law

ER one tere a a aes 6 oe 16,19

No. 93-1260

In the

Supreme Court of the United States

October Term, 1993

,’

vv

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Petitioner,

ALFONSO LOPEZ, JR.,

Respondent.

+

On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of

Appeals for the Fifth Circuit

+

BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE OF PACIFIC LEGAL

FOUNDATION IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENT

+

IDENTITY AND INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE

Pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37, Pacific Legal

Foundation (PLF) submits this amicus curiae brief in support

of respondent Alfonzo Lopez. Written consent to the filing

of this brief has been granted by counsel to all parties and

has been lodged with the Clerk of this Court.

PLF is a nonprofit, tax-exempt corporation organized

under the laws of the State of California for the purpose of

engaging in litigation in matters affecting the public interest.

2

PLF has over 20,000 contributors and supporters located

throughout the country and maintains its principal office in

Sacramento, California. The Foundation’s policy is set by a

Board of Trustees composed of concerned citizens, the

majority of whom are attorneys. PLF’s Board evaluates the

merits of any contemplated legal action and authorizes such

action only where the Foundation’s position has broad

support within the general community. Such authority has

been granted in this action.

Amicus seeks to augment the historical discussion of

congressional authority under the Commerce Clause of the

United States Constitution. PLF has participated in

numerous cases involving the Commerce Clause. E.g.,

Wilson v. Biggs, No. 93-772 (Jan. 18, 1992), denying cert.

to, 1 F.3d 1537 (9th Cir. 1993). Environmental Protection

Agency v. Brown, 431 U.S. 99 (1977); United States v.

Osteen, No. 93-6398 (6th Cir.), reviewing, United States v.

Cortner, 834 F. Supp. 242 (M.D. Tenn. 1993). PLF has

also participated in many cases addressing the superfluous

legal obstacles that thwart effective law enforcement. E.g.,

illinois v. Gates, 462 U.S. 213 (1983) (arguing for the "good

faith exception” to the exclusionary rule). PLF’s experience

in the above areas will provide an additional viewpoint to this

case.

Congressional action beyond its constitutional

authority, effected in the name of whatever “national

emergency” happens to stoke the political fires, undermines

this Nation’s concept of ordered liberty as envisioned by the

Ratifiers of the Constitution. "By giving the government

unlimited powers, the most arbitrary rule can be made legal;

and in this way a democracy may set up the most complete

despotism imaginable.” Friedrich A. Hayek, THE ROAD TO

SERFDOM 82-83 (1944). Our federal system was established

to prevent this, yet it is being undermined through a

seemingly benevolent, yet misguided federal intrusion into

domestic matters having little or no connection with interstate

3

commerce. It is on this basis that Pacific Legal Foundation

submits this brief amicus curiae.

STATEMENT OF THE CASE

PLF adopts respondent’s Statement of the Case and

incorporates that portion of respondent’s brief herein.

OPINION BELOW

In United States v. Lopez, 2 F.3d 1342 (Sth Cir.

1993), the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals held 18 U.S.C.

§ 922(q) (Supp. 1993) (Gun Free School Zones Act or

Section 922(q)), te be beyond the scope of the congressional

commerce power. 2 F.3d at 1367-68.’

Alfonzo Lopez, Jr., a San Antonio High School

senior, was caught on school grounds with a handgun. Jd.

Mr. Lopez was charged with violating Texas Penal Code

§ 46.04(a), which prohibits possession of a firearm on school

property. Id. at 1345 n.1. State charges were later dropped

in favor of a federal prosecution under Section 922(q). Jd.

After being found guilty in the District Court, Mr. Lopez’

successful appeal to the Fifth Circuit centered on the

constitutionality of Section 922(q).

The Fifth Circuit noted that Section 922(q) made it a

federal crime to carry an unloaded firearm in an unlocked

suitcase on the public sidewalk in front of one’s home if the

sidewalk happens to be within 1000 feet of a tiny church

kindergarten. 2 F.3d at 1346 n.4. Quoting this Court’s

opinions in Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U.S. 452, 115 L. Ed.

2d 410 (1991), and New York v. United States, 120 L. Ed.

2d 120 (1992), the court below stated that though the text of

' The court below also noted that the indictment failed to allege a nexus with

interstate commerce. Thus, it could not be sustained. Jd. at 1368.

Fb

4

the Tenth Amendment does not affirmatively define the limits

of the commerce power, "the reach of that power is not

unlimited, else there would be nothing on which the Tenth

Amendment could operate." Lopez, 2 F.3d at 1347. The

lower court then discussed this Court’s opinion in United

States v. Bass, 404 U.S. 336 (1971), which construed the

federal "felon in possession" statute to maintain the sensitive

state-federal balance. Lopez, 2 F.3d at 1347. The court

below noted that the current "felon in possession” provision,

18 U.S.C. § 922(g), now contains a clear nexus to interstate

commerce, a caveat Section 922(q) lacks. Id.

The court thoroughly outlined the history of federal

firearms regulation, showing that despite the expansion of

congressional regulation since the New Deal, Section 922(q)

goes well beyond prior enactments and exceeded the

congressional commerce power. The court noted that every

single firearms regulation at the federal level applied not to

the mere passive possession of an ordinary firearm by an

ordinary person, but almost exclusively to regulating

commercial transactions, distribution, and practices

associated with the firearms business. Lopez, 2 F.3d

at 1348-57. In other words, the regulated activities all had

an express nexus to interstate commerce. Statutes that

reached intrastate commercial entities or activities, or related

transactions, were enacted "in order to control firearms

traffic "‘moving in or otherwise affecting interstate

commerce.’” Jd. at 1351. Section 922(q) also lacked this

characteristic. The court below also discussed and

distinguished the "few, discrete exceptions” to the rule

limiting federal regulation to commercial transactions Or

interstate activity. Jd. at 1354.

With that history, the Fifth Circuit turned to Section

922(q) and its legislative history, neither of which makes any

mention of interstate commerce. Jd. at 1359. Further, even

5

the President of the United States questioned the

constitutionality of Section 922(q). Jd. 1359-60 & n.39.

