Amicus Curiae Brief — Deboer v. Snyder, 135 S. Ct. 1040 (2015) (No. 14-571)

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| MAR 27 2915

IN THE

Supreme Court of the Anited States

JAMES OBERGEFELL, et al.,

Petitioner,

Vv.

RICHARD HODGES, Director,

Ohio Department of Health, et al.,

Respondents.

[See Next Page For Other Consolidated Cases]

On Writ of Certiorari To The United States

Court of Appeals For The Sixth Circuit

BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE

STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA

IN SUPPORT OF RESPONDENTS

ALAN WILSON BRENDAN MCDONALD

Attorney General Assistant Attorney General

ROBERT D. COOK LAN WESCHLER

Solicitor General Assistant Attorney General

Counsel of Recor 1 P. O. Box 11549

BCook@scag.gov Columbia, SC 29202-1549

(803) 734-3970

J. EMORY SMITH, JR. Counsel for Amicus Curiae

Deputy Solicitor General State of South Carolina

Nos. 14-556, 14-562, 14-571 and PAH9@ OF THE CLERK

VALERIA TANCO, et al.,

Petitioners,

Vv.

BILL HASLAM, Governor of Tennessee, et al.,

Respondents,

APRIL DEBOER, et al.,

Petitioners,

Vv.

RICK SNYDER, Governor of Michigan, et al.,

Respondents.

GREGORY BOURKE, et al.,

Petitioners,

Vv.

STEVE BESHEAR, Governor of Kentucky, et al.

Respondents.

l

QUESTION PRESENTED

The amici will address the first question present-

ed by these cases:

Does the Fourteenth Amendment require a State

to license a marriage between two people of the

same sex?

ul

TABLE OF CONTENTS

QUESTION PRESENTED ....00000....... ce ccecceeteecereeeeeeeeee i

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STATEMENT OF INTEREST ....................-sseesessesssees l

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ....000000o.. eee cence 2

ET secvnittinenninnvitaabicsiidaaniaaaanaia 9

I. The History Of The Fourteenth

Amendment Shows Its’ Framers Did Not

Intend to Displace The States’ Tenth

Amendment Power to Define and Regulate

SIE EIIIIINL: icnsussvvonsucsunsinnsesseneadiensesieimmmalnaamisamanamandaal 9

A. State Sovereignty Over Marriage..................... 9

B. The Importance of History in Interpreting The

Par OTTS TIN, iicccisncsictpenncccaneiniviniadnatens 11

C. The Debates Concerning the Adoption of The

Fourteenth Amendment Demonstrate the Framers’

Continued to Reserve Questions of Marriage to The

FIT, «cccttivanscncsouiiceiecentiiniiatiaaseadiaeiadienaatae saan 12

D. Post-Ratification Interpretation of The

Fourteenth Amendment Confirms that The

Amendment Did Not Displace The States’ Authority

to Define and Regulate Marriage.........-...........0-<.006 20

E. Post-Ratification Construction of The

Fourteenth Amendment as it Relates to The

ili

Definition of Marriage Shows no Intent to Disturb

i ee aiadeias 23

II. The Original Meaning of The Fourteenth

Amendment is Limited to Addressing Issues of

Racial Discrimination and was Not Intended

to Invalidate State Reserved Powers

Regarding Domestic Relations......................... 25

A. Analysis of the Equal Protection Clause in

Light of Its’ Original Meaning. ....................0002<.004-- 25

1. Deference to States’ Reserved Powers Regarding

Domestic Relations Under Equal Protection. ....... 26

2. Deference to States’ Reserved Powers Regarding

Domestic Relations Extends to a State's Definition

i ceeunummanmneuions 28

3. Because Loving is a Case Involving Race-Based

Discrimination, its’ Holding is Consistent with the

Interplay Between The Fourteenth and Tenth

EEC 30

4. This Court’s “Animus” Jurisprudence Does Not

Extend to States’ Definitions of Traditional

i emmpennoeneoecs 32

B. Analysis of Due Process in Light of The

Fourteenth Amendment's Original Meaning.......... 32

1. The Framers’ Understanding of Marriage at the

Time of the Adoption of The Amendment’s Due

Process Clause Shows They did not Contemplate a

1V

Right to Same-Sex Marriage, but Instead Sought to

Preserve Existing State Marriage Laws................. 33

2. Decisions of This Court Regarding The Right to

Marriage Also Show a Focus on Protecting States’

Traditional Notions of Family, Rather Than

Attempting to Redefine Family............................... 35

3. Deference to, and Protection of, States’

Traditional) definition of Marriage is Consistent with

The Interplay of The Tenth and Fourteenth

p TESTED A REIS SEINE RISE a I 37

CONCLUSION ........ senenteeientanhabeintanininninneniniinionmninnti 39

Vv

TABLE OF AUTHORITIES

CASES

Alden v. Maine, 527 U.S. 706 (1999)...............0.005. 2

Andrews v. Page, 50 Tenn. 653 (1870).................... 30

Ankenbrandt v. Richards, 504 U.S. 689 (1992)...... 10

Askew v. Dupree, 30 Ga. 173 (1860)..............000....... 24

Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810 (1972) ........... 3, 32, 37

Barber v. Barber, 62 U.S. 582 (1858).............0.00000.... 8

Blake v. McClung, 172 U.S. 239 (1898).........-...... 11

Boddie v. Connecticut, 401 U.S. 371 (1971) ........... 10

Boerne v. Flores, 521 U.S. 507 (1997)................... 16

Bostic v. Schaeffer, 760 F.3d 352 ................0ccec cece. 37

Bradwell v. Illinois, 83 U.S. 130 (1872) ................. 22

Burns v. State, 48 Ala. 195 (1872) ...............000.... 6, 31

Campbell v. California, 200 U.S. 87 (1906)............ 26

City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. 469

vi

Elk Grove Unified Sch. Dist. v. Newdow, 542 U.S. 1

Si iccaiichsegsidadadduclinpbiniahipiitanandiabanadédiainniamadimnededin 10

Erie R. Co. v. Tompkins, 304 U.S. 64 (1939)............. 9

Ex Parte Burrus, 136 U.S. 586 (1890)..................... 10

Foley v. Connelie, 431 U.S. 291 (1978).................. 28

Gregory v. Ashcroft, 501 U.S. 452 (1991) ....27, 28, 32

Griswold v. Connecticui, 381 U.S. 479 (1965)......... 37

Haddock v. Haddock, 201 U.S. 562 (1906).............. 21

Honey v. Clark, 37 Tex. 686 (1872) ........................- 34

Hurd v. Hodge, 334 U.S. 24 (1948)......................-..- 13

Jackman v. Rosenbaum Co., 260 U.S. 22 (1922) ...... 4

Jones v. Brennan, 465 F.3d 304 (7* Cir. 2006)......... 8

Labine v. Vincent, 401 U.S. 532 (1971)................... ll

Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558 (2003).............. 9, 32

Lehr v. Robertson, 463 U.S. 248 (1983)................... 36

Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).............. passim

Matchin v. Matchin, 6 Pa. 332 (1847) ..................... 34

Maynard v. Hill, 125 U.S. 190 (1888) ..................... 28

McCreery v. Davis, 44 S.C. 195, 22 S.E. 178 (1895)..1

Vil

McDonald v. City of Chicago, 561 U.S. 742

A AE 12, 13, 36

Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923)................. 35

Michael H. v. Gerald D., 491 U.S. 110 (1989)... 3, 27,

36

Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900 (1995) ...........0...... 13

Moore v. East Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494 (1977) ....... 36

Murphy v. Ramsey, 114 U.S. 15 (1885) ........ 3, 24, 32

Ohio ex rel. Popovici v. Agler, 280 U.S. 379 (1930)... 5

Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 U.S. 112 (1970).... 10, 25, 26

Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319 (1937).............. 33

Palmore v. Sidoti, 466 U.S. 429 (1984)............0...... 26

Pennoyer v. Neff, 95 U.S. 714 (1878) ................ 21, 27

Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey,

RRR ee ae 2

Poe v. Ullman, 367 U.S. 497 (1961)...............0.000.... 38

Reed v. Reed, 404 U.S. 71 (19711) .................00000000... 29

Reynolds v. U.S., 98 U.S. 145 (1878) ...................... 25

Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620 (1996) ................. 9, 31

Vill

Shelby County v. Holder, 133 S.Ct. 2612 (2014)....... 5

Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948)..................... 11

Slaughterhouse Cases, 83 U.S. 36 (1872).............. 21

Skinner v. Oklahoma ex rel. Williamson, 316 U.S.

