Opposition Brief — Arizonans for Official English v. Arizona
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In the Supreme Court of the United States
OCTOBER TERM, 1995
No. 95-974
ARIZONANS FOR OFFICIAL ENGLISH AND
ROBERT D. PARK,
PETITIONER,
Vv.
STATE OF ARIZONA: MARIA-KELLEY F YNIGUEZ:
JAIME GUTIERREZ; AND ARIZONANS AGAINST
CONSTITUTIONAL TAMPERING,
RESPONDENTS.
ON PETITION FOR WRIT OF CERTIORARI
TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR
THE NINTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF IN OPPOSITION OF RESPONDENTS
ARIZONANS AGAINST CONSTITUTIONAL
TAMPERING AND THOMAS ESPINOSA
STEPHEN G. MONTOYA
Counsel of Record
ALBERT M. FLORES
Of Counsel
337 North Fourth Avenue
Phoenix, Arizona
85003-1572
(602) 271-0070
Attorneys for Respondents
Arizonans Against Constitutional Tampering
and Thomas Espinosa
January 29, 1996
2
RULE 29.1 STATEMENT
Arizonans Against Constitutional Tampering is a private un-
incorporated association with no parent or subsidiaries.
(ii)
TABLE OF CONTENTS
QUESTION RESERVE |
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BRIEF FOR RESPONDENT ARIZONANS
AGAINST CONSTITUTIONAL TAMPERING IN
OPPOSITION TO PETITION FOR WRIT OF
111 —ů———r5iũVs —
A. The decision below does not rest on the
resolution of the questions presented by
the petition, and the questions presented
by the petition are based on facts that are
2
B. The decision below does not announce any
new first amendment protections and is
consistent with the opinions of this Court...
C. The decision below does not conflict with
the law of other Circuits
D. The decision below is consistent with
r .
E. This case does not involve circumstances
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(iii)
UN N —
14
15
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
A. TABLE OF CASES
Abrams . United States, 250 U.S. 616 (1920 11
Bartels v. Iowa, 262 U.S. 404 (19233—T—ä6—l . ———— 7, 12
Bond v. Floyd, 385 U.S. 116, 132-33 (1966) 4,6, 12. 14
Brown v. Oklahoma, 408 U.S. 914 (1972 Fn. 12
Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15, 24 (1971) ccc 11, 12, 14
Farrington v. Tokushige, 273 U.S. 284 (1927) 7
Frohwerk v. United States, 249 U.S. 616 (1919) ............. Fn. 11
Gooding v. Wilson, 405 U.S. 518 (1972) Fn. 12
Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 475, 482 (1965) ........ Fn. 13
Hurtado v. California, 110 U.S. 516, 530-531 (1884) .............. 7
Katzenbach v. Morgan, 384 U.S. 641 (1966) 3
Lau v. Nichols, 414 U.S. 863 (619979 —————.———. 4
Lewis v. New Orleans, 408 U.S. 913 (1972) Fn. 12
Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923 7,13
Nebraska District of Evangelical Lutheran Synod v.
McKelvie, 262 U.S. 404, 410 (1923) 7, 12, 13
New York Times v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254,
920 9 —ñññññññññĩ— — 3, 4, Fn. 7
Pickering v. Board of Education 391 U.S. 563 (1968) ......... 14
RA. V. City of St. Paul,. U.S. 112 S. Ct.
2 —ñññññññññññññññů ̃ ꝗͤ önñnñ—ꝛ—— 3
Rosenfeld v. New Jersey, 408 U.S. 901 (1972) Fn. 12
Schaefer v. United States, 251 U.S. 466 (1922) Fn. 11
(iv)
Stromberg v. California, 283 U.S. 359 (1931) 13
Yu Cong Eng v. Trinidad, 271 U.S. 500 (1926) 7
B. CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS AND STATUTES
Arizona Constitution, Article 28 passim
United States Constitution, Amendment passim
United States Constitution, Amendment XIV ........................ 2
Voting Rights Act of 1965, as amended, 42 U.S.C.