The Fifth Circuit then analyzed our Commerce Clause

jurisprudence, claiming that a series of cases, culminating in

Wickard v. Filburn, 317 U.S. 111 (1942), restored the

commerce power to its purported breadth under Gibbons v.

Ogden, 22 U.S. 1 (1824). 2 F.3d at 1360. But it also noted

that the Gibbons Court stated that Article I of the

Constitution does not include every type of commerce, nor

intrastate commerce. Jd. at 1361. The Court also stated

that modern doctrine (e.g., Wickard), required a “substantial

economic effect on interstate commerce." Id. Otherwise, the

Fifth Circuit noted, the chain of causation could be infinite,

reaching every private activity, because in some theoretical

sense it would affect interstate commerce. Jd. at 1362.

The lower court recognized that judicial deference to

Congress was based on either the text of the statute,

legislative findings, or inferred intent from legislative history

showing a nexus with interstate commerce. Id. at 1362-63

(citing, ¢.g., Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S. 294 (1964)).

Section 922(q) has none of these. Jd. at 1363.

The lower court continued, stating that a

congressional enactment, while presumed constitutional, is

entitled to less deference if it appears "to be within a specific

prohibition of the Constitution, such as those of the first ten

amendments.” Jd. at 1364 (quoting United States v.

Carolene Products, Co., 304 U.S. 144, 152-53 n.4 (1938)).

Section 922(q) represents an “incursion by the Federal

Government into territory long occupied by the States," i.e.,

education and simple firearms possession. Jd. Employing

the "plain statement” rule, the court below required that, if

Congress intends to alter the fundamental constitutional

balance between the state and federal governments, it must

6

make its intention to do so clear in the language of the

statute. Jd. at 1365 & n.48.

Thus, because Section 922(q): (1) reaches even the

most remote acts of mere passive possession, having no

relation to interstate commerce; (2) offers no hint of a

congressional determination that such activity was related to

interstate commerce; (3) "plows through new ground and

represents a sharp break with the long-standing pattern of

federal firearms legislation," id. at 1366; and also because

(4) mere passive possession of a firearm was distinguishable

from the “class of activities" cases such as Wickard; the

lower court held Section 922(q) unconstitutional. /d.

at 1366-68 & nn. 49, 50 & 51.

SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT

The Gun Free School Zones Act, while seemingly

virtuous, undermines our federal system. The Fifth Circuit

correctly considered individual liberty and the interests of the

States in declaring Section 922(q) beyond the scope of

congressional commerce power. No other congressional

enactment has intruded so far into an area better left to the

States--passive, individual, noncommercial, nontransactional,

intrastate acts. The statute lacks any congressional finding

of the requisite economic effect on interstate commerce and

an interstate commerce nexus as an element of the crime. It

also conflicts with the constitutional text, the Bill of Rights,

applicable precedent, and the intent of the Ratifiers. While

case such as Heart of Atlanta Motel upheld the congressional

prohibition of certain commercial activities of certain

businesses that were found by Congress to substantia!ly affect

interstate commerce, the present activity goes much further.

It prohibits private, noncommercial acts within 1,000 feet of

the property line of any school, even though such acts were

7

never found by Congress to affect interstate commerce in any

way.

If this act is upheld, will Congress next be able to

extend its reach to any activity within 1,000 of the Heart of

Atlanta Motel, or Mr. Filburn’s wheat farm (see Wickard v.

Filburn)? May the 1,000 foot zone next be extended to one

mile, or even 1,000 miles? If the Second and Tenth

Amendments are ignored here, may the First or Fifth

Amendments be ignored next?

Mr. Lopez, a teenager, could and should be

prosecuted by Texas authorities under state law for

possessing a firearm on school property. Such a criminal

prohibition is immeasurably different from the one at issue

here, which would also criminalize and federalize the mere

possession of an otherwise legal, ordinary firearm. Such

regulation is plainly better left to the States. Otherwise, the

Ratifiers’ worst fear--of an unrestrained, centralized,

potentially despotic seat of power--will be realized. For

these reasons, Section 922(q) should be held unconstitutional

by this Court.

ARGUMENT

I

THE GUN FREE SCHOOL ZONES ACT UNDER-

MINES OUR FEDERAL SYSTEM, WHICH WAS

CREATED TO PROTECT INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY

The Tenth Amendment of the United States

Constitution states: "The powers not delegated to the United

States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States,

are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people."

U.S. Const. Amend. X. The Constitution delegates to

8

Congress the power "[t]o regulate Commerce ... among the

several States." U.S. Const. Art. I, § 8, cl. 3. The Fifth

Circuit referred to both of these provisions to question

whether Congress may regulate an individual’s mere

possessory act that is intrastate, noncommercial, and has noi

been found by Congress to have any effect on interstate

commerce. Lopez, 2 F.3d passim.

Most of this Court’s recent jurisprudence dealing with

the Tenth Amendment and the authority of Congress under

its Article I powers has dealt with subjecting state

governments to generally applicable laws. E.g., New York v.

United States, 120 L. Ed. 2d at 140. The government

attempts to undercut the reasoning of the Fifth Circuit by

misconstruing this case law. According to petitioner,

because this Court has reviewed Commerce Clause questions

as they relate to state sovereignty more often than private

activity, it must hold state sovereignty in higher regard than

individual liberty. See, e.g., Brief for the United States

at 28. A more credible reason for this past focus on state

sovereignty, however, is that Congress has never intruded so

far into the private lives of individuals without specifically

finding that the given activity has a substantial effect on

interstate commerce and requiring a nexus with interstate

commerce as an element of the crime. C.f., Heart of Atlanta

Motel, Inc. v. United States, 379 U.S. 241, 244-53 (1964).

Moreover, the government’s argument that state

sovereignty is worthier of constitutional protection than

personal liberty is contradicted by what this Court has

identified as the fundamental purpose of our federal structure

in New York v. United States, 120 L. Ed. 2d at 154:

The Constitution does not protect the

sovereignty of States for the benefit of the

States. To the contrary, the Constitution

9

divides authority between federal and state governments for

the protection of individuals. State sovereignty is not just an

end in itself: Rather, federalism secures to citizens the

liberties that derive from the diffusion of sovereign power.