| Cee eee me 36

Snyder v. Massachusetts, 291 U.S. 97 (1934).......... 32

Sosna v. Iowa, 419 U.S. 393 (1979)..................... 4, 28

State v. Fry, 4 Mo. 120 (18385)...........................0e0000 24

Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303 (1879)...... 30

Swartz v. State, 7 Ohio C.D. 43 (1896).................... 30

Town of Greece v. Galloway, 134 S.Ct. 1811 (2014)12

Trammel v. U.S., 445 U.S. 40 (1980)....................... 10

Turner v. Safley, 482 U.S. 78 (1987) ..................000000 6

U.S. v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598 (2000)....................... 9

U.S. v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515 (1996)...................... 29

U.S. v. Windsor, 133 S.Ct. 2675 (2013).......... passim

United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549 (1995)........... 11

Washington v. Glucksburg, 521 U.S. 702 (1997) ....37

Wilkins v. Rogers, 581 F.2d 399 (4 Cir. 1978) ........ 8

ix

Williams v. North Carolina, 317 U.S. 287 (1942) ... 5,

31, 36

Zablocki v. Redhail, 434 U.S. 374 (1978)........ passim

STATUTES

Art. XVII, § 15 of the South Carolina Constitution. 1

OTHER AUTHORITIES

Balkin, Plessy, Brown and Grutter: A Play in Three

Acts, 26 Cardozo L. Rev. 1689 (2005).................. 15

Bishop, Commentaries on the Law of Marriage and

Divorce, Vol. 2, § 31, (Boston, Little Brown and Co.

Bishop, Commentaries on the Law of Marriage and

Divorce, Vol. 1, § 321 (Boston, Little, Brown and Co.,

SIGE: I bss ciadaneseipeeneusnneduauiunenneiees 12, 23, 35

Bouvier’s Law Dictionary, (6** ed. 1856)............... 24

Calabresi, Does The Fourteenth Amendment

Guarantee Equal Justice For All?, 34 Harv. J. L.

a I eibdaninomenianinaie 31

Calabresi, The Gay Marriage Cases and Federal Ju-

risdiction, (October 2, 2014), Nw. L. & Econ. Re-

Se idetinnenvnrsceseicnncéedtensetsotadion 8

Cong. Globe, 39" Cong., 1*t Sess. (1866)......... passim

Cong. Globe, 39‘ Cong., 2™ Sess. (1866)............... 26

Cong. Globe, 42™4 Cong., 2™4 Sess. (1872)............... 7

x

Cooley, A Treatise on The Constitutional Limitations

...(1*t ed. Boston, Little, Brown and Co.,

Cooley, A Treatise on The Constitutional Limitations

... (2"4 ed. Boston, Little, Brown and Co., 1871)...21

Cooley, A Treatise on The Constitutional Limitations

. (5** ed. Boston, Little, Brown and Co., 1883)....21

Farnsworth, Women Under Reconstruction: The

Congressional Understanding, 94 Nw. U. L. Rev.

REE SN a eR Ee 7, 15, 20

Flack, The Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment,

59 (Johns Hopkins Press, 1908)......................2 16

Gans, The Unitary Fourteenth Amendment, 56

Emory L. J. 907 (2007)................. sniiihethbcitiieiddatimitaltiad 20

Graham, Our "Declaratory" Fourteenth Amendment,

Os te iG it icon acnencienmietaieiimntiaedenis 4

Harbach, Js The Family A Federal Question?,

660 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 131................................. 8

Hasday, Women's Exclusion From The

Constitutional Canon, 2013 U. IL. L. Rev. 1715

EES eo ae ee Sar ere eee 16

James, Shades of Brown: The Law of Skin Color, 49

I tc a i cian 6

xl

Kent, Commentaries on American Law, Vol. 1, Lec-

ture 26 of the Law Concerning Marriage (New York,

I a 34

Lash, Beyond Incorporation, 18 J. Contemp. Legal

EES ee a 14

Lash, The Origins of the Privileges or Immunities

Clause, Part II, 99 Geo. L. J. 329 (2011)............. 19

Long, A Treatise on the Law of Domestic Relations, §

5 (St. Paul, Keefe-Davidson Co., 1905)................. 23

Maltz, Moving Beyond Race: The Joint Committee

on Reconstruction and the Drafting of the

Fourteenth Amendment, 42 Hastings Const. L.Q.

EERE ee enone See eT 19

Maltz, The Fourteenth Amendment As Political

Compromise, 45 Ohio St. L. J. 933 (1984)............ 3

Moore, Morality In Eighth Amendment

Jurisprudence, 31 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol'y, 47

O'Neill, Raoul Berger and The Restoration of

Originalism, 96 Nw. U. L. Rev. 253 (2001) ........ 13

Schouler, A Treatise on the Law of Domestic Rela-

tions at 17 (Boston, Little, Brown and Co., 2d ed.

Siegel, She the People, 115 Harv. L. Rev. 947 (2002)

iiseiiincesiiealitaeaieteitgibpiieniiidatininiaiiepaieiatabeebeideanetiiauehiadbiibnteiaiaiuinatats 14

xl

Upham, Interracial Marriage and the Original

Understanding of the Privileges or Immunity

Clause, 42 Hastings Const. L.Q., 213 (2015)....... 30

Zoeller, Duty to Defend and the Rule of Law, 90 Ind.

OR AREA org Neier RE ce eee ree RM 8

1

STATEMENT OF INTEREST

South Carolina possesses a strong interest in

affirmance. Art. XVII, § 15 of the South Carolina

Constitution provides that “[a] marriage between

one man and one woman is the only lawful domestic

union that shall be valid or recognized in this

State.” This constitutional definition codified

longstanding South Carolina law. See McCreery v.

Davis, 44 S.C. 195, 22 S.E. 178, 182 (1895).

The historic evidence concerning the treat-

ment of women, presented as the views of the Four-

teenth Amendment’s framers are not those of the

State today. Seemingly anachronistic, such evidence

is, nevertheless, reflective of the Amendment’s orig-

inal meaning which we believe controls this case.

2

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

This Court has recognized that, in interpreting

the Constitution, it must “look first to evidence of

fits] original understanding.” Alden v. Maine, 527

U.S. 706, 741 (1999). To those who drafted and rati-

fied the Fourteenth Amendment, and to those who

publicly stated its meaning and purpose at that

time, it was unimaginable marriage was not the ex-

clusive province of the states to define. Nor did the

framers and their contemporaries conceive that the

definition of marriage consisted of anything other

than the union between man and woman. Indeed,

the framers insisted upon leaving untouched those

state laws depriving women of basic rights upon

marriage to a man. Surely then, those state laws ex-

clusively defining marriage as between a man and

woman were hands off under the Amendment’s orig-

inal meaning.

While undoubtedly there are applications of the

Fourteenth Amendment unforeseen by its drafters,

same-sex marriage is not one. No evidence exists

that the Amendment imposed a different meaning

upon states than their longstanding marriage defi-

nition. This is not a case where judicial construction

relies upon an evolving concept of the Amendment

beyond its historical foundation to create a new con-

stitutional right. See Planned Parenthood of South-

eastern Pa. v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833, 847 (1992). To

the contrary, the Joint Committee on Reconstruc-

tion’s adoption of the Amendment, “. . . undercuts

[that]... the framers intended to constitutionalize .

.. more general rights of fairness, content of which

3

would change over time as mores and conditions

change.” Maltz, The Fourteenth Amendment As Po-

litical Compromise, 45 Ohio St. L. J. 933, 969

(1984).

In fact, contemporaneously with the Amend-

ment’s ratification, and reflective of its original

meaning, same-sex marriage was categorically re-

jected. Such was perceived as not procreating chil-

dren nor promoting families. Family life was of par-

amount importance to the Fourteenth Amendment

framers, particularly because slave families had

been so disrupted by their masters. Where there is a

“longstanding and still extant societal tradition

withholding the very right” being sought, the Four-

teenth Amendment will not supply that right. See

Michael H. v. Gerald D., 491 U.S. 110, 127, n. 6

(1989) (opinion of Scalia, J.). As a result, a construc-

tion “contrary to the intentions of the Framers of the

Fourteenth Amendment” must be rejected. City of

Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. 469, 490-91

(1989).

After the Amendment's adoption, the traditional

marriage definition was considered untouched. This

Court endorsed the traditional definition in Murphy

v. Ramsey, 114 U.S. 15, 45 (1885). Legal treatises

agreed. And, almost one hundred years later in

Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810 (1972), the Court re-

jected same-sex marriage as mandated by the Four-

teenth Amendment. The Amendment’s text has not

changed. Nor should its interpretation.