§1973(4)(f) 0 3
Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U S. C.
REE — —U—uwůA—ᷣ— 3
C. OTHER AUTHORITIES
A Mixed Race, Ethnicity in Early America, 120
(F. Shuffelton, Ed. 1993) 23 8
American Bilingual Tradition, The, 11-12 (197) 8
Brandeis-Frankfurter Conversations, The, 1985 Sup.
Ct. Rev. 299, 320 (1985) Weener Fn. 13
Demography and Distrust: An Essay on American
Ln ee 8
Emergence of a Free Press, 39 (1988 9
in the States Over Language Minority Rights, 7 J. L.
rr — 2
English-Only Question, The, 21 (19900) Fn. 2
Freedom Fetters: The Alien and Sedition Laws and
American Civil Liberties, 56-58 (1956) Fn. 7
(v)
German and the Germans at the Time of the
American Revolution, 60 Modern Language
FE Ts COD. dininernctenesctcrenititatntiendiiannnninnenne 8
Germans, Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic
-x 8
Hold Your Tongue, 44, 176 (1992) Fn. 2, 11
Journal of the Continental Congress, 108 (1774) .......00 10
N 10
Linguistics and Anthropology, 267, 270 (1977) 9
Origins of the Press Clause, The, 30 UCLA 455,
1 9
Peopling of British North America, The, 16-17 (1986) 8
Politics of Reconstruction, The, 1863-1867, 58 (1965) .......... 10
Polylingualism in the United States of America, in
W. Beer & J. Jacob, Language Policy and National
0 7
Slave Community The, 25 (1979090———ꝛ———————— 8
(vi)
No. 95-974
In the Supreme Court of the United States
OCTOBER TERM, 1995
*
ARIZONANS FOR OFFICIAL ENGLISH AND
ROBERT D. PARK,
PETITIONER,
V.
STATE OF ARIZONA; MARIA-KELLEY F. YNIGUEZ;
JAIME GUTIERREZ; AND ARIZONANS AGAINST
CONSTITUTIONAL TAMPERING,
RESPONDENTS.
ON PETITION FOR WRIT OF CERTIORARI
TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR
THE NINTH CIRCUIT
BRIEF IN OPPOSITION OF RESPONDENTS
ARIZONANS AGAINST CONSTITUTIONAL
TAMPERING AND THOMAS ESPINOSA
This brief is submitted by Respondents Arizonans Against
Constitutional Tampering and its Chairperson Thomas
Espinosa in opposition to the Petition for Writ of Certiorari
filed with this Court by Arizonans for Official English and its
Chairperson Robert D. Park. Respondent Maria-Kelly F.
Yniguez is submitting a separate brief in opposition to the
petition.
2
REASONS FOR DENYING THE PETITION
I. SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Article 28 of the Arizona Constitution provides that “English
is the language of the ballot, the public schools and all govern-
mental functions and actions.” Ariz. Const., Art. 28, §1(2). Ar-
ticle 28 applies to “the legislative, executive and judicial
branches of government,” and to “all political subdivisions,
departments, agencies, organizations, instrumentalities, local
governments and municipalities” of the State, including “all
government officials and employees during the performance of
government business.” Id., §1(3)(a)(iv). Article 28 requires that
“[t]his State and all political subdivisions of this State shall act
in English and in no other language,” and prohibitſs] this
State from using or requiring the use of languages other than
English. ...” Id., §3(1)(a). Based on this uniformly inclusive
and specific language, Article 28 is “by far the most restrictively
worded official-English law to date.” M. Arrington, Note, En-
glish Only Laws and Direct Legislation: The Battle in the States
Over Language Minority Rights, 7 J. L. & Pol., 325, 327 (1991).
