Appellants Brief — Mandel v. Bradley
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NOV 19 1976
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IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
OcTOBER TERM, 1976
No. 76-128
MARVIN MANDEL, GoveRNOoR OF MARYLAND, ET AL.,
Appellants,
Vv.
BRUCE BRADLEY, Et At.,
Appellees.
APPEAL FROM A UNITED STATES District COURT OF
THREE JUDGES FOR THE DISTRICT OF MARYLAND
BRIEF FOR APPELLANTS
FRANCIS B. BURCH,
Aitorney General
of Maryland,
GEORGE A. NILSON,
Deputy Attorney General,
Ropert A. ZARNOCH,
Assistant Attorney General,
1400 One South Calvert Bidg.,
Baltimore, Maryland 21202,
Attorneys for Appellants.
The Daily Record Co., Baltimore, Md. 21202 <> ~
TABLE OF CONTENTS
OPINION BELOW .............0..00000- GREETS ar SO Ce
ee eee Ee Ree a ee
CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY PROVISIONS
GEL TEAR DIE Re EN ENE AOI
GOUREOED FPUIGTIISTGEDD occccccccccccecesccceccccsccescccecssseseses
STATEMENT OF THE CASE ....ccccccocccocccccccccscccsscccsccees
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT. ..............ccccecsesssssereeeeeeeees
Aspelicatble PYIRCHBIOS ..0..ccccccsccccsccssccccecccecessseces
“Burdens” of Section 7-l(e) Deadline ...........
Discrimination Against Independents ..........
Substantial State Interests Justify the Sec-
I re ics
Precedential Effect of Salera v. Tucker .......
ARGUMENT:
I.
II.
Decisions of this Court require that the
constitutionality of subjecting independ-
ent candidates to Maryland’s uniform
pre-primary filing deadline be gauged
not in isolation but in conjunction with
other elements of the State’s system
regulating access to the general election
ballot and in light of the actual expe-
rience of independent candidate ballot
TI RN OE a AOE ORO OE en IPN
Whether viewed in isolation or in the
context of the overall regulatory scheme
for State ballot access, Maryland’s
uniform pre-primary filing deadline
15
il
PAGE
does not place excessive or substantial
burdens on the rights of independent
i 19
III. Maryland’s uniform pre-primary filing
deadline workably adjusts the relative
burdens of obtaining general election
ballot access and does not discriminate
against independents ................ccccccceeeeees 30
IV. Even if Maryland’s’ uniform pre-
primary filing deadline is found to
excessively burden constitutional rights
and thus discriminate against inde-
pendent candidates, any deprivation of
Bradley’s rights is justified by numer-
ous compelling or substantial interests 35
V. Hicks v. Miranda did not relieve the
District Court of its obligation to distin-
guish and harmonize prior summary
affirmances and written decisions of
this Court upholding the constitutional-
ity of statutes such as Section 7-1l(e) nor
did it suggest that summary affirman-
ces represent an adoption of the precise
reasoning of the lower court .................. 39
I cin 46
TABLE OF CITATIONS
Cases
American Party of Texas v. White, 415 U.S. 767
EERIE IS LAE, OER Soe oo Caer ROE 23, 30, 36
Auerbach v. Mandel, Civil No. 74-141-N (D. Md.
March 3, 1972), aff'd 409 U.S. 808 (1972) 11, 12, 13,
14, 17; 22, 32, 37, 40, 41, 42
«
ill
PAGE
Buckley v. Valeo, USS. , 46 L. Ed. 2d 659 ,
eater NE SER AE: 57 INS, eer 18, 38, 41
Bullock v. Carter, 405 U.S. 134 (1972) ........000.. 35
Edelman v. Jordan, 415 U.S. 651 (1974) ............. 42
Fusari v. Steinberg, 419 U.S. 379 (1975) ............. 42
Gibson v. Berryhill, 411 U.S. 564 (1973) ............. 42
Hicks v. Miranda, 422 U.S. 332 (1975) .......5, 12, 14, 15,
39, 41, 42, 43
Jackson v. Ogilvie, 325 F. Supp. 864 (N.D. IIl.),
Oe Oe oc scsalieaiinnaon 12, 31
Jenness v. Fortson, 403 U.S. 431 (1970) ..12, 13, 14, 17,
18, 19, 23, 24, 31, 32, 35, 40, 41, 46
Maryland People’s Party v. Mandel, Civil No. 72-
865-K (D. Md. Sept. 5, 1972), aff'd 410 U.S.
el 11, 12, 23, 41
Munsell v. Hennegan, 182 Md. 15 (1943) ........... 21
Pratt v. Begley, 352 F. Supp. 328 (D. Ky. 1970),
aff'd 409 U.S. 943 (1972) ..........cccccccscsees 12, 14, 31, 41
Reeves v. Reeves, 275 Md. 599 (1975) ...............00 36
Salera v. Tucker, 399 F. Supp. 1258 (E.D. Pa.
1975), aff'd summarily sub nom., Tucker v.
Salera, __ U.S. 96 S. Ct. 1451 (1976) ....... 5,11, 14,
15, 18, 23, 30, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46
Socialist Labor Party v. Rhodes, 318 F. Supp.
1262 (S.D. Ohio 1970), affd sub nom.,
Sweetenham v. Gilligan, 409 U.S. 942 (1972) 12,40
Storer v. Brown, 415 U.S. 724 (1974) ..13, 16, 17, 18, 19,
24, 30, 40, 41, 44, 46
Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23 (1968) 12, 17, 22, 30, 41
Wood v. Putterman, 316 F. Supp. 646 (D. Md.
1970), aff'd 400 U.S. 859 (1970) 0... eee eee 22, 41
iV
Statutes
PAGE
Annotated Code of Maryland (1951):
Article 33—
EN ne 21
Annotated Code of Maryland (1976 Replacement
Volume):
Article 33—
Section G-Blea) -ceccccccesscsssssevesssensesnaeae 20
Bectiee Fo] ..cccccssccsssosssssconesssssenenneiennannnn 22
SeCtReee TEE) cnceccsecuseccesonssentensmmaaaaaaa passim
Constitution of the United States:
Fivet AmmetnQnttt ..ccccercscscssssisisedeneel 2,12
Fourteenth Amendment, Section 1 ................ 2
Laws of 1969 of Maryland:
CRreptee G6 nnccccncccesnssscsccnsssecunsnsssnnannniinnnnnnannne 20
ka 20
Z3 UBC. GBB ncececcosscsceccnsinessncnssassuunnaae 40
Miscellaneous
Note: The Precedential Weight of a Dismissal
by the Supreme Court for Want of a Substan-
tial Federal Question: Some Implications of
Hicks v. Miranda, 76 Columbia L. R. 508
(AGTG) ..000c00cccssecenssoseesannessniceuisnennnennnnnnnnnnnnnnnnn 43
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
OcTOBER TERM, 1976
No. 76-128
MARVIN MANDEL, GoveRNOR OF MARYLAND, ET AL.,
Appellants,
Vv.
BRUCE BRADLEY, ET AL.,
Appellees.
APPEAL FROM A UNITED STATES DistRICT COURT OF
THREE JUDGES FOR THE DISTRICT OF MARYLAND
BRIEF FOR APPELLANTS
OPINION BELOW
The District Court issued its opinion on May 17, 1976.
The opinion has not yet been reported but is reprinted
at pages la to 13a of the Appendix to the Appellants’
Jurisdictional Statement (AJS. 1a).!
| References to the Appendix to tne Jurisdictional State-
ment will be cited as “AJS.,” and references to the Appendix
to this Brief for Appellants as “A.” The pagination in the
Appendix to the Jurisdictional Statement is in the form “la,
- =: . .’ while that of the Single Joint Appendix is “1A,
aa
2
JURISDICTION
The jurisdiction to entertain this appeal from a
decision of a United States District Court sitting as a
court of three judges, is premised upon 28 U.S.C. §1253.