Id. (internal quotations omitted) (emphasis added). This has

always been the principled rationale of our federal system.

"It is too early for politicians to presume on our forgetting

that the public good, the real welfare of the great body of the

people, is the supreme object to be pursued; and that no form

of government whatever has any other value than as it may

be fitted for the attainment of this object." The Federalist

No. 45, at 289 (James Madison) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961).

Thus, the text and structure of the Constitution, and

the Tenth Amendment, place the internal operations of a state

beyond the reach of Congress, e.g., Coyle v. Smith,

221 U.S. 551 (1911), even if they affect interstate

commerce. The rationale for this constitutional rule is that it

protects individual liberty. It would therefore be untenable

to conclude that the noncommercial, intrastate, personal

actions and decisions of individuals were within the reach of

Congress because this would be an even more egregious

assault on the individual liberty guaranteed by our federal

system. If Section 922(q) is upheld, then there is no limit to

the power of Congress. Such authority was never delegated

by the people, and te permit it creates the very real “risk of

tyranny and abuse." Gregory v. Ashcroft, 115 L. Ed. at 422.

10

II

THIS COURT SHOULD NOT ALLOW CONGRESS

TO ALTER THE DELICATE BALANCE OF STATE-

FEDERAL AUTHORITY

Section 922(q) makes it "unlawful for any individual

knowingly to possess a firearm” within 1,000 feet of school

property. 18 U.S.C. §§ 922(q)(1)(A), 921(a)(25),

921(a)(26). This prohibition is unconstitutional for two

reasons. First, Section 922(q) is more expansive than any

other federal regulation enacted under the commerce power

because it prohibits personal, intrastate, noncommercial,

nontransactional conduct. This fact is illustrated by noting

that this Court upheld enactments in both Wickard v. Filburn,

317 U.S. 111, 115-17, 130 n.30, where the enactment was

applied to the conduct of a commercial wheat farmer, not a

weekend gardener; and Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S.

at 304, where the enactment was applied to Ollie’s Barbecue,

a commercial establishment, not a backyard family barbecue.

Second, it intrudes upon the delicate balance of state-federal

relations in the areas of education, local law enforcement,

and firearms regulation, areas not only “traditionally

regulated by the States," Ashcroft, 115 L. Ed. 2d at 423, but

so intimately connected with a state’s police power that

uniform national rule is unwarranted. At the very least, it is

ambiguous whether Congress intended to intrude so far into

matters so intimately connected with the states’ respective

police powers, Ashcroft, 115 L. Ed. 2d at 430, as well as the

personal passive conduct of private citizens with no link to

interstate commerce. Therefore, this Court should not

attribute such an intent to its legislative counterpart.”

2 The test for determining the constitutionality of legislation enacted under the

Commerce Clause requires that there be a “rational basis for a congressional

(continued...)

11

The government claims that, because Congress has

clearly proscribed Mr. Lopez’ conduct, this Court need not

be concerned with whether such an exercise of power has

been linked to the Constitution, or whether Congress has

even considered the Constitution. Brief of the United States

at 30-31. This Court, however, has never allowed this. E.g.,

Ashcroft, 115 L. Ed. 2d at 420-30; Bass, 404 U.S. at 339-

50; Atascadero State Hospital v. Scanlon, 473 U.S. 234,

237-47 (1985)(sovereign immunity not abrogated absent plain

statement to that effect); United States v. Tot, 319 U.S. 463,

463-64, 467 (1943)(gun possessed by felon presumed to be

shipped interstate violates due process). "States occupy a

special and specific position in our constitutional system and

. the scope of Congress’ authority under the Commerce

Clause must reflect that position." Garcia v. San Antonio

Metropolitan Transit Auth., 469 U.S. 528, 556 (1985)

(emphasis added).

In United States v. Bass, this Court found a federal

statute ambiguous as to whether Congress intended to

criminalize any possession of a firearm by a felon or only

those firearms that were proven to have traveled in interstate

commerce. 404 U.S. at 337-39. This Court rejected the

former “broad reading in the absence of a clearer direction

from Congress." Jd. at 339. Though this Court upheld the

same enactment after Congress addressed this constitutional

concern, Scarborough v. United States, 431 U.S. 563, 566

(1977), (element of crime was that the firearm at one time

traveled in interstate commerce), the court below properly

stated that it is questionable whether "Congress can

2 (...continued)

finding that the regulated activity affects interstate commerce." Hodel v. Indiana,

452 U.S. 314, 323 (1981) (emphasis added); contra Brief of United States at 14

(which, in light of cases requiring a nexus with interstate commerce, e.g., Bass,

404 U.S. 336, misconstrues the constitutional standard). There was no such

congressional finding in this case.

, Se :

12

constitutionally punish the mere possession of firearms."

Lopez, 2 F.3d at 1347 (internal quotations omitted). This is

especially so when the face of the statute does not contain a

nexus with interstate commerce as an element of the crime.

See, e.g., Barrett v. United States, 423 U.S. 212, 213 n.1,

214 (1976) (statute contained such a nexus and explicit

congressional findings of threat to interstate commerce).

Even if a nexus were supplied for Section 922(q), there is

still no credible analogy between a felon in possession, a

teenager in possession, or an ordinary law-abiding citizen in

possession (which this statute also reaches). Firearms in the

possession of felons are contraband, are nearly impossible to

trace through interstate commerce, and thus pose a much

greater threat to interstate commerce than the acts

criminalized by Section 922(q). Felons in possession also

pose a threat less readily dealt with by the states.

Despite this, the government in this case claims that

by failing to require any nexus with interstate commerce,

Congress did supply the "clearer direction" required in Bass,

404 U.S. at 339, even though Section 922(q) intrudes further

into state and private interests than any other Commerce

Clause measure. Lopez, 2 F.3d at 1348-59; see also, e.g.,

Champion v. Ames, 188 U.S. 321 (1903) (prohibition of

interstate transport of lottery tickets constitutional); Wickard,

317 U.S. 111 (use of wheat by a farmer, who was a member

of the cartel approving of the national regulation in question,

and engaged in the commercial enterprise of producing and

selling wheat, deemed to have a substantial economic effect

on interstate commerce); United States v. Pereira, 347 U.S.