After the Governor of Arizona announced her intention to
enforce Article 28, a state employee (Maria-Kelly F. Yniquez),
a state elected official (Jaime Gutierrez), and a local political
action committee (Arizonans Against Constitutional Tamper-
ing) consisting of multilingual state elected officials, state em-
ployees and citizens of Arizona challenged Article 28 in federal
court seeking a declaration that Article 28 violated their rights
under the free speech clause of the first amendment and the
equal protection clause of the fourteenth amendment. The dis-
trict court, a three judge panel of the Ninth Circuit, and the
Fee also D. Baron, The English-Only Question, 21 (“[A)rticle 28 . is the
most restrictive of the current wave of official-language laws. (1990),
and J. Crawford, Hold Your Tongue, 176 (1992) (“Arizona's [Article 28 is] so
far the most restrictive [Official English] measure”). The decision below also
compared Article 28 with other Official English laws and acknowledged Ar-
ticle 28's unique breadth. See Petitioners’ Appendix, 12a (“ ‘official-English’
provisions [outside of Arizona] appear to be primarily symbolic”).
3
Ninth Circuit sitting en banc successively declared Article 28
facially invalid on free speech grounds. The Governor of Ari-
zona elected not to appeal from the district court’s final judg-
ment after a trial on the merits, and petitioners intervened in
order to prosecute an appeal.
Because Article 28 expressly forbids state elected officials
and their agents from communicating with their colleagues and
constituents in languages other than English “during the per-
formance of government business,” the lower courts all con-
cluded that Article 28 abridged “core” political speech in
violation of the free speech guarantee of the first amendment.
See New York Times v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 273 (1963) (the
protection of communications between elected officials and
members of the public is “central” to the meaning of the first
amendment). Accordingly, after a trial on the merits and al-
most eight years of litigation, three separate adjudicative bod-
ies have considered and rejected petitioners’ claims.
It is difficult to recall any recent enactment that rivals Article
28 in its facial unconstitutionality. (The ordinance facially in-
validated by this Court on free speech grounds in R.A. V. v. City
of St. Paul. U.S. . 112 S. Ct. 2538 (1992), is a possible
contender.) By declaring that English and “no other language”
is “the language of the ballot,” Article 28 facially violates the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, 42 U.S.C. §1973(4)(f)(1) and (2), as
illustrated by this Court's opinion in Katzenbach v. Morgan,
384 U.S. 641 (1966). By declaring that English and “no other
language” is “the language of the public schools,” Article 28
facially violates Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42
U.S.C. §2000(d), as illustrated by this Court's opinion in Lau v.
Nichols, 414 U.S. 563 (1974). Lastly, by proclaiming that En-
glish and “no other language” is “the language of all govern-
ment functions and actions” by state elected officials “during
the performance of government business,” Article 28 facially
violates the first amendment, as illustrated by this Court's
unanimous opinion in Bond v. Floyd, 385 U.S. 116 (1966), uni-
formly relied on by the courts below in voiding Article 28 on
4
free speech grounds (but completely ignored by petitioners).
See Petitioners’ Appendix, 26a, 63a and 106a.
In accordance with Bond v. Floyd, as Judge Brunetti suc-
cinctly observed in his concurring opinion in the en banc pro-
ceeding below,
Article [28] offends the First Amendment not merely
because it attempts to regulate ordinary speech, but
because it attempts to manipulate the political process
by regulating the speech of elected officials. Freedom of
speech is the foundation of our democratic process, and
the language restrictions of Article [28] stifle informa-
tive inquiry and advocacy by elected officials. By re-
stricting the free communication of ideas between
elected official: and the people they serve, Article [28
threatens the very survival of our democratic society.
“The manifest function of the First Amendment in a
representative government requires that legislators be
given the widest latitude to express their views on issues
of policy.” [Quoting Bond v. Floyd, 385 U.S.116, 135-36
(1966) (emphasis added).] Elected representatives can-
not fully serve their constituents if they are precluded
from fully expressing their views to, and learning the
views of, those constituents. The First Amendment pre-
cludes an electoral majority from restricting political
communications [of elected representatives] with a cer-
tain segment of the electorate.