The Fourteenth Amendment certainly proscribes

laws banning interracial marriage — a product of the

4

Jim Crow era — and part of the State-sponsored ra-

cial discrimination the Amendment sought to extin-

guish. See Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).

However, apart from those blatantly racial enact-

ments, the institution of marriage “. . . has long

been regarded as a virtually exclusive province of

the states.” Sosna v. Iowa, 419 U.S. 393, 404 (1979).

Sosna noted that “cases decided . . . [for] more than

a century bear witness” that domestic relations is a

state, not a federal domain. Jd. This Court’s defer-

ence to the states regarding marriage reflects the

genius of the framers of the Amendment, who in-

sisted that state marriage laws remain intact to pro-

tect families. But the framers were also clear that

each state could design marriage laws as it saw fit.

Such deference preserves dual sovereignty, and up-

holds the Tenth Amendment.

Thus, whether to employ the traditional mar-

riage definition, universally used in 1787 and 1868,

or to expand “marriage” to same-sex couples, re-

mains for the State and its people. The Fourteenth

Amendment does not interfere. As Justice Holmes

declared, “[t]he Fourteenth Amendment, itself a his-

torical product, did not destroy history for the State

and substitute mechanical compartments of law all

exactly alike.” Jackman v. Rosenbaum Co., 260 U.S.

22, 31 (1922). Drafters of the Amendment sought to

remove badges of slavery. Therefore, the provision “.

.. was regarded by its framers and ratifiers as de-

claratory of the previously existing law and Consti-

tution.” Graham, Our “Declaratory” Fourteenth

Amendment, 7 Stan. L. Rev. 3, 5 (1954). Put simply,

the Amendment, coexisting with the Tenth Amend-

5

ment, was not intended to withdraw the State’s

power to define marriage as its citizens desire. To

the contrary.

Preservation of federalism is particularly crucial

for marriage, “an institution more basic in our civili-

zation than any other.” Williams v. North Carolina,

317 U.S. 287, 303 (1942). Moreover, “[t]he marriage

relation creates problems of large social im-

portance.” Jd. at 298. Thus, the State possesses a

“large interest” in regulating the institution. Jd. On-

ly recently, in U.S. v. Windsor, 133 S.Ct. 2675

(2013), the Court reaffirmed State sovereignty in

defining marriage — a power traced to the Founding

— and one “reserved to the States... .” Jd. at 2680

(quoting Ohio ex rel. Popovici v. Agler, 280 U.S. 379,

383-84 (1930)). In Windsor, federalism insulated

New York’s marriage definition from federal inter-

ference.

As in Windsor, the four states involved here, as

well as many others, including South Carolina, have

a constitutionally protected power to define mar-

riage, the essence of federalism. Windsor empha-

sized that “[m]arriage laws vary in some respects

from State to State.” Jd. at 2681. Thus, federalism

allows fifty different definitions of marriage in fifty

different states. Accordingly, equal respect for the

marriage laws of Ohio, Tennessee, Kentucky and

Michigan should be given, as Windsor gave New

York’s. Such deference, in the form of federalism,

“secures to citizens the liberties that derive from the

diffusion of sovereign power.” Shelby County v.

6

Holder, 133 S.Ct. 2612, 2623 (2014) (internal quota-

tions omitted).

Neither in 1868, nor now, does the Fourteenth

Amendment compel a “one size fits all” for state

marriage laws. Now, as then, the Tenth Amendment

and federalism are foundational rocks upon which

our Constitution rests. This foundation should not

be rent asunder. If so, dual sovereignty is dead.

Loving is irrelevant. That case, and other mar-

riage decisions, such as Zablocki v. Redhail, 434

U.S. 374 (1978) and Turner v. Safley, 482 U.S. 78

(1987) involved traditional marriage. Using race to

define marriage, as in Loving, crosses the Four-

teenth Amendment line. But using the traditional

definition of marriage, accepted everywhere at the

time of the Amendment's adoption in 1868, as well

as when Loving was decided in 1967, does not. The

common law prohibited same-sex marriage, but

permitted interracial marriages between man and

woman. Such racial prohibitions were the product

of statute in the “era of Jim Crow racism.” James,

Shades of Brown: The Law of Skin Color, 49 Duke

L. J. 1487, 1511 (2000).

Scholars document that the Fourteenth Amend-

ment framers intended to prohibit laws banning in-

terracial marriage. Jd. Indeed, contemporaneously

with the Fourteenth Amendment's adoption, in

Burns v. State, 48 Ala. 195, 197 (1872), the Alabama

Supreme Court so concluded. Thus, Petitioners’ reli-

ance upon dicta in Loving — a racial discrimination

case — to support same-sex marriage, foreign to all

when the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified, is

7

ill-founded and counter-historical. In characterizing

marriage as “fundamental,” Loving did not open the

constitutional door requiring that States define

marriage in non-traditional ways.

Furthermore, the traditional family, with the

husband as unquestioned head, was the foundation

of the Fourteenth Amendment framers’ world. The

framers deeply believed the family was the “primary

unit of social and political action at the time. .. .”

Farnsworth, Women Under Reconstruction: The

Congressional Understanding, 94 Nw. U. L. Rev.

1229, 1236 (2000). One senator feared giving women

the vote would disturb “. . . the family circle, which

is even of higher obligation than the obligation of

Government.” Id., (quoting Cong. Globe, 42nd

Cong., 2d Sess. 845 (1872)). Thus, Section Two of the

Amendment eliminated women from the franchise.

Having this mindset, the Amendment's framers

certainly did not intend to dismantle, but fought to

preserve, state marriage laws. Indeed, skeptical

congressmen insisted that these remain unaffected

by the Amendment. Many feared that state disabili-

ties placed upon married women, such as property

ownership, would be undermined by an earlier

Amendment draft. However, such concerns were al-

layed in the Amendment’s final wording. Thus, the

Amendment was subsequently passed and ratified,

allowing states ultimately to abolish these disabili-

ties themselves. While no one could reasonably ar-

gue that those disabilities are constitutional under

this Court’s more recent decisions, the framers’ in-

sistence upon maintaining them vividly illustrates

8

their intent to ensure that state marriage laws are

virtually the exclusive province of the states. In

light of the then overriding importance of traditional

marriage as the family foundation, “[t]he idea that .

.. the framers and ratifiers of the Fourteenth

Amendment thought they were enshrining same-sex

marriage into the Constitution is utterly implausi-

ble. ..” Zoeller, Duty to Defend and the Rule of

Law, 90 Ind. L. J. 513, 550 (2015). Indeed, at that

time, authorities concluded that same-sex marriage

had no validity.

State authority to define marriage should not

now be destroyed by a ruling without basis in histo-

ry or constitutional law. Reliance upon Loving, or

gender discrimination cases, or a disregard of

longstanding deference to the States in their domes-

tic relations,' is unwarranted given the Fourteenth

Amendment’s history.

Certainly, this Court’s Fourteenth Amendment

decisions go well beyond the Amendment’s overrid-

ing original purpose of banning racial discrimina-

tion. Nevertheless, not one decision of this Court

undercuts the State’s power to define marriage as

' Federal question jurisdiction is lacking for domestic rela-

tions. See Jones v. Brennan, 465 F.3d 304 (7 Cir. 2006); Wil-

kins v. Rogers, 581 F.2d 399 (4% Cir. 1978); Barber v. Barber,

62 U.S. 582, 602 (1858) (opinion of Daniel, J.). Scholars agree.

See Harbach, Is The Family A Federal Question?, 660 Wash. &

Lee L. Rev. 131, 146 and cases collected at n. 59 (2009); Cala-

bresi, The Gay Marriage Cases and Federal Jurisdiction (Oc-

tober 2, 2014), Nw. L. & Econ. Research Paper No. 14-18

(Available at http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/SSM.25055 15).

9

traditionally defined, and as was universally defined

in 1868. Cases such as Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S.

620 (1996), invalidating discrimination against ho-

mosexuals, provide no basis to alter a State’s

longstanding definition of marriage, one long ac-

cepted by this Court. As Justice O’Connor wrote in

Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 585 (2003),

(O’Connor, J., concurring), “preserving the tradi-

tional institution of marriage” is a “legitimate State

interest’ .,” one unrelated to “mere moral disap-

proval of an excluded group.”

Reversal here obliterates a right reserved to the

states by the Tenth Amendment. Each State should

continue to define marriage as appropriate, as it has

since “the Nation’s beginning.” Windsor, 133 S.Ct. at

2691.