The judgment of the District Court was entered on June
2, 1976. Appellants noted an appeal two days thereafter
and probable jurisdiction was noted by this Court on
October 4, 1975.
CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY
PROVISIONS INVOLVED
United States Constitution, Amendment I:
“Congress shall make no law respecting an
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of
speech, or of the press; or the right of the people
peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Govern-
ment for a redress of grievances.”
United States Constitution, Amendment XIV, §1:
“All persons born or naturalized in the United
States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are
citizens of the United States and of the State
wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce
any law which shall abridge the privileges or
immunities of citizens of the United States; nor
shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty,
or property, without due process of law; nor deny to
any person within its jurisdiction the equal
protection of the laws.”
Maryland Code (1976 Repl. Vol.) Article 33, §7-1(e), the
statute which the District Court determined was
unconstitutional, reads as follows:
“. .. Any paper which is to form a part of a
certificate of candidacy shall be submitted to the
board for the county or the City of Baltimore in
~ em,
3
which the signers on the paper are alleged to
reside. The board shall give to anyone submitting
any such paper or papers a signed receipt stating
that the paper or papers are on file with the board.
It shall & the duty of the several boards in the
jurisdiction in which the signers are alleged to be
registered voters to verify the number of legitimate
signatures of persons who are registered voters. On
any petition, including an associated or included
set of petitions, submitted to the board, any
question concerning the invalidity of the signature
of any person on the petition affects that signature
only and does not affect or impair any other
portion of the petition or petitions. Following the
verification, a duly authorized employee of the
board shall endorse on each paper the number of
signatures verified by the employee and shall
endorse and sign the paper. For the purpose of the
endorsement, each paper shall contain a blank
space for the endorsement. The papers shall be
delivered to the boards not later than 9:00 p.m. on
the Monday which is ten weeks or seventy days
before the day on which the primary election
should be held under the primary election law, or
in the case of candidates for an office to be filled
pursuant to §22-1(b) of this article, the papers shall
be delivered to the boards not later than 9:00 p.m.
on the Monday which is three weeks or twenty-one
days before the day on which the special primary
election is to be held under the Governor’s
proclamation setting the date for the special
primary election. All papers delivered to a board
pursuant to this subsection and required to be filed
with the State Administrative Board of Election
Laws pursuant to §4A-2 shall, after verification
and endorsement as herein required, be mailed or
delivered by the board to the State Administrative
Board of Election Laws, on the Monday which is
five weeks or thirty-five days before the day on
_which the primary election should be held under
the primary election law or, in the case of
candidates for an office to be filled pursuant to §22-
4
1(b) of this article, on or before the Monday which
is two weeks or fourteen days before the day on
which the special primary election is to be held
under the Governor’s proclamation. The State
Administrative Board of Election Laws shall
determine the sufficiency of the percentage of
registered voters signing petitions in those cases in
which candidates file certificates of nomination or
of candidacy in its office. In all other instances,
such determination shall be made by the local
boards.” (Emphasis added).
This statute, which was reenacted with minor
revisions by the Maryland General Assembly, effective
July 1, 1976, now appears as Maryland Code (1976 Repl.
Vol., 1976 Cum. Supp.) Article 33, §7-1(e) through (m).
Also relevant to this case are the remaining provisions
of §7-1 and certain portions of Article 33, §§4A-1, 4A-3
and 5-2. These statutory provisions are reprinted at pp.
19a-23a of the Appendix to Appellants’ Jurisdictional
Statement.
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
1. Whether decisions of this Court require that the
constitutionality of the uniform deadline under Mary-
land law for filing nominating petitions in a Presiden-
tial election year (seventy days before the primary
election) be gauged in conjunction with other elements
of Maryland’s system of gaining a place on the general
election ballot rather than in isolation?
. 2. Whether that statutory deadline, viewed in
isolation or in the context of the overall regulatory
scheme for State ballot access, constitutes an unconsti-
tutional denial of Appellee Bradley’s right to obtain a
place on the general election ballot and of the other
Appellees’ asserted right to have the candidate’s name
appear on that ballot?
)
3. Whether the summary disposition principles
articulated in Hicks v. Miranda, 422 U.S. 332 (1975)
required the District Court in this case to adopt the
precise reasoning of the lower court’s opinion in Salera
vu. Tucker, 399 F. Supp. 1258 (E.D. Pa. 1975) aff'd
summarily sub nom, Tucker v. Salera, US. , 96
S. Ct. 1451 (1976) and relieved it of its duty to
distinguish and harmonize prior summary affirmances
and written decisions of this Court upholding the
constitutionality of similar uniform filing deadlines?
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
With full knowledge of the strong field of party
candidates from which his likely general election
opponents were to come, Appellee Bruce Bradley, in the
spring of 1975, decided to run as an independent
candidate in Maryland for the United States Senate in
1976 (A. 50A-51A). In the fall of 1975 Bradley and his
supporters began circulating petitions to obtain the
necessary signatures for him to appear on the 1976
general election ballot in Maryland (A. 20A). Needing
51,155 signatures to qualify (3 percent of the State’s
registered voters determined as of four months before
the primary), Bradley submitted 53,239 signatures to
the local election boards for validation on March 8, 1976
(A. 39A). On the same date — the filing deadline for all
State candidates including those campaigning in the
party primaries — he filed a certificate of candidacy for
the Senate seat. This filing deadline is fixed by law at
70 days before the primary election and occurs in early
July (approximately 120 days before the general
election) in non-Presidential election years and in early
March (approximately 230 to 240 days before the
general election) in years when voters make their
nomination selections in a May Presidential Preference
Primary.
6
Following the normal signature verification process
the State Administrative Board of Election Laws
notified Bradley on April 15, 1976 that his petition
papers contained only 42,049 valid signatures and were
thus insufficient to gain him a place on the general
election ballot (A. 23A). Signatures had been invali-
dated for various reasons, many having been offered by
persons not registered to vote, or by persons who did
not reside in the county indicated on the petition sheet,
- yA persons who had previously signed the petition
(R. 49).
Two weeks later Bradley and various supporters who
alleged only their status as petition signators or
persons desirous of having the candidate’s name on the
general election ballot filed suit in the United States
District Court for the District of Maryland. They
contended in their complaint that their constitutional
rights had been violated in that the remoteness of the
early March candidate filing date from the date of the
general election, standing by itself, placed an “uncon-
stitutionally heavy burden” on Bradley’s ability to be
nominated by petition in a Presidential election year
and thus restricted his First Amendment right of
political association, “unconstitutionally impacted the
Plaintiffs’ right to vote” by unduly limiting the number
of potential candidates for elective office and violated
the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amend-
ment in that party primary candidates need not comply
with the petition requirement while “independent
candidates must comply with the unnecessarily burden-
some requirement of filing nominating petitions at a
date far removed from the date of the general election”.
Appellees also challenged certain aspects of the
signature validation procedures and other practices of
the local election boards as “exacerbating the remote-
7
ness of the filing deadline”. However, this issue was
neither pressed by Appellees nor decided by the lower
court.
At the hearing before the three-judge panel, Appellees
introduced affidavit testimony designed to show that
Bradley had encountered difficulties in his efforts to
obtain media coverage (A. 18A) and to appear before
various organizations prior to the filing deadline, with
several of the latter indicating that he might appear
later with other candidates running in the primary
election (A. 27A-30A). Some testimony was offered as to
the alleged difficulties inherent in circulating petitions
in winter weather and during the Thanksgiving and
Christmas holiday seasons (A. 22A). Finally, Appellee
Bradley’s affidavit indicated difficulty in approaching
potential petition signers far in advance of the general
election when the issues which were then current might
not be the most important issues in November (A. 17A).