1 (1954) (punishing the transportation of stolen goods across

state lines constitutional); Atlanta Motel, 379 U.S. 241 (a

commercial enterprise that catered to interstate travelers

deemed to "substantially" affect interstate commerce in the

civil rights context); Perez v. United States, 402 U.S. 146

(1971) (intrastate extortionate credit transactions with a

13

commercial business establishment normally conducted by

national organized crime organizations affect interstate

commerce). Past congressional enactments invoking the

commerce power have all been clearly linked to interstate

commerce. Because Section 922(q) presents such a sharp

break in legislative approach, to simply omit any nexus with

interstate commerce is unacceptable. Will v. Michigan

Department of State Police, 491 U.S. 58, 65 (1989).

The position taken by the government ignores the fact

that congressional action should be dictated by the

Constitution, not that constitutional meaning should be

dictated by Congress. This head-in-the-sand approach to the

legislative process is precisely what this Court has sought to

prevent through its modest requirement that Congress

expressly refer to and heed its enumerated constitutional

grants of authority. Because the Tenth Amendment is a part

of the Bill of Rights, and because the management of

education, local law enforcement, and the ownership of

ordinary firearms by ordinary citizens have traditionally been

a state responsibility, the Gun Free School Zone Act

"indisputably represents a singular incursion by the Federal

Government into territory long occupied by the States.”

Lopez, 2 F.3d at 1364; see also Tex. Penal Code § 46.04(a)

(prohibiting possession of firearms on school grounds). Such

an incursion enhances the importance of congressional

findings and a nexus with interstate commerce.

Furthermore, because these issues are so uniquely

within the police power of the respective states, it would not

be rational to conclude that the Gun Free School Zones Act

was within the commerce power even if Congress had made

such a finding. While it may be rational to regulate the

possession of illegal firearms by convicted felons in order to

protect interstate commerce, and it may be rational to assert

jurisdiction when ordinary citizens are engaged in activities

14

that have substantial repercussions on interstate commerce,

it is irrational to federalize simple, purely local,

noncommercial firearms possession. "However difficult in

application, this principle is essential to the maintenance of

our constitutional system." Santa Cruz Fruit Packing Co. v.

NLRB, 303 U.S. 453, 466 (1938). See also Scarborough v.

United States, 431 U.S. at 571 ("Congress is aware of the

distinction between legislation limited to activities ‘in

commerce’ and an assertion of its full Commerce Clause

power so as to cover all activity substantially affecting

interstate commerce."); NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel

Corp., 301 U.S. 1, 37 (1937) (local activities may be

regulated if they have a "close and substantial relation to

interstate commerce"); Wickard, 317 U.S. at 125 (local

activity may be regulated if it has a "substantial economic

effect" on interstate commerce); Russell v. United States,

471 U.S. 858, 860-61 & n.4 (1985) (property substantially

affected interstate commerce only because it was used for

commercial purposes); Michigan Protection and Advocacy

Service, Inc. v. Babin, 799 F. Supp. 695, 735 (E.D. Mich.

1992) ("sole remaining limitation on Congress’ power under

the Commerce Clause is the requirement that the effect be

substantial").

No matter what is required of Congress, though, it

has failed to make clear that it intended to upset the sensitive

federal state balance and = intrude into personal,

noncommercial, intrastate behavior. For the additional

reason that the statute does not even require a nexus to

interstate commerce, it is invalid.

15

Il

THIS CASE PRESENTS A RARE INSTANCE

WHERE THE JUDICIARY MUST ACT

AS A CHECK ON CONGRESS

Though Commerce Clause jurisprudence has adapted

through the transition from a local to a national economy,

EEOC v. Wyoming, 460 U.S. 226, 247 (1983) (Stevens, J.,

concurring), this grant of authority is not unlimited.

Unfortunately, though, as Circuit Judge Buckley stated: "[I]t

is virtually impossible to conjure up any human activity (with

the possible exception of day-dreaming) that some court will

not find to burden interstate commerce.” James L. Buckley,

Federalism and the Scope of the Federal Criminal Law,

26 AM. CRIM. L. REV. 1737, 1738 (1989). Should this

Court decline to affirm the Fifth Circuit’s decision, Judge

Buckley’s facetious comment will become reality.

A. Judicial Deference to Congressional Ambiguity

Would Be Inappropriate in This Instance

The Gun Free School Zones Act is among the most

far reaching of congressional enactments, improperly

federalizing wholly private, noncommercial, nontransactional,

intrastate acts by individuals that have no effect on interstate

commerce. It also displaces local law, as in the present case,

which may be better tailored to local conditions to avoid the

absurd results that Section 922(q) could engender. This is

wholly inappropriate, considering the fact that mere

possession of an ordinary firearm, as well as_ the

constitutional balance between state and federal interests, are

admittedly protected by several provisions of the Bill of

Rights. E.g., The Firearms Owners’ Protection Act of 1986,

Pub. L. No. 99-308, 100 Stat. 449-461 (currently at

18 U.S.C. § 921 (Note) (protecting rights secured under the

16

Second, Fifth, and Tenth Amendments)). Cf Carolene

Products, 304 U.S. at 152 n.4 (narrower presumption of

constitutionality when legislation frustrates political processes

or reaches within the first ten amendments).’ It would

therefore be inappropriate for this Court to defer to

Congress.

As the Fifth Circuit noted, the Tenth Amendment is

as much a part of the first ten amendments as the First

Amendment. Just as Congress is constrained from regulating

the commerce of publishing, it too is constrained from

intruding into matters reserved to the states and to the

people. New York v. United States, 120 L. Ed. 2d at 137.

Thus, it reaffirms, and provides a rule of construction for,

the limits imposed on the exercise of the congressional power

contained in the text of the Constitution and its other

amendments. /d.

Additionally, no matter how one interprets the Second

Amendment,* it exists. This amendment, while

controversial, indisputably affords protection against federal

intrusion into the “right of the people to keep and bear

Arms." U.S. Const. Amend. II. The controversy attaches

to whether that right is a States’ right or an individual one.