ARGUMENT

I. The History Of The Fourteenth

Amendment Shows Its’ Framers

Did Not Intend to Displace The

States’ Tenth Amendment Power

to Define and Regulate Marriage.

A. State Sovereignty Over Marriage.

As observed in Erie R. Co. v. Tompkins, 304 U.S.

64, 78-79 (1939) the Constitution “recognizes and

preserves the independence of the States. . . .” (in-

ternal quotations omitted); see also, U.S. v. Morri-

son, 529 U.S. 598, 620 (2000) [noting the framers of

the Fourteenth Amendment had a “carefully crafted

balance” between the States and Federal Govern-

10

ment]. Indeed, Justice Black observed that “the

Fourteenth Amendment was... not intended to

strip the States of their power .. . to govern them-

selves.” Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 U.S. 112, 127 (1970).

The State’s supremacy over marriage is a staple

of federalism. Long ago, it was observed that “[t}he

whole subject of the domestic relations of husband

and wife, parent and child, belongs to the laws of

the States and not to the laws of the United States.”

Ex Parte Burrus, 136 U.S. 586, 593-94 (1890). The

Court has not wavered since. See Trammel v. U.S.,

445 US. 40, 49 (1980) [stating marriage is “tradi-

tionally reserved to the States.”]; Ankenbrandt v.

Richards, 504 U.S. 689, 705 (1992) [concluding fed-

eral courts may abstain as to issues of domestic re-

lations]. Indeed, so strong is the State’s power over

domestic relations, this Court refused to decide an

Establishment Clause claim, in deference thereto.

Elk Grove Unified Sch. Dist. v. Newdow, 542 U.S. 1,

13 (2004).

Justice Black recognized “[t]he institution of

marriage is of peculiar importance to the people of

the States.” Boddie v. Connecticut, 401 U.S. 371, 389

(1971) (Black, J., dissenting). States are where peo-

ple “live and vote and rear their children under laws

passed by their elected representatives.” Jd. They

“have particular interests in the kinds of laws regu-

lating their citizens when they enter into, maintain

and dissolve marriages.” Jd.

The Court’s longstanding deference reflects the

framers’ original intent to preserve the family by

leaving marriage entirely to the states. Elsewhere,

11

Justice Black stressed that family matters are re-

served under the Tenth Amendment, noting that

“the power to make rules to establish, protect, and

strengthen family life . . . is committed by the Con-

stitution .. . to the legislature of that State.” Labine

v. Vincent, 401 U.S. 532, 538 (1971). He added that

“la]bsent a specific constitutional guarantee, it is for

that legislature, not the life-tenured judges of this

Court, to select from possible laws.” Jd. at 538-39;

see also, United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549, 564

(1995) [stating the Commerce Clause does not au-

thorize the United States to regulate family law, in-

cluding marriage]. The framers of the Fourteenth

Amendment saw it that way too. As Windsor recent-

ly summarized, “[b]y history and tradition the defi-

nition and regulation of marriage .. . has been

treated as being within the authority and realm of

the separate states.” 133 S.Ct. at 2689-90.

B. The Importance of History in

Interpreting The Fourteenth

Amendment.

Furthermore, “[t]he historical context in which

the Fourteenth Amendment became a part of the

Constitution should not be forgotten.” Shelley v.

Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1, 23 (1948). The Amendment

sought to abolish discrimination “based on consider-

ations of race or color” and the “provisions of the

Amendment are to be construed with this funda-

mental purpose in mind.” Jd. While Court members

disagree about the use of history to define Four-

teenth Amendment rights, there should be no disa-

greement here. As was said in Blake v. McClung,

12

172 U.S. 239, 261 (1898), “[u]nder any other inter-

pretation, the fourteenth amendment would be giv-

en a scope not contemplated by its framers, or by the

people, nor justified by its language.”

Accordingly, the Court often examines evidence

at the time of the Fourteenth Amendment’s adop-

tion. E.g., McDonald v. City of Chicago, 561 U.S.

742, 775 (2010) [“. . . the 39** Congress referred to

the right to keep and bear arms as a fundamental

right deserving of protection.”]. Indeed, recently, in

Town of Greece v. Galloway, 134 S.Ct. 1811, 1819

(2014), the Court chronicled historical usage to de-

termine prayer practices. In McDonald, it was

agreed that the intention of the “Framers and ratifi-

ers of the Fourteenth Amendment counted” in de-

termining “those fundamental rights necessary to

our system of ordered liberty.” 561 U.S. at 778. But

same-sex marriage was foreign to the framers’ defi-

nition of marriage. At the time of the Amendment,

leading treatise writers on domestic relations reject-

ed it outright as having “no validity.” Joel Prentiss

Bishop, Commentaries on the Law of Marriage and

Divorce, Vol. 1, § 321 (Boston, Little, Brown and Co.,

(5% ed. 1873).

C. The Debates Concerning the Adop-

tion of The Fourteenth Amendment

Demonstrate the Framers’ Contin-

ued to Reserve Questions of Mar-

riage to The States.

The Court has also emphasized the Amendment's

legislative debates reveal a primary purpose “to in-

corporate the guaranties of the Civil Rights Act of

13

1866 in the organic law of the land.” Hurd v. Hodge,

334 U.S. 24, 32 (1948). Justice O'Connor explained,

“.. the driving force behind the adoption of the

Fourteenth Amendment was the desire to end legal

discrimination against blacks.” Miller v. Johnson,

515 U.S. 900, 928 (1995) (O’Connor, J., concurring).

When the framers said the Amendment abolished

the subjecting of “one caste” to “a different code”

they clearly meant racial discrimination and noth-

ing else. Cong. Globe, 39** Cong. 1*t Sess. 2766

(1866) [comparing different treatment of “black

man” and “white man.”}.

Scholars agree. E.g. O'Neill, Raoul Berger and

The Restoration of Originalism, 96 Nw. U. L. Rev.

253, 264 (2001) [“. .. many Republican members of

Congress doubted that the Thirteenth Amendment

in fact supplied adequate constitutional authority

for the [Civil Rights] Act, so the Fourteenth

Amendment was thought necessary to provide the

requisite authority for accomplishing its goals.”}.

Thus, “[iJt seems relatively clear from the history of

the Fourteenth Amendment that it was intended to

validate the Civil Rights Act of 1866... which in

turn aimed at invalidating the Black Codes of the

Reconstructionist South.” Moore, Morality In Eighth

Amendment Jurisprudence, 31 Harv. J. L. & Pub.

Pol’y, 47, 51 (2008). The Amendment’s history,

therefore, confirms its overarching purpose was

aimed at eliminating racial discrimination. While

the Amendment has been interpreted as applying to

all, displacement of state marriage laws was the last

thing the framers intended.

14

Importantly, “[e]ven the most radical of Republi-

cans conceded that the principles underlying the

Tenth Amendment continued to operate in the af-

termath of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amend-

ments.” Lash, Beyond Incorporation, 18 J. Contemp.

Legal Issues, 447, 460 (2009). Representative John

Bingham, author of Section One of the Amendment,

assured skeptics that the provision did not under-

mine the States’ reserved powers. As Bingham ex-

plained, “[t]his amendment takes from no State any

right that ever pertained to it.” Cong. Globe, 39**

Cong., 1*t Sess., at 2542. Bingham earlier quoted

Chancellor James Kent, stating the “principal

rights and duties which follow from our civil and

domestic relations fall within the control” of the

State. Jd. at 1292-93. The Congressman emphasized

the “dual system of Government” maintained “our

own nationality and liberty... .” Jd. at 1293. He

deemed the “protection of all the rights of person

and citizen” are “the powers reserved to the States.”

Id.

Preservation of family was paramount to the

Amendment’s framers. The family was “a form of

government .. .,” and was a concern “repeatedly ex-

pressed” by Congress. Siegel, She the People, 115

Harv. L. Rev. 947, 983 (2002). Recognition of this

importance is why the Court has refrained from in-

jecting itself into domestic matters. As Justice

Stewart stated in Zablocki, the right to marry “is

under our federal system peculiarly one to be de-

fined and limited by state law. ... A State may not

only ‘significantly interfere with decisions to enter

into a marital relationship,’ but may in many cir-

15

cumstances absolutely prohibit it.” 434 U.S. at 392

(Stewart, J., concurring). Senator Edgar Cowan

asked during the Reconstruction debates whether

the states are “sovereign to determine .. . the ques-

tion of polygamy, the question of incest, or any other

question which . . . would materially affect the in-

terests of the community constituting the State?”