While Appellees premised their constitutional attack on
the 70 day pre-primary deadline solely on its remote-
ness from the general election, virtually all of their
evidence and argument advanced before the District
Court focused on the difficulties of gathering petition
signatures more than 70 days before the primary
election.
The State introduced evidence demonstrating that
while independent candidates must file their petitions
by the same early date on which all candidacies must
be perfected, they are favorably treated under various
other provisions of State law generally beneficial to
independent candidacies and enjoy certain inherent
practical advantages over party primary candidates.
This evidence established that:
1. Maryland law places no limit whatsoever on the
period during which signatures can be gathered prior to
8
the filing deadline, and an independent candidate may
gather petition signatures months and even years
before the deadline.
2. Persons signing nominating petitions for inde-
pendents may be affiliated with the major parties and
are not disqualified from voting in the primary elec-
tions.
3. Signatures are required of only 3 percent of the
registered voters eligible to vote for that office — a
figure substantially less than the maximum heretofore
sustained by this Court.
4. Signers do not have to state their intention to vote
for the candidate.
5. Petitions may be circulated by non-residents and
persons not registered to vote in Maryland.
6. Because of Maryland’s liberal registration by
mail statute (Art. 33, §3-1), independents may simul-
taneously approach signators and furnish them with a
registration by mail form which need only be completed
and mailed to complete registration (A. 32A-36A).
In addition, Professor Richard Smolka of American
University, a qualified expert on the law and conduct of
elections, testified that an independent candidate
seeking signatures would have an easier time gathering
signatures before the heat of the primary election
campaign, by which time many voters have crystalized
their views as to the candidates (A. 33A). He further
testified that unlike a primary candidate, an independ-
ent does not have to defeat an opponent to get on the
general election ballot, usually spends less money, must
gather fewer signatures than a primary candidate
needs votes, and does not have to urge frequently
reluctant voters to the polls but can obtain their “vote”
for nomination on the spot. He also noted that the
9
petition signer is asked to take the relatively easy step
of supporting a candidate without prejudice to his
ability to vote to nominate another, whereas the
primary candidate must convince his electorate to
support him to the exclusion of his opponents. Finally,
Professor Smolka noted that because of the large
financial investment usually required of primary
candidates and the State and federal regulation of
campaign spending and contributions, primary candi-
dates have a greater need than independents to know
the field of candidates at an early date “in order to
make intelligent decisions relative to the solicitation of
contributions and the expenditure of monies during the
primary election campaign” (A. 33A-35A). Professor
Smolka’s testimony was supported by Willard A.
Morris, the State Administrator of Election Laws (A.
41A).
The State also established that during the last
gubernatorial election in Maryland (1974) five persons
qualified as independent candidates for the Maryland
House of Delegates and three for the State Senate via
the nomination by petition route (A. 43A-44A), and that
in 1976 two persons gathered sufficient signatures by
March 8 to qualify for the general election ballot as
candidates for the United States House of Representa-
tives (A. 60A-61A). As already noted, Mr. Bradley
himself would have qualified had a higher percentage
of his submitted signatures been valid.
The State of Maryland asserted as substantial or
sufficient numerous State interests served by the
simultaneous filing deadline for primary candidates
and independents. These included:
1. The prevention of frivolous and fraudulent
independent candidacies maturing only after the
conclusion of the primary elections.
10
2. The elimination of voter confusion caused by
late blooming candidacies, a consideration espe-
cially important in a Presidential year when
political activity is both more intense and more
long lasting.
3. The need to insure that both party primary
candidates and independent candidates, including
those who obtain general election ballot access, are
afforded relatively comparable treatment and that
neither are given an unfair advantage.
4. The fostering of public discussion of cam-
paign issues among all candidates when voter
interest is at its zenith, rather than allowing
independent candidacies to remain embryonic or
dormant until the primaries have ended.
5. The prevention or alleviation of the adminis-
trative problems that might surface if the petition
verification process and likely challenges (such as
this one) were telescoped into a shorter and later
period of time.
6. The promotion of these interests while stil]
preserving the right of Maryland voters to express
themselves early in a Presidential election year as
to their choice for Presidential nominees.
On May 17, 1976, the court issued its opinion, holding
that the filing deadline of Section 7-1(e) standing by
itself constitutes “an unconstitutional burden on
Bradley’s right to become an independent candidate
and on the rights of the other plaintiffs to exercise their
right to vote” (AJS. 12a) and that Bradley had a
constitutional right to collect the requisite number of
valid signatures until the date of the primary election.
The court made no attempt to analyze the evidence
presented on the relative burdens of independents and
primary candidates, to weigh all of the State interests
advanced or to focus on the filing deadline in light of
other provisions of State law, but concluded that its
decision was controlled legally and factually by the
11
inion of the three-judge district court in Salera v.
paren 399 F. Supp. 1258 (E.D. Pa. 1975), aff'd sub
nom. Tucker v. Salera, 96 S. Ct. 1451 (1976). (AJS. 6a).
Even though the statute at issue in Salera, unlike the
open-ended Maryland law, allowed a scant three week
period for the gathering of signatures, even though
much of the language in the Salera opinion seemed to
indicate that the three-judge court there struck down
the Pennsylvania filing deadline by viewing it in
conjunction with the brief signature gathering period,
and even though the practical effect of the Salera
decision was to eliminate the three week limitation for
the plaintiffs in that case, the Bradley court was
convinced that both the Pennsylvania panel and this
Court, without giving any weight to Pennsylvania's
questionably short signature gathering period, had
struck down in isolation the filing deadline for
independents of 218 days before the general election
(AJS. 9a). The lower court here rejected the proffered
compelling interests asserted by Pennsylvania in
Salera (administrative convenience, misuse of the
nomination by petition procedure by defeated primary
candidates and the promotion of intelligent voting
through voter knowledge of candidates) as if they were
simply being reasserted by Maryland (AJS. 6a-8a). In
addition, the court held that Maryland’s simultaneous
filing deadline for independents and primary candidates
could not be justified on a comparable or equal
treatment theory.
In response to the State’s argument that the constitu-
tionality of Section 7-1(e) had been sustained by recent
prior decisions of three-judge panels in Maryland,
which had been summarily affirmed by this Court
(Auerbach v. Mandel, Civil No. 71-141-N (D. Md. March
3, 1972), aff'd 409 U.S. 808 (1972) and Maryland
12
People’s Party v. Mandel, Civil No. 72-865-K (D. Md.
September 5, 1972), aff'd 410 U.S. 907 (1973)) and was
fully supported by summary affirmances of decisions
from other jurisdictions (Socialist Labor Party v.
Rhodes, 318 F. Supp. 1262 (S.D. Ohio 1970), aff’d sub
nom. Sweetenham uv. Gilligan, 409 U.S. 942 (1972): Pratt
uv. Begley, 352 F. Supp. 328 (D. Ky. 1970), aff’d 409 U.S.
943 (1972); Jackson v. Ogilvie, 325 F. Supp. 864 (N.D.
Ill.), aff'd 403 U.S. 925 (1971)), the District Court said
that language in its earlier opinions regarding the
Section 7-1(e) filing deadline, while “it seemed to reflect
the law at the time it was uttered”, was “pure dictum”.
(AJS. 11a.) The lower court went on to express its belief
that while the question had been presented in the
Auerbach and Maryland People’s Party Jurisdictional
Statements and Motions to Affirm, the Supreme Court
had not yet decided the question the constitutionality
of the Maryland filing deadline in summarily affirming
those decisions (AJS. 11a).
Finally, the District Court felt that under Hicks v.
Miranda, 422 U.S. 332 (1975) it was bound to follow its
own perception of the last summary affirmance of this
Court, despite less recent summary affirmances and
written opinions of this Court to the contrary.?