Compare Laurence H. Tribe, American Constitutional Law

299 n.6 (2d ed. 1988) with Amicus Brief on Behalf of

Academics for the Second Amendment, et al., and Don B.

* Because Section 922(q) also reaches private conduct, it may raise Fourth

Amendment and due process concerns. See, ¢.g., Planned Parenthood v. Casey,

SOSU.S. _, 120 L. Ed. 2d 674 (1992); Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479

(1965); Pierce v. Society of Sisters, 268 U.S. 510 (1925).

* "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the

right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” U.S. Const.

Amend. Il.

17

Kates, The Second Amendment and the Ideology of Self-

Protection, 9 CONST. COMMENTARY 87 (1992).

Thus, the Second Amendment, along with the Tenth

Amendment and the specific enumerations of congressional

power, do not permit federal prohibition of the mere

possession of ordinary firearms by ordinary citizens, either

as an individual right, or because it is a power retained by

the States. Furthermore, Article I of the Constitution

recognizes this reserved States’ right by explicitly "reserving

to the States respectively” at least some authority over the

militia. U.S. Const. Art. I, § 8, cl. 3.5 Hence, Texas has

prohibited children from bringing guns to school, but it still

allows sportsmen, farmers, or those concerned with home

defense who live near schools the liberty to exercise their

rights. The federal act, though, reaches too far.

Under this act, Congress has exceeded one of its

constitutional prerogatives, and it is the duty of the judiciary

* Many states today also have laws which provide for an "unorganized militia,”

comprised of the entire military-age male populace. See, e.g, Cal. Mil. & Vet.

Code §§ 120-23. “The militia of the State shall consist of ... [inter alia] the

unorganized militia.” Jd. § 120. These statutory provisions vest the Governor

with the authority to call out the National Guard and "the unorganized militia.”

Id. § 128. “The unorganized militia may be called for active duty in case of war,

rebellion, insurrection, invasion, tumult, riot ...." id. Based on events in the

recent history of this country, it is not unreasonable to think that it might be

necessary to place some reliance on an unorganized self-armed militia if the

United States were to become involved in a military conflict as large as the

Persian Gulf War, when most of the National Guard was mobilized and sent

overseas, and at the same time be faced with local domestic difficulties as

California has experienced in recent years, including earthquakes, fires, and riots.

By prohibiting the ordinary possession of ordinary handguns by law-abiding

citizens, Congress effectively prevents this necessary option, denying not only

individuals, but the States, the opportunity to maintain and protect themselves.

This flies directly in the face of our Constitution, which “looks to an

indestructible Union, composed of indestructible States." Ashcrojt, 115 L. Ed.

2d at 422.

18

to correct the “encroachments and oppressions of the

representative body." The Federalist No. 78, at 465

(Alexander Hamilton) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961). The fact

that Congress did not require a nexus with interstate

commerce on the face of its enactment lends proof to the fact

that it did not adequately consider the intrusion it was

effecting into matters traditionally and primarily left to the

States. E.g., Ashcroft, 115 L. Ed. 2d at 426, 430; Bass,

404 U.S. at 350. Should this Court find some sort of

psychoanalyzed congressional intent, Chisom v. Roemer,

501 U.S. ___, 115 L. Ed. 2d 348, 378 (1991) (Scalia, J.,

dissenting), within the Gun Free School Zones Act and rule

otherwise, the enumeration of Article I powers becomes

meaningless verbiage, allowing Congress to reach into

absolutely any area regardless of the nexus § such conduct

might have with interstate commerce.

This is especially so because Section 922(q) reaches

not only Mr. Lopez’ possession of a gun on school property,

but also what otherwise would be legal handgun possession,

2 F.3d at 1346 n.4, 1366, 1367, marking a more egregious

"inroad” than the original "felon in possession" statute in

Bass, 404 U.S. at 339. The Gun Free School Zone Act, as

such, was enacted for the evening news, not to protect

interstate commerce. While Mr. Lopez, as a teenager

possessing a firearm at school, could and should be

prosecuted under the applicable criminal statutes of the State

of Texas, it is beyond the reach of Congress to so punish.°

* Additionally, the government's claim that Congress places no obligation on the

States, Brief of the United States at 28-29, is fallacious. Section 922(q)(1)(B)(ii)

requires the States to license firearms and to “verify that the individual is

qualified under law to receive the license.” As such, the federal government is

commandeering the "legislative processes of the States by directly compelling

them to enact and enforce a federal regulatory program." New York v. United

States, 120 L. Ed. 2d at 140. See also Printz v. United States, No. CV 94-35-M-

(continued...)

19

As Chief Justice Marshall said when the Supreme

Court recognized the constitutional limits imposed on its

jurisdiction: "To what purposes are powers limited, and to

what purpose is that limitation committed to writing, if these

limits may, at any time, be passed by those intended to be

restrained." Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 135, 176 (1803).

With regard to Section 922(q), deference to the

political process would be inappropriate, considering the fact

that the political process in this case has produced an

obviously flawed product. See Ashcroft, 115 L. Ed. 2d

at 426. “{T]o give state displacing weight of federal law to

mere congressional ambiguity would evade the very

procedure for lawmaking on which [Garcia, 469 U.S. 528]

relied to protect states’ interests." Jd. (quoting Tribe, supra

at 480). See also Bass, 404 U.S. at 339. Thus, the courts

must act as "bulwarks of a limited Constitution against

legislative encroachments." The Federalist No. 78, supra,

at 469. Fulfilling such a duty is hardly judicial activism. "It

only supposes that the power of the people is superior to

both, and that where the will of the legislature, declared in

its statutes, stands in opposition to that of the people,

declared in the Constitution, the judges ought to be governed

by the latter rather than the former." Jd. at 468.