Cong. Globe, 39** Cong., 1*t Sess., at 604. He an-

swered his own question: “the relations of the citi-

zens or inhabitants of the several States are peculi-

arly within the legislation of those States.” Id.

The centerpiece of family unity was, to the

Amendment’s framers, those state laws placing dis-

abilities upon a married woman, preventing her

from owning property, contracting, or bringing swit.

See Schouler, A Treatise on the Law of Domestic Re-

lations at 17 (Boston, Little, Brown and Co., 2d ed.

1874) [lessening disabilities “will weaken the ties of

marriage by forcing both sexes into an unnatural

antagonism... .”]. Scholars have chronicled:

families sometimes were thought to be the

core units protected by the Amendment, and

we see this idea applied to property rights,

not just political rights. Until [a woman]

joined a family as wife and mother, a femme

sole was a family of one and could hold prop-

erty; but once she married, her property

rights yielded to the order of the family cir-

cle.

Farnsworth, supra at 1241; see also, Balkin, Plessy,

Brown and Grutter: A Play in Three Acts, 26

Cardozo L. Rev. 1689, 1696 (2005) [to the framers,

16

“some citizens” (married women) did not enjoy full

civil rights, having “willingly surrendered” their

rights to their husbands under coverture]. Thus, “. .

. congressmen on all sides of the debates over the

Fourteenth Amendment hoped that the . . .

[Amendment] would not be read to disrupt common

law coverture....” Hasday, Women’s Exclusion

From The Constitutional Canon, 2013 U. IIl. L. Rev.

1715, 1719 (2013). Accordingly, Bingham and others

sought to ease fears that the original Amendment

draft might have upon these state laws.

Critics of this earlier version believed it could

jeopardize these state enactments as well as many

other laws? deemed to be State prerogatives. Sena-

tor William Stewart complained the proposed

Amendment could cover virtually every state law.

He emphasized the laws of the “several States .. .

are very dissimilar in many respects, and some may

afford greater protection to life, liberty and property

than others... .” Cong. Globe, 39** Cong., 1** Sess. at

1082. Thus, “there would not be much left for the

state legislatures.” Jd. Such a construction “can

hardly have been intended by its framers.” Jd.

The colloquy between Representative Robert

Hale and Bingham regarding the earlier Amend-

2 The Joint Committee's original draft, see n. 3, below, invoked,

“hostile criticism of it by members of his own party.” Flack,

The Adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment, 59 (Johns Hop-

kins Press 1908). This opposition is discussed thoroughly in

Boerne v. Flores, 521 U.S. 507, 520-24 (1997).

17

ment draft is instructive. * To Hale, the Amendment

“proposes an entire departure from the theory of the

Federal government meddling with these matters of

State jurisdiction at all.” Jd. at 1063. His concern

was state marriage laws, specifically coverture laws.

Id. Hale inquired whether “anyone even assumed[d]

that Congress was to be invested with the power to

legislate on that subject, and to say that married

women in regard to their right of property, should

stand on the same footing as men and unmarried

women?” Jd. He noted virtually every state imposed

such burdens upon married women and feared the

proposal could empower Congress to displace these

disabilities. Jd. To Hale, the proposed Amendment

“takes away from .. . States the right to determine

what their institutions shall be.” Jd. at 1065. Hale,

recognizing the “liberal construction” being given

the present Constitution, challenged Bingham to

“state where he apprehends that Congress and the

courts will stop in the powers they may arrogate to

themselves under this proposed amendment.” Jd.

Making a federalism argument, Hale contended

“fany] reforms of. . . [these laws] should come from

3 Representative Hale of New York was particularly outspoken

regarding Bingham’s original draft, arguing it gave Congress

broad power to override, “all State legislation, in its codes of

civil and criminal jurisprudence and procedure.” Cong. Globe,

39% Cong., 1** Sess. at 1063. Hale’s objections were to a draft

empowering Congress to make laws “necessary and proper” to

secure to all citizens “privileges and immunities of the citizens

in the several states” and “all persons” equal protection in the

rights of “life, liberty and property.” Jd.

18

the States, and not be forced upon them by the cen-

tralized power of the Federal Government.” /d. at

1064. Seeking delay for “dispassionate reflection,”

Hale sought to “strengthen the liberties of the states

and the rights of the states as well as the liberties of

the citizens.” Id.

Bingham tried to ease Hale’s fears. Hale “need

not be alarmed at the condition of married women.”

Id. at 1089. While women might possess certain

rights “by the gift of God,” their rights to property

ownership, he said, are “dependent exclusively upon

the local law of the States... .” Id. The Amendment,

Bingham argued, did not alter State property laws,

but addressed the situation where a person acquires

property “not contrary to the laws of the State, but

in accordance with its law,” yet does not receive

equal protection “in the enjoyment” of those laws. Jd;

see also, id. at 1064 (Representative Thaddeus Ste-

vens) [“. .. where all in the same class are dealt with

in the same way then there is no pretense of ine-

quality.”]. State marriage laws defined that classifi-

cation.

These reassurances demonstrate the framers in-

tended no displacement of state marriage laws. In-

stead, dual sovereignty, protected by the Tenth

Amendment, preserved those laws, and left to indi-

vidual states their modification. As Congressman

Shellabarger put it, “[y]our State may deprive wom-

en of the right to sue or contract or testify,” but dis-

crimination based upon race was forbidden. Cong.

Globe, 39** Cong. 1*t Sess. 1293 (1866).

19

This Court's Fourteenth Amendment decisions

are not always in keeping with the Amendment's

original meaning. Still, evidence is overwhelming

that the framers were determined not to undermine

state marriage laws, considered a reserved power.

According to Representative Hale, states themselves

could reform those laws.

The subsequent alteration of the Amendment's

Section One provided additional comfort to concerns

about intrusion upon state authority. As one scholar

concluded:

... the conservative Republicans who had

condemned Bingham’s federal power

amendment in February had no difficulty

with the version of section one that emerged

from the Joint Committee in April. . . . [This]

provides strong evidence that they did not

view the current language of section one as

being susceptible to the kind of open-ended

interpretation . . . [feared earlier].

Maltz, Moving Beyond Race: The Joint Committee

on Reconstruction and the Drafting of the Fourteenth

Amend ment, 42 Hastings Const. L.Q. 287, 320-21

(2015). Another authority states, “[t]he resulting

amended texts advanced the cause of liberty in the

States, but did so without unduly interfering with

those rights and powers which a critical number of

members believed ought to remain retained by the

people in the states.” Lash, The Origins of the Privi-

leges or Immunities Clause, Part II, 99 Geo. L. J.

329, 431 (2011). Still another declares, “[t]he [Four-

teenth] Amendment was understood not to disturb

20

the prevailing regime of state laws imposing very

substantial legal disabilities on women, particularly

married women.” Farnsworth, supra at 1230; see al-

so, Gans, The Unitary Fourteenth Amendment, 56

Emory L. J. 907, 915 (2007) [“the Amendment's

framers did not intend Section 1 to nullify the pleth-

ora of existing state laws that sharply limited the

rights and freedoms of married women.”]. Thus, the

framers were intent upon preserving those state

laws imposing disabilities on married women, be-

heved to protect the traditional family unit. Mar-

riage laws were within the states’ province. It is in-

comprehensible the framers sought to alter the tra-

ditional definition of marriage, between man and

woman, the family cornerstone.

D. Post-Ratification Interpretation of

The Fourteenth Amendment Con-

firms that The Amendment Did Not

Displace The States’ Authority to

Define and Regulate Marriage.

Following ratification, contemporaneous public

interpretations reinforced the view that the

Amendment did not undermine the State’s marriage

authority or the traditional marriage definition. In

1868, the year of ratification, a leading treatise

summarized the State’s power concerning marriage,

stating, “[t]he legislature has the same full control

over the status of husband and wife which it pos-

sesses over the other domestic relations, and may

permit or prohibit it according to its own views of

what is for the interest of the parties or the good of

the public.” Cooley, A Treatise on The Constitutional

21

Limitations ... 111 (1** ed. Boston, Little, Brown

and Co.,1868) (emphasis in original). Significantly,

Cooley’s analysis continued in subsequent Treatise

editions, well after the Amendment’s ratification,

Id., 132 (5 ed. Boston, Little, Brown and Co.,

1883). This continuation confirms that the Four-

teenth Amendment did not alter the State’s power

over marriage. As James Schouler wrote in 1874,

“each State adopts its own system concerning mar-

riage and divorce.” Schouler, supra at 47. Cooley

stated in his 1871 Treatise, “[t]his amendment of the

Constitution does not concentrate power in the gen-

eral government for any purpose of police govern-

ance within the States. . . ." Cooley, A Treatise on

the Constitutional Limitations, 294 (24 ed. Boston,

Little, Brown and Co., 1871).