Petitioners’ Appendix, 63a-64a. This reasoning reflects this
Court’s settled understanding of “the central meaning of the
First Amendment.” New York Times v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254
(1963). As the Court recognized in the Sullivan case, the first
amendment was designed to “secure the widest possible dis-
semination of information from diverse and antagonistic
sources.” Id at 266. As the courts below concluded, Article 28
5
would restrict and homogenize the dissemination of informa-
tion by restricting the political speech of state elected officials
and their constituents in direct violation of this Court's opinion
in Bond v. Floyd.
For these reasons, the decisions of the courts below were
correct and need not divert this Court's precious resources by
further review.
II. ARGUMENT
A. The decision below does not rest on the resolution
of the questions presented by the petition, and the
questions presented by the petition are based on
facts that are outside of the record.
In the “Questions Presented” section of their petition, peti-
tioners state that this case involves “a state employee [who]
sought to write government documents in Spanish” and a sub-
sequent declaration that Article 28 is “unconstitutional because
it violate[s] the free speech rights of public employees.” These
issues are not central to the decisions below and are in fact
based on factual assumptions outside of the record on appeal.
This is not a case of an errant state employee insisting on
communicating in a language not understood by her supervi-
sors, co-workers, or members of the public. As acknowledged
by the courts below, Ms. Yniquez spoke Spanish only to mem-
vers of the public and co-workers who understood and desired
to speak in Spanish. See Petitioners’ Appendix, 46a-47a. Many
members of the public to whom Mr. Yniquez spoke Spanish
could not understand English. On those few occasions when
Ms. Yniquez drafted a document in Spanish, it was always for
the benefit of a member of the public who could not under-
stand English, and the document was always reproduced in
English. Not only was Ms. Yniquez’s use of Spanish in the
workplace not disruptive, it enhanced her ability to efficiently
perform her official duties. Ms. Yniquez’s supervisor accord-
ingly did not object to her use of Spanish, and the State of
Arizona admitted that it had no legitimate business purpose in
proscribing such speech.
6
In short, this record simply does not provide the iacts re-
quired to consider the questions presented by the petition.
Even if this Court were free to assume the requisite facts, the
decisions below are not contingent on the resolution the ques-
tions presented by the petition and rest on independent
grounds. Petitioners’ description of this case as involving only
the free speech rights of public employees is false. In actuality,
the district court, the three judge panel of the Ninth Circuit,
and the Ninth Circuit sitting en banc all concluded that the fact
that Article 28 expressly proscribed the political speech of state
elected officials and their agents was enough to declare Article
28 unconstitutional on free speech grounds in accordance with
this Court’s opinion in Bond vy. Floyd. Petitioners’ Appendix,
26a, 36a and 106a. Petitioners’ avoidance techniques in this
regard are best illustrated by their complete failure to address
Bond v. Floyd in their lengthy petition.
Petitioners’ procrustean treatment of the record and the de-
cisions below demonstrates that this case is not an appropriate
vehicle for addressing the questions presented by the petition.
B. The decision below does not announce any new
first amendment protections and is consistent with
the opinions of this Court.
The public and private use of languages other than English
has been a staple of every era of American history. The United
States has been a polylingual nation since its founding, and
foreign language communications have constituted “speech”
under the first amendment since the Bill of Rights was ratified
in December, 1791. As this Court observed over one hundred
years ago in Hurtado v. California, 110 U.S. 516, 530-531
(1884):
The Constitution of the United States.. was made for
an undefined and expanding future, and for a people
gathered and to be gathered from many nations and of
many tongues.
(Emphasis added.) The decisions below do not introduce new
legal doctrines, but merely acknowledge long-standing rights
eo
7
that no state has attempted to abridge since the anti-foreign
hysteria of the World War I era, culminating in this Court's
opinions in Meyer v. Nebraska, 262 U.S. 390 (1923), Bartels v.