* (...continued)

CCL, 1994 WL 200058 (D. Mont. May 16, 1994). Under this command, if

someone walks across a public sidewalk located within 1,000 feet of a school to

his house with a .22 caliber rifle after returning from hunting, that individual is

committing a federal crime unless the State enacts a licensing mechanism for that

individual. See 18 U.S.C. § 922(q)(1)(B)(i), (ii), (iii). Also, States that already

have (concealed-carry) licensing procedures, ¢.g., California, Cal. Penal Code

§§ 12050, ef seq., normally have very strict limitations for issuing a license

which will conflict with the vague mandates of Section 922(q). Finally, these

concealed-carry permits generally apply only to certain weapons (usually

handguns). In effect, then, Section 922(q) presents » burdensome and confusing

array of options for the States and firearms owners who live near or travel within

1,000 feet of school property. ,

i

20

Excessive deference to the legislative branch,

especially when an enactment lacks a nexus to that body’s

constitutional authority, is the mirror image of the

"legislation by judicial fiat” so often complained about by

unsuccessful litigants and dissenting jurists. Excessive

judicial deference and judicial activism both allow the union

of law making and law interpreting in one body. While

judicial activism may undermine the republican spirit of our

tripartite constitutional order, the obeisant deference of the

judiciary to the Legislature undermines our individual liberty,

by abandoning the constitutional duty "to declare all acts

contrary to the manifest tenor of the Constitution void.” /d.

at 466. See also Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. at 175-76;

Taylor v. Beckham, 178 U.S. 548, 609 (1900) (Harlan, J.,

dissenting). The Fifth Circuit did this by declaring Section

922(q) contrary to the manifest tenor of the Constitution.

This Court must do the same.

B. The Intent of the Ratifiers Limits the Reach

of Congress to Its Enumerated Powers

In 1787, the individual States of this country were

presented with a new constitution that provided for a federal

system where certain enumerated powers were delegated to

the national government. Many of the Ratifiers of the

Constitution, however, feared that the national government

would ignore the jurisdictional restraints imposed on it by the

proposed constitution in the form of its few and defined

delegated powers and threaten state sovereignty and personal

liberty. See generally Richard A. Epstein, The Proper Scope

of the Commerce Power, 73 U. VA. L. REV. 1387 (1987);

William Van Alstyne, Dual Sovereignty, Federalism and

National Criminal Law: Modernist Constitutional Doctrine

and the Nonrole of the Supreme Court, 26 AM. CRIM. L.

REV. 1740 (1989); John G. Schmidt, Jr., The Tenth

Amendment: A "New" Limitation on Congressional Commerce

21

Power, 45 RUTGERS L. REV. 417 (1993). Such a

government, located thousands of miles from its constituents,

could, many thought, become isolated from its constituents,

corrupt, and self-perpetuating. "After we have given them

all our money, established them in a federal town, given

them the power ... to establish their arbitrary government,

what resources do the people have left?” II THE DEBATES IN

THE SEVERAL STATE CONVENTIONS ON THE ADOPTION OF

THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION AS RECOMMENDED BY THE

GENERAL CONVENTION AT PHILADELPHIA IN 1787 at 62

(Jonathan Elliot ed., 2d ed. 1836) (Elliot’s Debates).

Many of the Ratifiers predicted that the powers

granted to the federal government by the proposed

constitution would result in the despotism of an unresponsive

aristocracy within the federal district. "What an inexhaustible

Fountain of Corruption are we opening?" Letter of Samuel

Osgood to Samuel Adams (Jan. 5 1788), reprinted in I THE

DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION 704, 708 (Library of

America 1993). “Liberty! What is Liberty? The power of

governing yourselves. If you adopt this Constitution, have

you this power? No: you give it into the hands of a set of

men who live one thousand miles distant from you."

IV ELLioT’S DEBATES, supra, at 313.

In an attempt to calm these fears, and assure

ratification, the Federalists claimed that the structure of the

Constitution would actually protect state sovereignty and

personal liberty. The Federalist No. 10 (James Madison).

Madison described this structure in The Federalist No. 52:

In the compound republic of America, the

power surrendered by the people is first

divided between two distinct governments, and

then the portion allotted to each subdivided

among distinct and separate departments.

22

Hence a double security arises to the rights of

the people. The different governments will

control each other, at the same time that each

will be controlled by itself.

Id. at 323 (James Madison) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961).

That the power was divided between the two governments is

evident in the text of the Constitution itself, with "the great

and aggregate interests being referred to the national, the

local and particular to the State legislatures." The Federalist

No. 10, at 83 (James Madison) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961).

"The powers reserved to the several States will extend to all

objects which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the

lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal

order, improvement, and prosperity of the State." The

Federalist No. 45, supra, at 292-93.

Alexander Hamilton noted that the administration of

criminal justice was reserved to the States. The Federalist

No. 17, at 120 (Alexander Hamilton) (Clinton Rossiter ed.,

1961).

This, of all others, is the most powerful, most

universal, and most attractive source of

popular obedience and attachment. It is this

which, being the immediate and visible

guardian of life and property, having its

benefits and its terrors in constant activity

before the public eye ... contributes more than

any other circumstance to ... render [the

States] at all times a complete counterpoise ...

to the power of the Union.

Id.

By comparison, the powers delegated to the federal

government were described as "few and defined." The

23

Federalist No. 45, supra, at 292. These few and defined

powers, as described by de Tocqueville, "have been confined

to a certain sphere; and although the despotism of the

majority may be galling upon one point, it cannot be said to

extend to all." Alexis de Tocqueville, DEMOCRACY IN

AMERICA 170 (Henry Reeve trans. , Henry Steele Commager,

ed. 1839). Those who opposed the ratification of the

proposed constitution were not convinced, though. They

wanted a Bill of Rights to assure state sovereignty and

individual liberty. In the Virginia ratification debates,

George Mason wondered why, if these two items were not

“given up, where are they secured? Let the gentlemen show

that they are secured in a plain, direct, unequivocal manner."

III ELLIOT’s DEBATES, supra at 266. See also George

Mason, "Objections to the Constitution," reprinted in 1 THE

DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION, supra, at 345-49. After the

Constitution was ratified these two items were secured by the

Bill of Rights, which includes the Tenth Amendment's

reiteration of the textual limits on the federal government.

New York v. United States, 120 L. Ed. 2d at 137-38.