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The District Court erroneously concluded that Mary-
land’s statutory deadline for filing nominating petitions
(Maryland Code, Article 33, Section 7-1(e)) excessively
burdened Appellee Bradley’s First Amendment right to
associate for political purposes and the other Appellees’
* In addition to the cases ci
denigrated as “no longer Prag Ain a ee
treatment of pre-primary deadlines the written opinions of
this Court in Jenness v. Fortson, 403 U.S. 431
Williams v. Rhodes, 393 US. 23 (1968). (AJS. — and
13
right to vote effectively so as to discriminate against
independent candidates.
APPLICABLE PRINCIPLES
Decisions of this Court require lower courts to weigh
the constitutionality of a filing deadline for independ-
ent candidates in conjunction with other elements of
the State’s system of general election ballot access and
in the light of the actual experience of independent
candidates in obtaining a place on the ballot. Storer v.
Brown, 415 U.S. 724 (1974); Jenness v. Fortson, 403 US.
431 (1970); Auerbach v. Mandel, 409 U.S. 808 (1972).
The District Court in this case ignored these principles
by examining Maryland’s filing deadline in isolation
and by failing to note the significant number of
independent candidates who qualified for access to the
general election ballot ia 1974 and 1976 or the fact that
Appellee Bradley filed the requisite amount of signa-
tures by the deadline at issue in this case.
“BURDENS” OF SECTION 7-1{e) DEADLINE
Only excessively or severely burdensome ballot
access requirements merit constitutional scrutiny.
Storer v. Brown, supra. Maryland’s uniform pre-
primary filing deadline does not place an excessive
burden on an independent’s constitutional rights.
because signatures can be gathered months or years
before the deadline and the State’s nomination by
petition process imposes no “suffocating restrictions”
upon the free circulation of nominating petitions.
Moreover, in many respects independent candidates in
Maryland have an easier route to the general election
ballot than primary candidates. And the evidence in
this case demonstrates that Bradley’s initial failure to
obtain a place on the general election was due more to
14
the inefficiency of his petition circulation campaign
than to the Section 7-l(e) filing deadline.
DISCRIMINATION AGAINST INDEPENDENTS
Maryland’s uniform pre-primary filing deadline does
not discriminate against independent candidates.
Decisions of this Court recognize that uniform filing
deadlines promote equal treatment for all candidates.
Jenness v. Fortson, supra; Pratt v. Begley, 409 U.S. 943
(1972); Auerbach v. Mandel, supra. Instead of Mary-
land’s workable scheme for adjusting the relative
burdens of obtaining general election ballot access, the
District Court has created a system that unjustly
discriminates against primary candidates and imposes
greater hardships on all candidates.
SUBSTANTIAL STATE INTERESTS JUSTIFY THE
SECTION 7-l(e) DEADLINE
Whatever burdens may be placed on independent
candidates by Section 7-l(e) and whatever discrimina-
tion may be said to arise from Maryland’s filing
deadline are supported by numerous substantial inter-
ests, including the prevention of frivolous or fraudulent
candidacies, the promotion of voter and candidate
knowledge of all general election candidates at the
same time, the fostering of an even-handed system of
ballot access which prevents independents and primary
candidates from obtaining an unfair advantage, the
stimulation of public discussion among all candidates
when voter interest is at its zenith and the preservation
of the right of Maryland voters to be heard at an early
point in a Presidential election year as to their choice
for Presidential nominees.
PRECEDENTIAL EFFECT OF SALERA V. TUCKER
The lower court erred in concluding that the summary
disposition principles articulated in Hicks v. Miranda,
15
422 U.S. 332 (1975) required it to adopt its perception of
the precise reasoning of the lower court opinion in
Salera v. Tucker, 399 F. Supp. 1258 (E.D. Pa. 1975) aff'd
sub nom. Tucker v. Salera, 96 S. Ct. 1451 (1976) and to
overrule five summary affirmances and two written
Supreme Court decisions supporting the constitutional-
ity of filing deadlines such as that set forth in Section 7-
l(e). Hicks applies to summary dismissals, not sum-
mary affirmances; it involved a federal court's
disregard of a prior summary dismissal of an appeal
from a state court decision upholding the constitutional-
ity of the same statute before the federal court. But even
if Hicks is held to apply to summary affirmances, it
does not relieve a lower court of its obligation to
distinguish and harmonize prior summary affirmances
and written decisions of this Court. Finally, the District
Court here disregarded numerous opportunities to
distinguish Salera and avoid a draconian reversal ofa
long line of cases which support the constitutionality of
Maryland’s uniform pre-primary filing deadline.
ARGUMENT
I.
DECISIONS OF THIS COURT REQUIRE THAT THE CONSTITU-
TIONALITY OF SUBJECTING INDEPENDENT CANDIDATES TO
MARYLAND’S UNIFORM PRE-PRIMARY FILING DEADLINE BE
GAUGED NOT IN ISOLATION BUT IN CONJUNCTION WITH
OTHER ELEMENTS OF THE STATE’S SYSTEM REGULATING
ACCESS TO THE GENERAL ELECTION BALLOT AND IN LIGHT
OF THE ACTUAL EXPERIENCE OF INDEPENDENT CANDI-
DATE BALLOT ACCESS.
Out of respect for the diversity which is the hallmark
of State election laws, this Court has always focused on
the overall statutory scheme regulating ballot access
and has eschewed any rule automatically invalidating
isolated provisions of State law alleged to burden an
16
independent’s rights. In Storer v. Brown, 415 U.S. 724,
730 (1974) this Court said:
“It is very unlikely that all or even a large
portion of the state election laws would fail to pass
muster under our cases; and the rule fashioned by
the Court to pass on constitutional challenges to
specific provisions of election laws provides no
litmus-paper test for separating those restrictions
that are valid from those that are invidious under
the Equal Protection Clause. The rule is not self-
executing and is no substitute for the hard
judgments that must be made. Decision in this
context, as in others, is very much a ‘matter of
degree, very much a matter of ‘considerjing] the
facts and circumstances behind the law, the
interests which the State claims to be protecting,
and the interests of those who are disadvantaged
by the classification.’ What the result of this
process will be in any specific case may be very
difficult to predict with great assurance.” (Cit-
ations omitted).
In Storer, the Court ordered a three-judge federal
panel to weigh the constitutionality of California
Election Code provisions requiring an independent
candidate to file petitions signed by five percent of the
entire vote in the preceding election and gathered over a
particular twenty-four day period in conjunction with a
statute which disqualified voters who voted in the
primary from signing an independent’s petition. At the
same time, the Court indicated that the only exception
to the rule requiring courts to assess the “totality” of
election laws as they affect constitutional rights was
when a single challenged statute “absolutely barred” a
candidate from the ballot and the facial validity of the
provision was questioned. 415 U.S. at 737.3
* This exception to the totality rule appeared almost as a
rule of standing so as to prevent candidates validly barred by
one election law provision from challenging others.
17
As a practical matter, candidate or nominating
petition filing deadlines are not absolute bars to an
independent candidacy, for, in the words of Storer, they
do “change [their] character when combined with other
provisions of the electoral code’’. Jd. at 737.‘ In addition,
this Court has always viewed such statutory provisions
in conjunction with other features of state election laws
in gauging their effect on a candidate’s constitutional
rights. For example, in Jenness v. Fortson, 403 U.S. 431
(1970), this Court upheld the constitutionality of a five
percent signature gathering requirement as coupled
with a 180-day signature circulation period ending
sixty-nine days before the primary and five months
before the general election and various other statutory
provisions which fostered the “open quality” of the
State electoral system. Jd. at 439. And in Williams v.
Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23 (1968), a candidate filing deadline
was struck down but only in conjunction with restric-
tive provisions of Ohio law which made it virtually
impossible for a nonparty candidate to obtain ballot
access. Moreover, in the specific context of Maryland’s
nomination by petition law, this Court has apparently
examined the filing deadline at issue in this case as it
operates in tandem with other state election law
provisions. In Auerbach v. Mandel, No. 72-141-N (D.
Md. March 3, 1972), aff'd 409 U.S. 808 (1972), the only
portion of Section 7-l(e) challenged was the filing
deadline set therein. Jurisdictional Statement, at 12;
Auerbach v. Mandel, supra. Yet this Court indicated in
Storer that it had also approved the signature percen-
tage requirement of Section 7-l(e) in affirming Auer-
bach, 415 U.S. at 739 N. 10.
‘ The District Court in Bradley made no explicit finding
that Maryland’s filing deadline was “facially invalid”. It
merely declared that “Plaintiffs are being deprived of their
constitutional rights by the operation of Section 7-I(e)”.
(Emphasis added). (AJS 14a).
18
In mandating that the alleged burdens of a particular
election law provision, such as a filing deadline, be
gauged in tandem with other election code features, this
Court has charged lower courts to inquire into the
“nature, extent and likely impact” of the requirements,
Storer v. Brown, supra, at 738, and to look to actual
experience as an unerring guide of the extent of the
burdens imposed by the statutory scheme. Id. at 742;
Jenness v. Fortsen, supra, at 439. See also Buckley v.
Valeo, U.S. , 46 L. Ed. 2d 659, 735 (1976).
Moreover, this Court has never indicated that all
restrictions or burdens placed on the access of nonparty
candidates to the ballot affect constitutional rights.
Only “excessively” or “severely” burdensome require-
ments and “substantial” restrictions call constitutional
examination into play. See Storer v. Brown, supra, 415
U.S. at 729, 738. And even “substantial” restrictions on
the right to vote or to associate are not subject to
automatic invalidation. It is only when the restrictions
severely burden the right to associate for political
purposes and the right to vote effectively that discrimi-
nation against i dependent candidates must be justi-
fied by the showing of compelling state interests. Id. at
729.
These pronouncements and the analytical methodo-
logy they require were totally ignored by the lower court
in its rush to read Salera as signaling a fundamental
change in this Court’s attitude toward state laws
governing minor party or independent candidacies.
Under the lower court’s inflexible invalidation of pre-
primary deadlines, even a statutory scheme requiring
that a mere 50 signatures be gathered to obtain general
election ballot access would be determined to be
excessively burdensome if the sigr.atures must be filed
by a specified date weeks or months before the state’s
primary elections.
19
The fundamental unsoundness of considering the
statutory deadline in isolation rather than as a part of
the overall scheme is further highlighted by the lower
court’s fashioning of a rule which ignores the actual
experience of independent ballot access in Maryland.
History has proven that non-major party candidates
have fared well in Maryland (A. 41A-49A). For example,
eight local candidates qualified as independents under
Maryland’s nomination by petition procedure in 1974
(which was the same as it is now), and two Congres-
sional candidates filed the requisite number of valid
signatures by the March 8 deadline in 1976. Even
Appellee Bradley filed more than the required number
of signatures by the deadline at issue in this case; his
quest for a place on the ballot without the help of the
courts was stymied because a number of those signa-
tures were invalid. The evidence before the lower court
indicated that his inability to qualify as a candidate
was due at least as much to his failure to conduct a
sufficiently vigorous and efficient petition campaign as
it was to the March deadline.*®
In short, this Court’s requirement that actual expe-
rience be examined in determining the burden of a
ballot access restriction was deliberately ignored by the
lower court. See Storer v. Brown, supra, at 742; Jenness
vu. Fortson, supra, at 439.
Il.
WHETHER VIEWED IN ISOLATION OR IN THE CONTEXT OF
THE OVERALL REGULATORY SCHEME FOR STATE BALLOT
ACCESS, MARYLAND’S UNIFORM PRE-PRIMARY FILING
DEADLINE DOES NOT PLACE EXCESSIVE OR SUBSTANTIAL
BURDENS ON THE RIGHTS OF INDEPENDENT CANDIDATES.
In 1969, in a substantial reform of the Maryland
election laws, Maryland voters were given the right to
5 See p. 27 infra.
20
vote for their preference for candidates for President
and to elect delegates to the National Party Conven-
tions held during the summer. Chapter 560 of the Laws
of 1969. This reform replaced a convention system
where the voters had no direct voice in selecting the
party nominee for President. As a matter of course, the
Presidential Preference Primary must take place a
reasonable amount of time before the National Conven-
tion and thus the General Assembly selected the third
Tuesday in May as the date for such primaries.
Maryland Code, Article 33, Section 5-2(a). In non-
Presidential election years, Maryland’s primary elec-
tions are held on the second Tuesday after the first
Monday in September. Zd.
At the same time, substantial revisions were made to
the provisions of Maryland law governing nomination
by petition by Chapter 554 of the Laws of 1969. For the
first time party primary candidates were placed on
exact parity with independent candidates with respect
to filing deadlines. For at least two decades party
primary candidates have had to file their certificates of
candidacy 10 weeks or 70 days before the primary. Prior
to the 1969 change, the deadline for the filing of
nominating petitions had been 30 days later than that
for primary candidates — independents had to file only
40 days before the primary election. In 1969, the 10
week or 70 day provision was also made applicable to
independent candidates seeking nomination by peti-
tion, who thereby were required to file by the same
deadline their certificate of candidacy accompanied by
the requisite number of signatures.
In addition, certain long-standing “burdens” placed
on those circulating nominating petitions were elimi-
nated by Chapter 554. Gone were the former require-
ments that signers state their intention to vote for the
21
person nominated (a feature still found in some state
laws)’ and specify the precinct or district where
registered’ and that the affiant certify that he knew the
signers to be registered voters of the specific precinct as
set forth in the petition. The requirement that independ-
ent candidates publish their petitions was also aban-
doned.* These reforms eased the burden of the nomina-
tion by petition process in Maryland which was already
more liberal in many respects than under other state
election laws. For example, persons signing petitions
may be members of a party and their signing will not
disqualify them from voting at a primary or general
election in any way they wish; and the affiant
gathering and submitting signatures does not have to
be a registered voter or a state resident. Most impor-
tantly the time period for petition gathering in
Maryland is open-ended. Independent candidates may
gather signatures months, even years in advance of the
filing deadline.’
6 Although this declaration was regarded by Maryland
courts as not legally binding on a voter, Munsell v.
Hanwegan, 82 Md. 15 (1943), its psychological impact on a
potential signer is incalculable.
7 At one time under Maryland law signers had to specify
their occupation and place of business on the petition. See
Maryland Code (1951), Article 33, Section 44.
* In 1968 it cost third party candidate George Wallace
$16,822 and independent senatorial candidate George P.
Mahoney $10,160 to publish their petitions. If Appellee
Bradley had been required to make such an expenditure, it
would have cost him anywhere from one-third to one-half of
his petition campaign budget of approximately $30,000.
Transcript of Proceedings at p. 26.
® In 1969, the nomination by petition law was changed to
require that the signatures of all nominating voters be
submitted to the board with which they are registered. This
change was prompted by the enormous difficulties which had
been encountered in verifying major nominating petitions in
1968 (A. 42A) and was more than justified by the relaxation
22
The 1969 revisions of the Maryland nomination by
petition law were soon challenged in court. In Wood uv.
Putterman, 316 F. Supp. 646 (D. Md. 1970), aff'd 400
U.S. 859 (1970), a third party which failed to generate a
minimum required showing in a prior election unsuc-
cessfully attacked the statutory requirement that it
must obtain access to the general election ballot
through the petition process. A key issue in the case
was the alleged burden imposed by Section 7-1 of
Article 33. Speaking for the majority of a three-judge
panel, Circuit Judge Harrison Winter contrasted the
Ohio statute struck down in Williams v. Rhodes, supra,
with the Maryland nomination by petition law and
noted that:
“7-1 permits nomination by petition signed by only
3% of the total registered voters entitled to vote for
the office for which the nomination is sought.