Iowa, 262 U.S. 404 (1923), Nebraska District of Evangelical
Lutheran Synod v. McKelvie, 262 U.S. 404, 410 (1923), Yu Cong
Eng v. Trinidad, 271 U.S. 500 (1926), and Farrington v.
Tokushige, 273 U.S. 284 (1927). In fact, as these (and other)
opinions illustrate, Americans have enjoyed a virtually un-
qualified right to communicate in languages other than English
under the first amendment for over two hundred years, and
foreign language speech has played an essential rule in the
development of first amendment jurisprudence.”
The polylingualism of the founding era is well-known and
has received considerable scholarly attention. Over tive hun-
dred Native American languages were spoken in eighteenth
century America, and over a quarter of a million German and
French speakers had settled in America by 1790. See E. Sagarin
& R. Kelly, “Polylingualism in the United States of America,”
in W. Beer & J. Jacob, Language Policy and National Unity,
20-43 (1985), and H. Kloss, The American Bilingual Tradition,
11-12 (1977). A significant number of African-Americans also
spoke various African dialects in early America. See J.
Blassingame, The Slave Community, 25 (1979). As the Pulitzer
Prize winning historian Bernard Bailyn has written, “[a]n esti-
mated 10 percent of the pre-Revolutionary population was
German-speaking, . . and Georgia’s] population was so poly-
glot that a successful magistrate needed to speak fluently in at
least three languages and preferably four. ...” B. Bailyn, The
Peopling of British North America, 16-17 (1986).
Eighteenth century American polylingualism was not con-
fined to the spoken word or the private sector. In the public
As this Court observed in New York Times v. Sullivan, 374 U.S. at 273, the
controversy over the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 “first crystallized a
national awareness of the central meaning of the First Amendment.” Hos-
tility to foreign people, foreign ideas and foreign languages gave rise to the
enactment of the Acts. See generally J. Smith Freedom's Fetters: The Alien
and Sedition Laws and American Civil Liberties, 86-58 (1956).
sphere at the national level, the Continental Congress pub-
lished various official documents in German and French, in-
cluding the Articles of Confederation and the famous 1774
Address to the people of Quebec extolling the virtues of free
speech and self-government. See J. Perea, “Demography and
Distrust: An Essay on American Languages, Cultural Pluralism
and Official English,” 77 Minn.L.Rev. 269, 271 (1992). Official
polylingualism was also common at the local level. In eigh-
teenth century Pennsylvania, for example, “[i}n legal action(s]
and court proceedings, documents in German were just as
valid as those in English.” W. Parsons, Representation of
Ethnicity Among Colonial Pennsylvania Germans, in A Mixed
Race, Ethnicity in Early America, 120 (F. Shuffelton, Ed. 1993).
Significantly, Pennsylvania was the only state whose constitu-
tion had a “free speech” clause when the Bill of Rights was
drafted in 1791, and the free speech clause of the first amend-
ment was modeled on the Pennsylvania provision. See L. Levy,
Emergence of a Free Press, 5 (1985).
In the private sector, approximately thirty-eight different
German-language newspapers were published in America be-
tween 1732 and 1800. See K. Conzen, “Germans,” Harvard
Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, 409 (1980). In fact,
Benjamin Franklin published one of the first German language
newspapers in America in 1732 (the “Philadelphische
Zeitung”), see K. Bartel, “German and the Germans at the
Time of the American Revolution, 60 Modern Language Jour-
nal, 98 (1976), and John Peter Zenger was a “poorly educated
German immigrant” who probably spoke more German than
English. See L. Levy, Emergence of a Free Press, 39 (1985).
And of course, the contributions of French, German, African
and Native American forces to American Revolutionary War
effort were essential to the birth of our Nation.“
Based on the express and unqualified language of the free
speech clause itself, coupled with the pervasive official and
> The official use of Navajo as a military secret-code also helped to pre-
serve the Nation in World War II.