It should also be noted that the characterization of the

powers of the federal government as few and defined came

before the adoption of the Bill of Rights. In fact, Hamilton

predicted that the adoption of a Bill of Rights would give the

federal government the “colorable pretext" to run roughshod

over the jurisdictional restraints imposed on it in the text of

the Constitution by legislating right up to the edge of

whatever individual rights were enumerated. The Federalist

No. 84, at 513 (Alexander Hamilton) (Clinton Rossiter ed.,

1961). Section 922(q) epitomizes the fears and concerns of

the Ratifiers of the Constitution and betrays their intent.

24

C. The Gun Free School Zones Act Renders

Article I of the Constitution Meaningless

1. There Is No Authority for Section 922(q)

in the Commerce Clause

The purpose of the Commerce Clause was to quell

interstate trade rivalries and to meet the challenges of foreign

competition. The Federalist No. 42, at 266-69 (James

Madison) (Clinton Rossiter ed., 1961). Even in Gibbons v.

Ogden, 22 U.S. 1, which is often cited for the broad power

Congress has under the Commerce Clause, this Court

declared that federal power to regulate commerce was

“complete in itself, may be exercised to its utmost extent,

and acknowledges no limitations other than those prescribed

in the constitution." Id. at 196, quoted in, e.g., United

States v. Darby, 312 U.S. 100, 114 (1941) (emphasis added).

One such limitation is that Congress can only regulate

commerce. The Ogden Court defined "commerce" as

“commercial intercourse." Jd. at 189-90; see also United

States v. Mennuti, 639 F.2d 107, 109-10 (2d Cir. 1981)

(noting that Ogden, Wickard, Atlanta Motel, Jones &

Laughlin Steel Co., Katzenbach v. McClung, and Perez all

involved businesses or their transactions). Samuel Johnson’s

DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE (3d ed. 1765)

defined commerce as "[i]ntercourse, exchange of one thing

for another, interchange of anything; trade; traffick.” Raoul

Berger, FEDERALISM: THE FOUNDERS’ DESIGN 123 (1987).

This definition remains substantially unchanged to this day:

"Exchange between men of the products of nature or art;

buying and selling together; trading; exchange of

merchandise." THE COMPACT OXFORD’ ENGLISH

DICTIONARY 295 (2d ed. 1992). Not every facet of

American life can be said to be commercial intercourse, or

to have a substantial effect on such intercourse. If Section

922(q) is upheld, however, this truth will be rendered a nullity.

25

Another limitation prescribed by the Commerce

Clause is that the commerce must be among the several

States. "The enumeration fof particular classes of

commerce] presupposes something not enumerated." Ogden,

22 U.S. at 194-95. See also, e.g., Russell, 471 U.S. at 860-

61 & n.4 (residential property substantially affected interstate

commerce under federal arson statute only because it was

used for commercial purposes). United States v. Voss,

787 F.2d 393, 397 (8th Cir. 1986) (vacant residence owned

by a business and insured by interstate insurer does not affect

interstate commerce); Babin, 799 F. Supp. at 728-35. As

this Court stated in Maryland v. Wirtz, 392 U.S. 183, 196

(1968), overruled on other grounds by National League of

Cities v. Usery, 426 U.S. 833 (1976), federal power is

limited to “‘commerce,’ and not all commerce but

‘commerce ... among the several States.’ The expansion of

enterprise has vastly increased the interests of interstate

commerce but the constitutional difference still obtains." Jd.

The Constitution itself, read logically and with knowledge of

the intent of the Ratifiers, should limit congressional

authority over an activity only if it was both "among the

several States" and "Commerce." This Court should thus

hold that Section 922(q) is not within the commerce power.

2. There Is No Authority for Section 922(q)

in the Necessary and Proper Clause

Even an analysis that attempts to borrow from the

Necessary and Proper Clause, U.S. Const. Art. I, § 8, cl.

18, to find congressional authority for Section 922(q) fails.

By comparing the present case to Heart of Atlanta Motel,

Inc. v. United States, 379 U.S. 241, a case that looked to the

Necessary and Proper Clause, the shortcomings of the

present statute become even more evident. As discussed by

the court below, the present enactment goes even further than

a

26

the unconstitutional statute in The Civil Rights Cases. Lopez,

2 F.3d at 1364 n.47.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964, at issue in Atlanta

Motel, stated, on its face, that it was “only” applicable to

business establishments that were found to affect interstate

commerce or were supported by state action. 379 U.S

at 247. By comparison, the Gun Free School Zones Act is

not limited in its scope to business establishments or those

transacting with such establishments, but to any individual

who possesses an ordinary firearm within 1,000 feet of

school property. Will Congress next seek to expand the

zones to encompass the cities and towns where the schools or

businesses are located? Could it also ban all guns within

1,000 miles when it finds that the 1,000 foot zones are not

enough? If the commerce power may justify the present

enactment, it is boundless. "The underlying thought is merely

this, that the law is not indifferent to considerations of

degree.” Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 U.S. 238, 327

(1936) (Cardozo, J., separate opinion).

An additional difference between Aflanta Motel and

the present case is that the Court in Atlanta Motel had before

it ample proof that Congress had considered the constitutional

ramifications and bases of its enactment. 379 U.S. at 244-

53. See also Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S. at 302.

There is no such proof here.’ Even in these two civil rights

cases which justify the furthest reach of Congress to regulate

local commercial activities "to foster and protect interstate

commerce,” 379 U.S. at 272, Congress explicitly relied on

a nexus with interstate commerce. The Court also had

’ Indeed, because legislative history is often unreliable, Tafflin v. Levitt,

493 U.S. 455, 472 (1990) (Scalia, J., concurring), the government's citation to

mynad educational, sociological, psychological and political authorities, see Brief

of the United States at VUI-IX (Table of Authorities), is also suspect, if not

irrelevant

27

available to it a record of legislative history replete with

evidence, not that discrimination was an evil worthy of

attack," but of local, commercial activities burdening

interstate commerce. Aflanta Motel, 379 U.S. at 245-53,

257, 261; Katzenbach v. McClung, 379 U.S. at 299-301.

Thereafter, the Court also concluded that it was necessary

and proper for Congress to regulate these local, commercial

activities because they had "a substantial and harmful effect"

On interstate commerce. Atlanta Motel, 379 U.S. at 258.