There are no other restrictions of any consequence,
except that no person may join in nominating more
than one nominee for each office to be filled; nor
may any person sign more than once for the same
es for an office.” (Emphasis added.) Id. at
49.
In 1972 a similar court challenge by a third party
candidate squarely raised the constitutionality of the
Section 7-l(e) filing deadline (which occurred two days
earlier in 1972 than in 1976). In Auerbach v. Mandel,
No. 72-141-N (D. Md. March 3, 1972), aff'd 409 U.S. 808
(1972), Judge Winter, speaking for a unanimous three-
judge court, said that the March 6 filing deadline
although a “heavy burden” was not “an unreasonable
time’. The court’s order in that case expressly declared
that the challenged provisions of the State election code
including the candidate filing deadline “are not
of the requirements as to the information which must appear
on the petitions and the need to allow the verification process
to be completed in a prompt and efficient manner.
25
unreasonable or unconstitutionally burdensome and are
not invalid.” !°
An analysis of the entire scheme for nomination by
petition in Maryland demonstrates the correctness of
these prior decisions. Unlike the statute at issue in
Salera v. Tucker, supra, which gave a candidate and his
supporters only 21 days to gather the requisite number
of signatures, Maryland has an “open” signature
gathering period. Until the deadline, candidates can
spend months or years gathering signatures. Unlike the
filing deadline in Salera, which was always fixed at
approximately seven to eight months before the general
election, Maryland’s simultaneous filing deadline for
independent and party candidates occurs approxi-
mately 120 days before the general election in non-
Presidential election years''! and 230 to 240 days before
the general election in a Presidential election year only
because in those years the entire electoral process is
“stepped up” and given an early start to afford
Maryland voters the opportunity to voice their prefer-
ence in the Presidential primaries and thereby exert
some influence at the summer conventions. In addition,
Maryland’s nomination by petition process imposes no
“suffocating restrictions” upon the free circulation of
1° The language of the district court’s order in Auerbach
belies the suggestion of the Bradley court that Auerbach did
not decide the constitutionality of the Section 7-1(e) filing
deadline. Moreover, an examination of the jurisdictional
statements in the Auerbach case and in Maryland People’s
Party v. Mandel, Civil No. 72-865-K (D. Md. September 5,
1972). aff'd 410 U.S. 907 (1973), discloses that this issue was
clearly presented to this Court.
11 A deadline ending 150 days before the general election
Was sustained in Jenness v. Fortson, 403 U.S. 431 (1970); and
quite conceivably the 120 day provision in non-Presidential
election years can he justified on the basis of administrative
convenience alone. Cf. American Party of Texas v. White, 415
U.S. 767, 787 n. 18 (1974).
24
nominating petitions and in this important respect
strikingly resembles the Georgia statutory scheme
scrutinized and upheld in Jenness v. Fortson, 403 U.S.
431, 439 (1970):
“.. a voter who has signed the petition of a
nonparty candidate is free thereafter to participate
in a party primary. The signer of a petition is not
required to state that he intends to vote for that
candidate at the election. A person who has
previously voted in a party primary is fully eligible
to sign a petition, and so, on the other hand is a
person who was not even registered at the time of
the previous election.”
In no way can it be said that Maryland’s statutory
scheme operates “to freeze the political status quo.” Id.
at 438.
Appellees’ principal complaint below was not that the
entire Maryland scheme for independent ballot access
froze the political status quo, but that Maryland’s filing
deadline requires the independent candidate to make
excessively early preparations for his candidacy; to, in
effect, have finished his quest for a place on the ballot
just as the primary candidates are beginning. This is
sheer fiction. Few, if any, primary candidates who
ex ect to win are just launching their campaigns on the
filing deadline. In most cases a primary candidate has
invested a substantial amount of time and labor prior to
the filing date, and the evidence below establishes that
this was the case with respect to the main contenders in
the primary contests for the United States Senate seat
sought by Bradley. Bradley was hardly alone among
the various candidates when he sought out the voters in
late 1975 and early 1976 (A. 51A).!? (Transcript of
'2 In addition, in Storer v. Brown, supra, where this Court
upheld a requirement that an independent candidate must
not have been affiliated with a political party for a year
25
Proceedings at 51). In the same vein, Appellees
contended that voters have no interest in a candidacy
prior to the March 8th filing date. This is hardly
tenable in a Presidential election year when political
campaigns are on everyone’s mind before the first
snowfall in New Hampshire. As just noted, Bradley and
his rivals were all approaching and appearing before
the voters during this “remote” period, and Bradley did
get more than 50,000 signatures on his petitions, and
two Maryland independent candidates for the United
States House of Representatives were able to generate
enough voter interest in early 1976 to satisfy this same
3% requirement which Bradley fell short of. If an
independent candidate is unable to generate sufficient
interest in his campaign early in the year, he has
himself to blame — not the system or the season.
A close examination of the burdens which Bradley
alleges were imposed upon him as a result of the §7-1(e)
filing deadline demonstrates the insubstantiality of his
attack on the statute. Bradley stated that his independ-
ent candidacy was harmed because the issues debated
during the petition gathering period might not be
important in the 1976 general election (A. 174A).
However, Bradley signature gatherers were instructed
not to discuss issues. See Appendix C to Plaintiff's
Memorandum in Support of Motion for Temporary
Restraining Order (R. ). Their pitch for signatures
centered on giving voters a greater array of choices on
before the primary, the Court rejected this very same type of
+urdensome “anticipation” argument:
“It is true that a California candidate who desires to run
for office as an independent must anticipate his candidacy
substantially in advance of his election campaign, but the
required foresight is little more than the possible 11 months
examined in Rosario |v. Rockefeller, 410 U.S. 752 (1973)] and
gery — is on the candidate, and not voters.” 415
». at ,
26
the ballot. Jd. And the closest signature gatherers
came to discussing “issues” was their characterization
of Bradley to voters who inquired as a candidate who
was “liberal on people issues and conservative on
money issues”. Jd. Appellants submit that in the face of
such a record it remains to be seen how Bradley was
harmed by shifting campaign issues.
Secondly, Bradley’s petition campaign was allegedly
damaged by the lack of press coverage (A. 17A). It is
claimed that the lack of press coverage was due to the
remoteness in time from the primary and genera!
election campaigns. However, what newspapers will or
will not print about any candidate is a speculative
matter. Independent candidates who qualify for the
general election ballot and primary candidates who
have no real contest will often find themselves ignored
by the media. In addition, there is no guarantee that a
nomination by petition campaign would obtain greater
press coverage if the independent filing deadline were
extended to the date of the primary election. If
anything, newspaper coverage of a petition gathering
effort during the primary campaign might be even
harder to obtain because of the attention focused on the
primary. Conversely, there is no reason why the
petition drive of independent candidates should be
legally entitled to any derivative benefits flowing from
increased media interest in primary election cam-
paigns.
Thirdly, Appellees contended that the March filing
deadline hampered Bradley’s ability to obtain invita-
tions to speak before groups (A. 27A-30A). Yet as
Bradley’s instructions to signature gatherers indicate,
his petition campaign was keyed primarily to obtaining
signatures at supermarkets, shopping malls, sporting
arenas, etc. rather than at meetings and conventions.
oem oo
27
Appendix C to Plaintiffs’ Memorandum in Support of
Motion for Temporary Restraining Order (R. 54). In
addition, if the lack of speaking invitations before the
filing deadline is a burden, it is one shared by primary
candidates.