9
private use of foreign language speech in late eighteenth cen-
tury America, it is improbable that the framers and ratifiers of
the first amendment did not intend to include foreign language
speech within the free speech and press provisions of the first
amendment. As a leading scholar in the history of American
multilingualism has noted, “early political leaders recognized
the close connection between language and religious/cultural
freedoms, and they preferred to refrain from proposing legis-
lation which might be construed as a restriction on these free-
doms.” S. Heath, Language and Politics in the United States, in
Linguistics and Anthropology, 267, 270 (1977).
This conclusion is poignantly illustrated by the fact that one
of the most definitive official expressions of the original under-
standing of the freedom of the press is contained in a 1774
proclamation in French issued by the Continental Congress to
the people of Quebec in an attempt to procure Quebecois sup-
port for the American Revolution. See D. Anderson, The Ori-
gins of the Press Clause, 30 UCLA 455, 463-464 (1983). The
English language version of the Address states:
The last right we shall mention, regards the freedom of
the press. The importance of this consists, besides the
advancement of truth, science, morality, and the arts in
general, in its diffusion of liberal sentiments on the ad-
ministration of Government, in its ready communica-
tion of thoughts between subjects, and its consequential
promotion of union among them, whereby oppressive
officers are shamed or intimidated, into more honor-
able and just modes of conducting affairs.
1 Journal of the Continental Congress, 108 (1774). The fact that
the first American government engaged in official communica-
tions in languages other than English regarding matters of pub-
lic concern indicates that they considered such communications
as falling within the realm of free speech. The framers’ accep-
tance of polylingualism is also reflected in the national motto
which they adopted for the Nation E pluribus unum.”
10
The free speech tradition of the original framers was re-
spected by the framers of the Civil War amendments. For in-
stance, Representative Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, the
head of the House delegation to the Joint Committee on Re-
construction that officially reported the fourteenth amend-
ment, explained that the Reconstruction legislation passed
pursuant to section wo of the thirteenth amendment was de-
signed to assure that “all laws be impartial, without regard to
language, race or former condition.” Quoted in D. Donald, The
Politics of Reconstruction, 1863-1867, 58 (1965) (emphasis
added). This understanding reflects the pervasive nature of for-
eign language speech in the Civil War and Reconstruction eras.
In fact, in his unsuccessful 1858 senatorial campaign against
Stephen Douglas, Abraham Lincoln had his famous “House
Divided” speech (among others) translated into German in
order to appeal to Illinois's influential German constituency.
See D. Donald, Lincoln, 211, 231 (1995). The polylingualism of
this foundational era of American constitutional history is also
illustrated by the publication of Minnesota’s constitution of
1857 in English, German, Swedish, Norwegian and French. See
J. Crawford, Hold Your Tongue, 44 (1992).
The framers’ decision not to distinguish between English and
non-English speech for first amendment purposes is also re-
flected by the majority and dissenting opinions in the case that
many scholars identify as the starting point of modern first
amendment jurisprudence, Abrams v. United States, 250 U.S.
616 (1920). In Abrams, several Russian Jewish emigres chal-
lenged their convictions under the Espionage Act of 1917 as
violative of their rights under the first amendment based on the
fact that the only evidence of “espionage” consisted of distrib-
uting leaflets in English and Yiddish condemning America’s
involvement in the Russian Revolution. Although the Court
directly considered (and translated) the Yiddish leaflet in
Abrams, both the majority opinion by Justice Clarke and the
11
dissenting opinion by Justice Holmes treat the two languages as
standing on equal footing for first amendment purposes.‘
This Court has also expressly concluded that choice of lan-
guage is protected by the first amendment. In Cohen v. Cali-
fornia, 403 U.S. 15, 24 (1971), this Court considered whether a
person could be punished for wearing a shirt bearing the words
“fuck the draft” in the Los Angeles County Courthouse. In
concluding that choice of words was protected by the free
speech clause, the Court reasoned that:
We cannot indulge the facile assumption that one can
forbid particular words without also running a substan-
tial risk of suppressing ideas in the process. Indeed,
governments might soon seize upon the censorship of
particular words as a convenient guise for banning the
expressing of unpopular views. We have been able, as
noted above, to discern little social benefit that might
result from running the risk of opening the door to such
grave results.