It would be improper for this Court to reverse the

Fifth Circuit’s decision, in effect, doing what Congress itself

failed to do in finding its authority within the Constitution.

To do so would “obliterate what is national and what is

local," NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., 301 U.S.

at 37, via congressional ambiguity. For the simple reason

that Section 922(q), unlike the enactments at issue in Atlanta

Motel and Katzenbach v. McClung, reaches behavior that is

purely local, private, nontransactional, and noncommercial,

it is not a necessary or proper exercise of congressional

power. This is especially so because state and local law

enforcement efforts are much better suited to deal with local

illegal ordinary firearms possession. "Congress is simply not

as well equipped as state legislators to make decisions

involving purely local needs.” EEOC v. Wyoming, 460 U.S.

at 263 n.8 (Burger, C.J., dissenting); see also New State Ice

Co. v. Liebmann, 285 U.S. 262, 311 (1932). In fact, the

federal prosecution in this case, as well as the enactment,

were wholly superfluous to bringing Mr. Lopez to justice.

* CS, the government's attempt to extrapolate evidence of the evils of violence

into an economic effect of such violence on interstate commerce. Brief of the

United States at 19-20 (quoting a gun control activist discussing the effect that a

fearful environment has on the learning ability of children). Were such evidence

relevant, it might also be applied to federalize family discipline, playground

fisticuffs, the content of Stephen King novels, or even the content of childhood

nightmares

|

28

He was initially dealt with by educational officials and local

police. Lopez, 2 F.3d at 1345.

By respecting the sovereignty of the states, and the

authority of the people of their respective states to shape

their governments to their local needs, this Court will further

the public safety by recognizing the impropriety of Section

922(q). If Section 922(q) is struck down, "the People would

govern themselves more easily, the Laws of each State being

well adapted to its own Genius & Circumstances, and the

Liberties of the United States would be more secure." Letter

of Samuel Adams to Richard Henry Lee (Dec. 3, 1787),

reprinted in | THE DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION, supra,

at 47 (emphasis in original).’

3. There Is No Authority for Section 922(q)

in Any Other Provision of Article I

Reading Article I of the Constitution as a whole

provides further evidence that the Gun Free School Zones

Act is invalid. Under Article I, Congress is given authority

* Additionally, a primary consideration of the judiciary when upholding federal

regulation is whether excluding a given activity from “the scheme of [federal]

regulation would have a substantial effect in defeating and obstructing its

purpose.” E.g., Wickard, 317 U.S. at 129. This rationale has no application to

the present case. The federal government may enforce its law against illegal

firearms transactions, transportation, or other such acts having a nexus with

interstate commerce, while Texas and its political subdivisions are fully capable

of enforcing their laws locally. Neither the federal, nor the local, scheme will

be thwarted by limiting the authorities to their respective jurisdictions. Any

overlap into purely intrastate affairs will actually result in a waste of resources,

as in the present case (where Mr. Lopez was arrested by state authorities), and/or

a dilution of the republican accountability our federal system seeks to protect

Cf New York v. United States, 120 L. Ed. 2d at 154-56. In other words, federal

crminalization of purely local crimes will allow state officials to deflect

responsibility for high crime rates by claiming they are hampered by federal

interference, or alternatively, by a lack of federal effort. The Fifth Circuit

removed such unrepublican obfuscation.

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29

to punish select crimes such as counterfeiting, maritime

piracy, and military crimes. U.S. Const. Art. I, § 8, cls. 6,

10, and 16. Under Article III, it is also given the power to

define the punishment for treason. /d. Art. III, § 3, cl. 2.

These are the sole grants of congressional authority in the

realm of criminal law. Furthermore, if Congress can

regulate any human activity under its commerce power, then

the clause granting the power of "exclusive Legislation in all

Cases whatsoever" in the District of Columbia, U.S. Const.

Art. I, § 8, cl. 17, is redundant. This is further support for

the conclusion that Section 922(q) goes well beyond what the

Constitution may tolerate. Van Alstyne, supra, at 1746.

As this Court stated in New York v. United States,

120 L. Ed. 2d at 137: “If a power is delegated to Congress

in the Constitution, the Tenth Amendment expressly

disclaims any reservation of that power to the States.” /d.

Such is the case with maritime piracy. But "if a power is an

attribute of state sovereignty reserved by the Tenth

Amendment, it is necessarily a power the Constitution has

not conferred on Congress." Id. Such is the case with

purely local crime, firearms regulation, education, and the

noncommercial, intrastate acts of individuals, which are

reserved to the States and to the people. Otherwise, "the

chain of causation is virtually infinite, and hence there is no

private activity, no matter how local and insignificant, the

ripple effect from which is not in some theoretical measure

ultimately felt beyond the borders of the state in which it

took place." Lopez, 2 F.3d at 1362.

CONCLUSION

By upholding Section 922(q), this Court may be

appeasing what some might portray as protection of our

children, or ending violence in our cities, both very

important ends. At the very least, though, Congress has

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30

made this impossible by failing to find a link with interstate

commerce, and by failing to require it as an element of the

crime. Under the Gun Free School Zones Act, Congress

seeks to do the same in the 5O states as it may do in the

District of Columbia--exercise a general police power. By

so doing, it undermines the sanctity of our written

Constitution, turning that compact and its express protections

from tyranny, into a manipulable series of suggestions that

may be disregarded at will.

The Fifth Circuit took a very restrained account of

individual liberty and the principles of federalism in

declaring Section 922(q) beyond the scope of congressional

commerce power. Congress has intruded too far into an area

better left to the States and to the people--passive, individual,

noncommercial, nontransactional, intrastate acts--upsetting

the delicate state-federal balance. This Court should

therefore adopt and expand upon the lower court’s reasoning.

DATED: July, 1994.

Respectfully submitted,

RONALD A. ZUMBRUN

* ANTHONY T. CASO

JOHN G. SCHMIDT, JR.

*Counsel of Record

Pacific Legal Foundation

2151 River Plaza Drive,

Suite 305

Sacramento, California 95833

Teiephone: (916) 641-8888

Attorneys for Amicus Curiae,

Pacific Legal Foundation

This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.

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