Finally, despite the fact that in 1976 Maryland had
one of the mildest winters in its history (A. 434A),
Appellees allege that cold and inclement weather and
school vacation schedules during the fall of 1975 and
the winter of 1976 burdened the Bradley signature
gathering effort (A. 22A). If such considerations are to
be given any weight in the constitutional equation, the
course of constitutional adjudication will become as
unpredictable as the weather.
As the nature of Appellees’ excuses for the initial
failure of Bradley’s nomination by petition campaign
indicate, the §7-l(e) filing deadline is not the cause of
the candidate’s problems. Rather, the evidence demon-
strates that the inefficiency of the signature gathering
effort was the prime reason for its failure. For example,
Bradley’s campaign manager testified with respect to
the turmoil in the campaign organization (A. 20). In
addition, Bradley paid signature gatherers on a per
‘signature basis rather than for each valid signature
(Transcript of Proceedings at 19-20) and suffered from
an invalidation rate of over 20% (A. 39A). He did not
use the postcard-registration technique to sign up
unregistered voters (Transcript of Proceedings at 37).
He also did not begin gathering signatures as soon as
he could have and raisea and spent far less than the
principal candidates in the Democratic Primary.
Transcript of Proceedings at 26-27.
In short, it was not pre-primary filing deadline which
would have kept Bradley off the general election ballot,
28
but his failure to conduct a sufficiently vigorous and
efficient petition campaign.
Moreover, the evidence below establishes that the pre-
primary filing deadline for independent candidates is
found to offer the independent a singular advantage in
terms of gathering petitions because he will find it
easier to collect signatures at that time. He does not
encounter the voter resistance rampant in the heat of a
primary or thereafter when voters’ views have begun to
crystalize regarding party candidates or when many
voters have been “turned off’ by excessive political
activity. He is given his chance at a place on the
general election ballot before the others have had an
opportunity to capture the loyalty and commitment of
the voters.
In many, but admittedly not all, respects the
candidate’seeking to obtain signatures on a nominating
petition has an easier route to the general election
ballot than candidates who must run in primary
elections. The evidence offered by the State through
Professor Smolka and Willard A. Morris, summarized
above at pp. 8-9 establishes these advantages. First,
the independent candidate does not have to defeat any
particular opponent or opponents in order to gain a
place on the general election ballot. Secondly, the
number of signatures which he must obtain is almost
invariably less than the number of votes which a
candidate in a primary election must obtain in order to
gain his party’s nomination. Third, the independent
candidate, at least in Maryland, is given a longer period
of time in which to “campaign” for his nominating
signatures — since the candidate in a primary election
must focus his campaigr. during a period immediately
prior to an election so as to have the greatest impact on
the voters and on voter turnout, while the independent
29
candidate need only approach and appeal to a particu-
lar voter at a single moment in time (the moment when
he asks for the signature) of the candidate’s own
choosing and, if rebuffed, may iater return to that same
voter to try again. Fourth, the choice made by a voter in
a primary election is an irrevocable one in which he
must choose one among several candidates, whereas
the choice made by a voter signing a nominating
petition is not irrevocable since the voter may withdraw
his signature prior to the filing of the petition or may
refuse to sign once and then sign when later ap-
proached and may, in any event, still vote for another
candidate in his party’s primary election. The fact that
the choice is neither exclusive nor irrevocable in the
case of the signing of a nominating petition makes it
easier to persuade the voter to exercise that choice in
favor of the candidate. And finally, the primary election
candidate must get his supporters to physically go to
the polls to vote for him whereas the petition candidate
can go to the voters in their homes or elsewhere to get
their votes.'*
We do not mean to suggest that it is easy for an
independent to gain a place on the general election
ballot or, as the lower court suggested we had urged,
that party and independent candidates have identical
routes to the ballot. Indeed, neither the route to the
general election ballot nor the path to ultimate victory
is easy for any candidate.
'S In addition, Maryland law does not control or restrict
contributions or expenditures relative to the circulation of
nominating petitions but does apply to primary election
contributions and expenditures. ile this distinction does
not apply to candidates for federal office (like Bradley), it is
true for all State office candidates.
30
Maryland does not question the tenet that State
ballot access restrictions, including early filing dead-
lines, can in some cases substantially and unconstitu-
tionally burden the rights of independent candidates
and their voting constituency. Williams v. Rhodes,
supra. Nor does the State challenge the result reached
in Tucker v. Salera, supra, viz., that a three week gath-
ering period for signatures that ends eight months be-
fore the general election is unconstitutional. The State
does contend that the Maryland filing deadline, when
properly viewed in the context of the total regulatory
scheme, is significantly different and less burdensome
than the statute at issue in Salera'‘ and that a
thorough examination of the treatment accorded
primary and independent candidates by Maryland law
and of the problems inherent in either avenue to the
general election ballot will demonstrate that “it is
problematical at best which [alternative] is more
onerous in fact.” American Party of Texas v. White,
supra at 783 n. 16, and that the Section 7-1(e) filing
deadline is not “excessively” burdensome.
III.
MARYLAND'S UNIFORM PRE-PRIMARY FILING DEADLINE
WORKABLY ADJUSTS THE RELATIVE BURDENS OF OBTAIN-
ING GENERAL ELECTION BALLOT ACCESS AND DOES NOT
DISCRIMINATE AGAINST INDEPENDENTS.
In Storer v. Brown, supra at 729, this Court indicated
that even if election law provisions are found to
“excessively burden” the right to vote effectively and
the right to associate for political purposes, these
burdens must result in discrimination against an
14 The State also contends that the justifications proffered
for Maryland’s uniform pre-primary filing deadline are
different from and more substantial than those asserted in
Salera. See pp. 35-39 infra.
31
independent candidate in order to call into play
constitutional scrutiny.
It can hardly be contended that Maryland’s scheme
of requiring party primary candidates and independent
candidates to file their certificates of candidacy at the
same time constitutes discrimination such as to call
into play substantial or compelling justification for the
scheme. In numerous cases courts have pointed to this
parity as an additional reason for upholding various
state election schemes. For example, in Jenness v.
Fortson, 403 U.S. 431, 433-34 (1970), this Court specifi-
cally acknowledged the parity defense in approving the
Georgia election laws, when it stated:
“The total time allowed for circulating a nomi-
nating petition is 180 days, and it must be filed on
the second Wednesday in June, the same deadline
that a condidate filing in a primary must meet.”
(emphasis added).
See also Storer v. Brown, supra, at 733, where the
Supreme Court noted of California’s election scheme:
“The independent candidate need not stand for
primary election but must qualify for the ballot by
demonstrating substantial public support in
another way. Otherwise, the qualifications required
of independent candidates are very similar to, or
identical with, those imposed on party candidates.”
A uniform pre-primary filing deadline. for all candi-
dates was also present in Jackson v. Ogilvie, 325 F.
Supp. 864, 867 (N.D. Ill. 1971), aff’d 403 U.S. 925 (1971),
where a challenge to Illinois’ election laws was rejected,
See also Pratt v. Begley, 352 F. Supp. 328 (1970), aff’d
409 U.S. 943 (1972) where a three-judge federal court
upheld a filing deadline for independents which
occurred seven months before the general election:
“The statute is not unconstitutionally discrimi-
natory. It does not make it any more difficult for an
32
independent candidate to have his name placed on
the ballot than a party candidate. The statute
simply requires all potential candidates, whether
Democrat, Republican or Independent, to file for
nomination on the same date.” 352 F. Supp. at 330.
See also Auerbach v. Mandel, supra, where the lower
court in its oral opinion noted that Maryland’s uniform
filing deadline enabled all candidates “to be known at
the same time.