Id. Although Mr. Cohen could have easily chosen to use less
provocative terms, the Court acknowledged that the first
amendment protected the “emotional impact” of words in ad-
dition to their “cognitive content.” Jd.‘
As the Ninth Circuit understandably concluded, if a speaker
has a free speech right to use profanity under Cohen, a speaker
“The Court also considered foreign language speech in the free speech
context in Frohwerk v. United States, 249 U.S. 616 (1919), and Schaefer .
United States, 251 U.S. 466 (1922), both of which involved the question of
whether speech published in German-language newspapers (the “Missouri
Staats Zeitung”, the “Philadelphia Tageblan” and the “Philadelphia
Sonntagsblan”) violated the Espionage Act of 1918. Like the Court in
Abrams, although the Court carefully translated the speech in question from
German to English in each case, it did not state or suggest that such speech
did not constitute speech under the first amendment.
* This Court has also protected choice of language under the first amend-
ment in the following cases involving profanity: Gooding v. Wilson, 405 U.S.
518 (1972), Rosenfeld v. New Jersey, 408 U.S. 901 (1972), Lewis v. New Or-
leans, 408 U.S. 913 (1972), and Brown v. Oklahoma, 408 U.S. 914 (1972).
12
a fortiori has a free speech right to use a language other than
English (eopecially a those clcumatances ia which the epecher
is unable communicate in English). See Petitioners’ Appendix,
29a-30a. Correspondingly, as the Ninth Circuit also concluded,
if a private citizen's right to engage in foreign language com-
— — — pd consistent with the first
amendment, neither can a state elected official's. See Bond v.
Floyd, 385 U.S. 116, 132-33 (1966) (state may not impose
stricter First Amendment standards on legislators, elected of-
ficials must “be given the widest latitude to express their views
on policy”).
Article 28’s facial unconstitutionality is perhaps most aptly
illustrated by this Court’s opinion in Nebraska District of Evan-
gelical Lutheran Synod v. McKelvie, 262 U.S. 404, 410 (1923),
which was consolidated with this Court's decision in Bartels v.
lowa, 262 U.S. 404 (1923). In McKelvie, this Court considered
an action to enjoin the Governor and Attorney General of
Nebraska from enforcing a 1921 Nebraska statute which pro-
vided that:
The English language is hereby declared to be the of-
ficial language of this State, and all official proceedings,
records and publications to be in such language and all
the common school branches shall be taught in said
language in public, private, denominational and paro-
chial schools.
Id. at 411, n.3. This statute repealed the statute previously
voided by the Court in Meyer v. Nebraska. Id. The statute is
remarkably similar to Article 28 and was voided in its entirety
by the Court based on its reasoning in Meyer“
This Court’s longstanding refusal to distinguish between dif-
ferent languages for first amendment purposes is also in accord
with the protection of “symbolic” speech under the free
* Although Meyer, Bartels and McKelvie were decided on substantive due
process grounds before the development of modern free speech jurispru-
dence, this Court subsequently characterized Meyer as a first amendment
case in Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 475, 482 (1965). Moreover, Justice
13
speech clause. In fact, in the first case in which this Court
voided a law on free speech grounds, the “speech” consisted of
the mere display of a red flag without any attendant verbal
communications. See Stromberg v. California, 283 U.S. 359
(1931). Indeed, the fact that foreign language use involves
“pure speech” (i.e., only words with no conduct) mandates that
it be subject to even greater protection than that enjoyed by
“symbolic” speech (i.e., speech plus conduct).