Moreover, the Court’s first Fourteenth Amend-

ment interpretation recognized that an effect which

“radically changes” the relationship between federal

and state governments was not “intended by the

Congress which proposed these amendments nor by

the legislatures of the States which ratified them.”

Slaughterhouse Cases, 83 U.S. 36, 78 (1872). Only a

decade 2er 1868, and echoing Cooley, Pennoyer v.

Neff, 95 U.S. 714, 734-35 (1878), explained that a

State “has absolute right to prescribe the conditions

upon which the marriage relation between its own

citizens shall be created. . . .” (emphasis added). In

Haddock v. Haddock, 201 U.S. 562, 575 (1906), sev-

eral decades after the Fourteenth Amendment's

ry no the Court observed “the Constitution of

Uni tes n ere wi

a the States over m Pome * @uphasie

22

added). Haddock’s statement is completely con-

sistent with the framers’ intent.

Shortly after the Amendment’s ratification,

Bradwell v. Illinois, 83 U.S. 130 (1872), was decided

and is illustrative of the framers’ purpose regarding

the status of married women. Denial by Illinois of

Mrs. Bradwell’s application to practice law was held

not to violate the Fourteenth Amendment. The con-

currence of Justice Bradley explained that a princi-

pal reason for the decision of the Illinois Supreme

Court was that “a married woman is incapable,

without her husband's consent, of making contracts

which shall be binding on her or him.” Jd. at 141.

Therefore, Mrs. Bradwell could not “fully . . . per-

form the duties and trusts that belong to the office

of an attorney and counsellor.” Jd. She possessed no

fundamental right to practice law under the Four-

teenth Amendment and thus “it is within the prov-

ince of the [Illinois] legislature” to decide the mat-

ter. Id. Bradwell, rendered immediately after the

Amendment's adoption, confirms it did not alter

state marriage laws or the framers’ determination to

protect state coverture practices. While Bradwell

has been subsequently repudiated, still, except for

race, the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment

sought to exempt state marriage laws from the

Amendment's impact.

23

E. Post-Ratification Construction of

The Fourteenth Amendment as it

Relates to The Definition of Mar-

riage Shows no Intent to Disturb

Traditional Marriage.

Importantly also, at the time of the Amendment,

traditional marriage between one man and one

woman was universally recognized as the only ac-

cepted form of marriage. Same-sex marriage was

completely forbidden. After the Amendment'’s ratifi-

cation, a leading authority opined that, “[m]Jarriage

between two persons of one sex could have no validi-

ty, because such a connection would not perpetuate

population or produce the comforts and solace pro-

ceeding from the family relationship.” Bishop,

Commentaries on the Law of Marriage and Divorce,

Vol. 1 at § 321.

Other authorities at the time are instructive al-

so. James Schouler described the “essentials of mar-

riage” as including “two persons of the opposite sex-

es....” Schouler, A Treatise on the Law of Domestic

Relations at 26. In 1873, Bishop defined marriage as

“the civil status of one man and one woman united

in law for life .. . whose association is founded on

the distinction of sex.” Bishop, Commentaries on the

Law of marriage and Divorce, Vol. 1 at § 3. He fur-

ther commented that marriage “is the law of nature

... [which] flowed into the municipal laws of every

civilized country and into the general law of na-

tions.” Id. According to another treatise, “. . . there

are in effect, three parties to every marriage — the

man, the woman, and the State.” Joseph R. Long, A

24

Treatise on The Law of Domestic Relations, § 5 (St.

Paul, Keefe-Davidson Co. 1905).

Significantly, the marriage definition in every

state was precisely the same before and after the

Amendment's adoption, indicating the Amendment

had no effect upon this definition. In Askew v.

Dupree, 30 Ga. 173 (1860), Justice Henry Lumpkin

quoted Bishop, explaining marriage is “a civil sta-

tus, existing in one man and one woman, legally

united for life... .” 30 Ga. at 175-76. Bouvier de-

fined “marriage” as a “contract made in due form of

law, by which a free man (i.e. not a slave) and a free

woman reciprocally engage to live with each other

during their joint lives in the union which ought to

exist between husband and wife.” Bouvier’s Law

Dictionary, (6* ed. 1856). Indeed, in State v. Fry, 4

Mo. 120, 151 (1835), the Defendant in Error argued

a valid marriage required that, “[t]here must be a

man and a woman. Two men cannot make it. Two

women cannot —o n a wo un-

der our laws can enter into it. . . .” (emphasis add-

ed). Thus, same-sex marriage was unrecognized in

antebellum America.

Following the Amendment’s adoption, this Court

also confirmed the traditional definition of mar-

riage. In Murphy v. Ramsey, 114 U.S. 15, 45 (1885),

the Court upheld the 1882 Act forbidding bigamy or

polygamy in Utah Territory, stating that the legisla-

tion served an important purpose. Justice Mat-

thews, writing for a unanimous Court, concluded

that the legislation was established “on the basis of

the idea of family, as consisting in and springing

25

from the union for life of one man and one woman in

the holy estate of matrimony... .” Jd. In Reynolds v.

U.S., 98 U.S. 145, 165 (1878), this Court held, even

against a Free Exercise challenge, that polygamy

could be validly banned. Thus, in this Court’s view,

well after the Fourteenth Amendment had been

adopted, the definition of marriage remained pre-

cisely the same — the union of one man and one

woman.

II. The Original Meaning of The Four-

teenth Amendment is Limited to Ad-

dressing Issues of Racial Discrimina-

tion and was Not Intended to Invali-

date State Reserved Powers Regarding

Domestic Relations.

A. Analysis of the Equal Protection

Clause in Light of Its’ Original

Meaning.

Justice Black, analyzing the Fourteenth

Amendment’s history in Oregon v. Mitchell, 400 US.

112 (1970), noted the Amendment “was surely not

intended to make every discrimination between

groups of people a constitutional denial of equal pro-

tection. .. .” 400 U.S. at 127. He added, “the Civil

War Amendments were unquestionably designed to

condemn and forbid every distinction, however tri-

fling, on account of race.” Id.

This was precisely the Fourteenth Amendment

framers’ viewpoint. Senator Lot Morrill, argued

against the franchise for women by distinguishing

race from sex. He noted that the denial of rights

26

“upon pretense of race or color, is to ignore the fun-

damental principles of republicanism. .... ”" Cong.

Globe, 39*» Cong., 2™4 Sess. 40 (1866). For women,

“suffrage disseverates her... from .. . duties of the

family... .” Id. It would “contravene all our notions

of the family; ‘put asunder’ husband and wife, and

subvert the fundamental principles of family gov-

ernment.” Jd. Thus, “equality before the law .. .

does not prevent the State from qualifying the

rights of the citizen according to the public necessi-

ties.” Id.

1. Deference to States’ Reserved

Powers Regarding Domestic

Relations Under Equal

Protection.

Justice Black’s assessment in Mitchell is mir-

rored by cases regarding marriage and domestic re-

lations, deferring to the State’s legislative choices

except for instances of racial discrimination. Early

on, this Court observed:

...it cannot, without causing the equality

clause of the 14t» Amendment to destroy the

powers of the States on a subject of purely

local character, be held that a classification

which takes near relatives by marriage and

places them in a class with lineal relatives is

so arbitrary as to transcend the limits of

governmental power.

Campbell v. California, 200 U.S. 87, 95 (1906). By

contrast, the Court reversed a custody decision

based upon racial criteria. Palmore v. Sidoti, 466

U.S. 429, 433 (1984); see also, Loving v. Virginia,

27

388 US. 1, 11 (1967) [applying strict scrutiny for ra-

cial discrimination]; but see, Michael H. v. Gerald

D., 491 U.S. 110, 126, n. 6 (1989) [using rational ba-

sis for State’s “categorical preference” of husband

over putative natural father in providing visitation

rights}. Accordingly, the Sixth Circuit correctly used

a minimal “rational basis” Equal Protection scruti-

ny.

Federalism and respect for the State’s “absolute

right to prescribe the marriage relation between its

own citizens” dictate the applicable Equal Protection

analysis. Pennoyer v. Neff, 95 U.S. 714, 734-35

(1878). Because of family concerns, the framers saw

a clear distinction between racial discrimination and

discrimination against married women in State

marriage laws. Cong. Globe, 39t» Cong. 1° Sess.

1293 (1866) (statement of Shellabarger); Id. at 1089

(statement of Bingham).