Lastly, but perhaps most importantly, by proscribing an en-
tire category of core political speech by state elected officials,
be it in Spanish, American Sign Language, Braille or any other
non-English language , Article 28 undermines the fundamental
purpose of the first amendment—to guarantee “the free com-
munication of ideas between elected officials and the people
they serve. ...” Petitioners’ Apendix, 63a (Brunetti, J., concur-
ring, citing Bond v. Floyd, 385 U.S. 116, 136-37 (1966)). Article
28 thus stands in conspicuous opposition to this Court's foun-
dational first amendment jurisprudence.
In sum, the decisions below do not announce new constitu-
tional rights. To the contrary, petitioners’ clearly seek reversal
of Meyer v. Nebraska, Nebraska District of Evangelical
Lutheran Synod v. McKelvie, Bond v. Floyd, Pickering v. Board
of Education, and Cohen v. California and completely ignore
the principle of stare decisis.
C. The decision below does not conflict with the law
of other Circuits.
The decision below is based on an unusual state law and
peculiar facts. It does not conflict with the law of any other
Circuit. Because this is an action involving the free speech
rights of elected officials and other public servants, the cases
cited by the petition involving private employers arising under
Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 are inapposite. Nor
Brandeis, who joined the majority opinion in Meyer without separate com-
ment, later indicated that he based his decision on the “right to... utter
speech.” See M. Urofsky, “The Brandeis-Frankfurter Conversations,” 1985
14
does this case implicate any right to multilingual government
services. Respondents requested relief only from a prior re-
straint of free speech.
Based on the absence of conflicting opinions on these issues
in the lower courts, this case is inappropriate for certiorari.
D. The decision below is consistent with federalism.
Petitioners argue that this Court should reverse the decision
below because it “hinders federalism.” Petition, 21. However,
the two highest ranking elected officials of the State of
Arizona—the Governor and the Attorney General—have both
elected not to appeal from the lower courts’ decisions or oth-
erwise participate in this proceeding (even if only to urge that
Article 28 be submitted to the Arizona Supreme Court for
interpretation). They are the individuals that the people of
Arizona selected to defend the interests of the State before this
Court, not petitioners. Given the fact that the highest elected
officers of the State of Arizona have acquiesced in the lower
courts’ decisions, the interests of federalism require that this
Court not intervene in this case to upset a six year status quo.
In fact, the only threat to federalism in this case is petitioners’
invitation for this Court to rewrite Article 28.
E. This case does not involve circumstances worthy
of certiorari.
The outcome of this case was contingent on a uniquely re-
strictive state enactment which the State itself has elected not
to defend. Although this case is important to the parties to this
proceeding, the decisions below do not establish rules of gen-
eral applicability or importance to the legal system of the Na-
tion as a whole. They instead reflect eight years of painstaking
efforts by the lower courts to apply well-settled first amend-
ment principles to an exceptionally peculiar and complex fac-
tual context impacting a single locality. Reflecting the unusual
nature of both the language of Article 28 and the underlying
material facts, no inconsistency with precedent has been
15
really as worthy of certiorari as the petition claims, other cir-
cuits will surely consider the issue in the future and provide this
Court with a complete record by which to consider the ques-
tion. The absence of any litigation on this issue arising outside
of Arizona when such laws have been on the books for years
demonstrates the unique nature of Article 28 and its purely
local impact. The petition merely seeks reversal of a narrowly
tailored decision adverse only to petitioners and is thus inap-
propriate for certiorari.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, this Court should deny the Peti-
tion For a Writ of Certiorari in this matter.
Respectfully submitted,
STEPHEN G. MONTOYA
Counsel of Record
ALBERT M. FLORES
Of Counsel
337 North Fourth Avenue
Phoenix, Arizona
85003-1572
(602) 271-0070
(fax) 252-1922
January 29, 1996
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.