Great deference is given the State when its re-

served powers are at stake. Notably, the Court has,

“established the rule that scrutiny under the Equal

Protection Clause will not be so demanding where

we deal with matters resting firmly within a State’s

constitutional prerogatives.” Gregory v. Ashcroft,

501 U.S. 452, 469 (1991) (internal quotations omit-

ted.) In Gregory, the Court was “dealing ... witha

State constitutional provision approved by the peo-

ple of Missouri as a whole.” /d. at 471. In such cir-

cumstances, the Court emphasized it, “. . . will not

overturn such a [law] unless the varying treatment

of different groups or persons is so unrelated to the

achievement of any combination of legitimate pur-

28

poses that we can only conclude that the [people's]

actions were irrational.” Jd. Also, the Court, em-

ploying rational basis analysis, has held unequal

treatment of aliens — normally requiring “close judi-

cial scrutiny” — is constitutional, weighed against

reserved Tenth Amendment powers. Foley v. Con-

nelie, 431 U.S. 291, 296 (1978).

2. Deference to States’ Reserved

Powers Regarding Domestic Re-

lations Extends to a State’s Def-

inition of Marriage.

That same rational basis test applies equally to a

State’s marriage definition. The regulation of mar-

riage, particularly where a vote of the people is in-

volved, is a matter “firmly resting within a State’s

constitutional prerogatives.” Gregory, 501 U.S. at

469. As in Gregory, the “Fourteenth Amendment

does not override all principles of federalism.” Jd.

Justice Powell's concurring opinion in Zablocki v.

Redhail, 434 U.S. 374 (1978) is highly instructive.

There, he appropriately concluded that a ““compel-

ling state purpose’ inquiry would cast doubt on the

network of restrictions that the States have fash-

ioned to govern marriage and divorce.” Id. at 399.

Decisions, such as Sosna, Pennoyer, and Maynard v.

Hill, 125 U.S. 190 (1888), were cited to support his

conclusion that “[t]he State, representing the collec-

tive expression of moral aspirations, has an undeni-

able interest in ensuring that its rules of domestic

relations reflect the widely held values of its people.”

Id. This was the precise view of the Amendment's

framers.

29

Accordingly, like the framers, Justice Powell con-

cluded the State, in regulating marriage may, with-

out violating the Equal Protection Clause, impose

“bans on incest, bigamy, and homosexuality, as well

as various preconditions to marriage, such as blood

tests.” Id. (emphasis added). In his view, the ration-

al basis test used in Reed v. Reed, 404 U.S. 71, 76

(1971), even for gender discrimination, was control-

ling. See also, Craig v. Boren, 429 U.S. 190, 210-11

(1976) (Powell, J., concurring). Thus, in Zablocki,

the constitutional defect was not the State’s regula-

tion of marriage, but its failure to “make provision

for those without the means to comply with child-

support obligations.” 434 U.S. at 400.4

By contrast, absolute bans upon non-traditional

forms of marriage, such as bigamous, incestuous or

same-sex marriages, were constitutional so long as

otherwise applied equally. Thus, Justice Powell be-

lieved that the state’s defining marriage as tradi-

tionally defined does not offend the Fourteenth

Amendment. Justice Powell's analysis, like the orig-

inal meaning, should control here.

4 While gender discrimination might demand a higher stand-

ard in certain cases, see, e.g., U.S. v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515

(1996), not here. Where a reserved power is involved, rational

basis review is required.

30

3. Because Loving is a Case Involv-

ing Race-Based Discrimination,

its’ Holding is Consistent with

the Interplay Between The Four-

teenth and Tenth Amendments.

Further, Justice Powell deemed Loving irrele-

vant. As he noted, “[a]lthough Loving speaks of the

‘freedom to marry’ as ‘one of the vital personal

rights essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness

by free man,’ the Court focused on the miscegena-

tion statute before it.” Zablocki, 434 U.S. at 398.

Thus, denial of marriage “on a wholly unsupportable

basis” — race — is constitutionally untenable. Jd. By

contrast, Loving “does not speak to the level of judi-

cial scrutiny of, or governmental justification for

‘supportable’ restrictions on the ‘fundamental free-

dom’ of individuals to marry or divorce.” Jd. Justice

Powell's concurring opinion correctly captures the

balance between the Fourteenth and Tenth

Amendments.

Additionally, the common law permitted interra-

cial marriage between a man and woman, but did

not recognize same-sex marriage. Compare, Swartz

v. State, 7 Ohio C.D. 43, 46 (1896) [concluding com-

mon law marriage is “a simple agreement between

one man and one woman... that they will take one

another as husband and wife... .”] with Andrews v.

Page, 50 Tenn. 653, 669 (1870), [finding race or color

is not an impediment to marriage at common law].

As one scholar writes, state statutes forbidding in-

terracial marriage “. . . were in derogation of the

common law... .” Upham, Interracial Marriage and

31

the Original Understanding of the Privileges or Im-

munity Clause, 42 Hastings Const. L. Q., 213, 218

(2015). Professor Upham argues convincingly that

“the Amendment was generally understood, during

its framing and adoption, to preclude the making or

enforcing of such laws.” Id. at 243; see also, Burns v.

State, 48 Ala. 195, 197 (1872).

This overarching framers’ intent also is demon-

strated in Strauder v. West Virginia, 100 U.S. 303,

310 (1879). There, this Court stated that the “aim

[of the Amendment] was [to prohibit] . . . discrimi-

nation because of race or color. [I]ts design was to

protect an emancipated race, and to strike down all

possible legal discriminations against those who be-

long to it.” Jd. Thus, Loving barred racial discrimi-

nation, certainly, but its dicta regarding the funda-

mental right to marriage does not suggest anything

about same-sex marriage. Loving was correct be-

cause “the Fourteenth Amendment had constitu-

tionalized the Civil Rights Act of 1866, which said

that African Americans had the ‘same’ right to make

contracts as was enjoyed by a white citizen.” Cala-

bresi, Does The Fourteenth Amendment Guarantee

Equal Justice For All?, 34 Harv. J. L. & Pub. Pol’y,

149, 151 (2011).

Accordingly, rational basis scrutiny under Equal

Protection should be applied to the States’ definition

of marriage, long the province of the States. Mar-

riage is central to State domestic relations law. Wil-

liams v. North Carolina, 317 U.S. at 298. As Justice

Frankfurter remarked, the Supreme Court is “not

authorized nor are we qualified, to formulate a na-

32

tional code of domestic relations.” Jd. at 304 (Frank-

furter, J., concurring). Because the State's powers

here are reserved by the Tenth Amendment and are

exercised through a popular vote codifying

longstanding common law, Gregory dictates a mini-

mum scrutiny analysis.

4. This Court’s “Animus” Jurispru-

dence Does Not Extend to States’

Definitions of Traditional Mar-

riage.

Not involved here is unlawful discrimination

against gays generally. See Romer v. Evans, 517

U.S. 620 (1986); Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558,

581 (2003), (O’Connor, J., concurring). Instead, the

question is the State’s power to define marriage

identical to the definition used at the time the Four-

teenth Amendment was adopted and long after-

wards — that marriage consists of the union between

man and woman. Moreover, when the State so de-

fines marriage as the framers of the Amendment de-

fined it, the “animus” found in Romer may not be

attributed, particularly when the Court itself has

endorsed such a definition in both Murphy and

Baker.

B. Analysis of Due Process in Light of

The Fourteenth Amendment’s Origi-

nal Meaning.

This Court has long recognized that a “liberty”

interest for Due Process purposes must be “so rooted

in the traditions and conscience of our people to be

ranked as fundamental,” Snyder v. Massachusetts,

291 U.S. 97, 105 (1934) or “implicit in the concept of

33

ordered liberty.” Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319,

325 (1937). As Justice Alito recently stated, “it is

beyond dispute that the right to same-sex marriage

is not deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tra-

dition.” Windsor, 133 S.Ct., at 2715 (Alito, J., dis-

senting).

1. The Framers’ Understanding of

Marriage at the Time of the

Adoption of The Amendment’s

Due Process Clause Shows They

did not Contemplate a Right to

Same-Sex Marriage, but Instead

Sought to Preserve Existing

State Marriage Laws.

History bears out Justice Alito’s observation. The

Fourteenth Amendment framers went to considera-

ble lengths to preserve the traditional family unit,

even insisting upon the subordination of married

women. With this in mind, they did not, by any

stretch of the imagination, contemplate that same-

sex marriage was required by the Amendment or its

Due Process Clause. And, this Court’s decisions,

since the Amendment’s adoption, reflect the para-

mount importance which the framers clearly gave

domestic relations, ensuring that states must make

the important decisions regarding marriage and

family life, with minimal judicial interference. If

states wish to authorize same-sex marriage, they

certainly may, but the Fourteenth Amendment does

not mandate they do so.

The reasons justifying traditional marriage were

clear to the framers. Only that form of marriage was

34

thought valid, both before and after the Amend-

ment’s adoption. As Chancellor Kent noted, “[t]he

primary and most important of the domestic rela-

tions is that of husband and wife.” Chancellor James

Kent, Commentaries on American Law, Vol. 1, Lec-

ture 26 of the Law Concerning Marriage (New York,

O. Holsted 1826). Marriage “has its foundation in

nature and is the only lawful relation by which

Providence has permitted the continuance of the

human race. It is one of the chief foundations of so-

cial order.” Id. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court al-

so explained the “paramount purposes of the mar-

riage [are] — the procreation and protection of legit-

imate children, the institution of families and the

creation of natural relations among mankind; from

which proceed all the civilization, virtue, and happi-

ness to be found in the world.” Matchin v. Matchin,

6 Pa. 332, 337 (1847).

The common law recognized only marriage be-

tween man and womar for these same important

reasons. It was said in Honey v. Clark, 37 Tex. 686,

703 (1872), shortly after the Amendment’s adoption,

that the definition of marriage at common law is “a

compact between a man and a woman, for the pro-

creation and education of children; children being

the chief end of marriage.”

Moreover, marriage is a contract “by two persons

of different sexes with a view to their mutual com-

fort and support and for the procreation of children.’

Joel Prentiss Bishop, Commentaries on the Law of

Marriage and Divorce, Vol. 2, § 31, (Boston, Little

Brown and Co. 1852). Following ratification of the

,

35

Fourteenth Amendment, Bishop also explained

same-sex marriage did not meet the definition of

“marriage” because “marriage between two persons

of one sex” would not “perpetuate population or pro-

duce the comforts and solace resulting from the fam-

ily relationship.” Bishop, Commentaries on the Law

of Marriage and Divorce, Vol. 1, § 321 (Boston, Little

Brown and Co., 5” ed. 1873). In his words, same-sex

marriage has “no validity.” Id.

From these authorities it is clear why same-sex

marriage was rejected as an alternative to tradi-

tional marriage at the time of the Fourteenth

Amendment's adoption. It was not because of ani-

mus against homosexuals. Instead, marriage be-

tween man and woman served to procreate children

and was the foundation of family life.

2. Decisions of This Court Regard-

ing The Right to Marriage Also

Show a Focus on Protecting

States’ Traditional] Notions of

Family, Rather Than Attempt-

ing to Redefine Family.

Subsequent decisions reinforce that there is no

fundamental “liberty” interest in same-sex mar-

riage. In Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923),

this Court enumerated various interests for sub-

stantive protection by the Due Process Clause. In-

cluded was the right to “marry,” as well as “to enjoy

those privileges long recognized at common law as

essential to the orderly pursuit of happiness by free

men.” Jd. at 399. As noted, the common law recog-

nized no right whatever to marry between members

36

of the same sex, but only between opposite sex part-

ners. Thus, neither in Meyer in 1923, (or Loving in

1967) was the concept of same-sex marriage consid-

ered a right to “marry,” protected by substantive

Due Process. See also, Skinner v. Oklahoma ex rel.

Williamson, 316 U.S. 535, 541 (1942) [“Marriage

and procreation are fundamental to the very surviv-

al of the human race.”}.

Michael H. v. Gerald D. is instructive in rejecting

any Due Process claim here. In a plurality opinion,

the alleged natural father possessed no fundamental

“liberty” interest to overcome an irrebuttable pre-

sumption that a child of a married woman living

with her husband is a child of the marriage. 491

U.S. at 124. A constitutionally protected “liberty in-

terest” must not merely be denominated “fundamen-

tal,” but must also be “an interest traditionally pro-

tected by our society.” Jd. at 122. The plurality quot-

ed Moore v. East Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494, 503 (1977)

that “[t]he family is deeply rooted in this Nation’s

history and tradition.” Id. at 124. Since there is not

“a single case old or new” awarding “substantive pa-

rental rights” to the natural father over the husband

of the marriage, “[t]his is not the stuff of which fun-

damental rights qualifying as liberty interests are

made.” Jd. at 127; see also, Lehr v. Robertson, 463

U.S. 248, 256-257 (1983); see also, McDonald v. City

of Chicago, 561 U.S. 742, 778 (2010).

So here too. Judicial self-restraint is achieved in

the substantive “due process area” only by “continu-

al insistence upon respect for the teachings of histo-

ry, solid recognition of the basic values that underlie

37

our society, and wise appreciation of the great roles

that the doctrines of federalism and separation of

powers have played in establishing and preserving

American freedoms.” Griswold v. Connecticut, 381

U.S. 479, 501-02 (1965) (Harlan, J., concurring).

3. Deference to, and Protection of,

States’ Traditional definition of

Marriage is Consistent with The

Interplay of The Tenth and

Fourteenth Amendments.

Applying Justice Harlan’s criteria, federalism

and the Tenth Amendment reinforces the states’ vir-

tual plenary power to define marriage. The “teach-

ings of history” demonstrate marriage between one

man and one woman has been the only form of mar-

riage recognized prior to, at the time of, and long af-

ter the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted. Fina)-

ly, the “basic values that underlie our society” have

always supported traditional marriage in order to

procreate and raise children as part of the family.

Washington v. Glucksburg, 521 U.S. 702, 766 (1997)

(Souter, J., concurring). Thus, substantive Due Pro-

cess is not violated by a state’s defining marriage as

consisting only between one man and one woman.

Such a requirement is rationally related to a legiti-

mate state interest. Id.; see Baker v. Nelson, 409

U.S. at 810 (summarily affirming Supreme Court of

Minnesota’s application of rational basis review).

Judge Niemeyer put it well in Bostic v. Schaeffer,

760 F.3d 352, 391 (Niemeyer, J., dissenting) noting,

that “.... when the Supreme Court has recognized,

through the years, that the right to marry is a fun-

38

damental right, it has emphasized the procreative

and social ordering aspects of traditional marriage.”

Virtually a century after the Fourteenth Amend-

ment’s ratification, Justice Harlan summarized,

consistent with the views of the Amendment’s fram-

ers, the essential purpose of marriage writing, “law-

ful marriage form[s} a pattern so deeply pressed into

the substance of our social life that any constitu-

tional doctrine in this area must build upon that ba-

sis.” Poe v. Ullman, 367 U.S. 497, 546 (1961) (Har-

lan, J., dissenting).

Thus, as to the question presented, whether “the

Fourteenth Amendment require[s] a State to license

the marriage between two people of the same sex,”

the answer is a resounding no. The Amendment's

framers could not imagine such a conclusion. They

insisted upon, and this Court’s decisions have

strongly supported, a Fourteenth Amendment which

leaves marriage laws entirely to the states. As Rep-

resentative Hale stated during the Amendment’s

debates, “[any] reforms of [state marriage laws]

should come from the States, and not be forced upon

them by the centralized power of the Federal Gov-

ernment.” Cong. Globe, 39** Cong., 1** Sess. 1064

(1866). While this Court’s decisions have not always

hewed to history in defining the Amendment’s

reach, the Court should do so now. The family unit

between man and woman was of such paramount

importance to the framers they could not have imag-

ined the Amendment they enacted, and the one the

people ratified, could require same-sex marriage.

39

CONCLUSION

The framers of the Fourteenth Amendment un-

derstood well that laws governing marriage were

the province of the states, which remained free to

adopt their own views as they saw fit. While to

some, their views might now appear outdated, they

were in tune with the democratic process and feder-

alism. Under the Tenth Amendment, each state

could impose disabilities upon married women, or

remove those disabilities altogether. Under the

Tenth Amendment, each state may elect to adopt

the traditional view of marriage, or expand mar-

riage to include same-sex couples. But the framers

wished to ensure that the people of a state were not,

by adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment, required

to do one or the other.

Respectfuily Submitted,

ALAN WILSON

Attorney General

ROBERT D. COOK

Solicitor General

Counsel of Record

BCook@scag.gov

J). EMORY SMITH, JR.

Deputy Solicitor Gencral

BRENDAN MCDONALD

Assistant Attorney General

40

LAN WESCHLER

Assistant Attorney General

P. O. Box 11549

Columbia, SC 29211

(803) 734-3970

Counsel for Amicus Curiae

State of South Carolina

April 1, 2015.