Feiling to observe that a Presidential election year
places greater burdens on all Maryland candidates and
that the State has a significant interest in equalizing
these burdens, the lower court has fashioned a rule
which affords advantages to independent candidates
which are not available to primary candidates and
ultimately places greater burdens on all candidates.'®
15 In Jenness v. Fortson, supra, at 440, this Court was
distinctly aware of the fact that a state system of ballot
access can discriminate against primary candidates and in
favor of independents when it noted:
“The appellants’ claim under the Equal Protection
Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment fares no better.
This claim is necessarily bottomed upon the premise that
it is inherently more burdensome for a candidate to
gather the signatures of 5% of the total eligible electorate
than it is to win the votes of a majority in a party
primary. That is a premise that cannot be uncritically
accepted. Although the number of candidates in a party
primary election for any particular office will, of course,
vary from election to election, the appellee’s brief advises
us that in the most recent election year there were 12
candidates for the nomination for the office of Governor
in the two party primaries. Only two of these 12, of
course, won their party primaries and had their names
printed on the ballot at the general election. Surely an
argument could ©» well be made on behalf of the 10 who
lost, that it is they who were denied equal protection vis-
a-vis a candidate who could have had his name printed
on the ballot simply by filing a nominating petition
signed by 5% of the total electorate.”
33
In addition, the District Court decision stands as a
warning to states that they dare not attempt, even for
the ultimate benefit of the voters and the electoral
process, to place party candidates and independents on
an equal or comparable footing lest they risk a finding
of unconstitutional discrimination.
For example, the lower court in Bradley belittled the
primary candidate’s need to know the identity of the
independent candidate at filing time because at that
point he did not know the identity of his general
election opponent from the opposite party. Such
reasoning ignores the fact that a primary candidate
always knows that he will have an opponent from the
opposite party. However, under the lower court’s
“alternate means” (permitting an independent candi-
date to file his certificate of candidacy at the same time
as primary candidates but not demanding the neces-
sary signatures until the primary elections or thereaf-
ter) the primary election victor would not know he was
to have in addition an independent opponent until after
the primary election and possibly well into his general
election campaign, perhaps after a substantial amount
of campaign funds had already been spent or commit-
ted in different directions.
The lower court also emphasized that an independent
candidate would not know who his opponents were
until after the primary. However, as of the filing date,
an independent does not truly know whether he himself
will qualify for the general election ballot. In light of
the thirty-five day validation process and the possibil-
ity of legal challenges to the petitions, he may not be
certain of his own status until after the primary
election. In the present case, the court’s opinion was
filed one day before the May 18 primary.
34
This tunnel vision of the lower court is further
evidenced by its sole focus on the respective burdens of
primary contestants and potential independent candi-
dates and its blindness to the situation of primary
victors and independents who qualify for the general
election ballot. Maryland’s 70 day pre-primary filing
deadline allows 35 days for signature validation and
another 35 days for challenges, with the result that all
general election candidates are known to each other
and the voters at approximately the same time.
However, under the lower court’s rule, primary victors
are forced to run “in a vacuum” for at least 35 days (in
the present case from May 18 to July 13 plus 35 days)
and a successful independent gets a late start in the
general election since he does not know his status until
at least 35 days after he submits his signatures (here,
mid-August).
Moreover, if an independent candidate is to have a
chance at success in the general election against a
party opponent, it is important that his status as a
candidate be determined at the earliest possible
moment. For example, Appellee Bradley, in an affidavit
attached to his complaint and filed two weeks after
being notified of the insufficiency of his petitions, urged
the District Court to grant him expeditious relief
because “the campaign has received calls from poten-
tial contributors who will donate only after Mr. Bradley
is officially on the ballot” (A. 24A). Thus, Bradley’s own
evidence attests to the vital need for independents to
qualify at an early date — an interest served by the pre-
primary filing deadline.
In short, instead of Maryland’s non-discriminatory,
workable statutory scheme for adjusting the relative
burdens of obtaining general election ballot access, the
lower court, out of concern for excessive burdens and
35
discrimination, has created a system that unjustly
discriminates against primary candidates and imposes
greater hardships on all candidates.
IV.
EVEN IF MARYLAND’S UNIFORM PRE-PRIMARY FILING
DEADLINE IS FOUND TO EXCESSIVELY BURDEN CONSTITU-
TIONAL RIGHTS AND THUS DISCRIMINATE AGAINST INDE-
PENDENT CANDIDATES, ANY DEPRIVATION OF BRADLEY’S
RIGHTS IS JUSTIFIED BY NUMEROUS COMPELLING OR SUB-
STANTIAL INTERESTS.
The basic justification for any nonimation by petition
scheme for independent candidates lies in the State’s
duty “to protect the integrity of its political processes
from frivolous or fraudelent candidates”. See Bullock v.
Carter, 405 U.S. 134, 145 (1972) and Jenness v. Fortson,
supra at 442. Maryland’s uniform pre-primary filing
deadline fosters this interest. If independent candidates
were allowed to perfect their filings at a later date than
primary candidates, the way would then be open for the
perpetration of some of the time-honored election tricks
which invariably confuse the voter and distort the
process. For example, one party’s nominee might await
the outcome of the (other party’s) primary and then
determine that it would be to his advantage to promote
the candidacy by petition of a third candidate for the
purpose of artificially siphoning off votes which would
otherwise go to the other party’s nominee. This might
be accomplished by promoting an independent can-
didate with a name or political appeal similar to the
opponent. The lower court’s alternative means — that
the State permit an independent to file his certificate of
candidacy at the same time as primary candidates but
demand the necessary signatures on or after the
primary election — would not resolve this problem.
Unscrupulous party candidates could still encourage
36
the launching of numerous “protective” petition candi-
dates either to confuse their opponents or to preserve
their ability to siphon off the votes when the conting-
ency cevelops. Nor are such schemes in Maryland
electoral politics merely the products of a fertile
imagination. Siphoning votes via third candidacies is a
hard reality and almost a rule of the game. See Reeves
vu. Reeves, 275 Md. 599 (1975), which involved the
siphoning off of votes in a primary by a “name’s-the-
same” candidate.
In addition, the Section 7-l(e) filing deadline pro-
motes voter and candidate knowledge of all general
election candidates at approximately the same time and
prevents both independent and primary candidates
from obtaining an unfair advantage over each other.
Unlike this Court in American Party of Texas v.
White, supra at 787 n. 18, the lower court failed to in-
clude in the seventy day period between the date an
independent candidate must file his signatures and the
date of the primary necessary time for administrative
and court challenges to the signature verification
process. Maryland l..w requires petition signatures to be
validated by the local boards within 35 days of their
submission. (April 12 in the present case). For petition
gathering campaigns for statewide office, results are
forwarded to the State Administrative Board of Elec-
tion Laws which determines the sufficiency of the
signatures and notifies the candidate (April 15).
Appellee here filed suit on April 30, two weeks following
that determination. After expedited consideration by a
three-judge panel, it was not until the eve of the May 18
primary that Bradley’s likely status as a qualified
independent candidate for U.S. Senate was determined.
The point of this litany is clear: under the present
Maryland scheme all parties to the electoral process
eS ee ee ee ee a |
SS es OE eee aie | A ree
= eee ee me tome
37
will know the identity of qualified independents- at
approximately the same time the primary winner is
determined. The three-judge panel in Auerbach v.
Mandel, supra, expressly noted this value when it
sustained the Section 7-l(e) filing deadline in 1972:
“. . . [V]iewed in perspective of its reasons, Merch
6th in itself is not an unreasonable time when you
consider the , need and the State’s legitimate
interest ... in requiring... that all candidates
... be known at the same time.” Jurisdictional
Statement, Auerbach v. Mandel at 29.
Moreover, the uniform pre-primary filing deadline,
examined in this light, prevents either independents or
primary candidates from gaining the upper hand.
Under Maryland’s scheme, both candidates for the
general election ballot will have the same campaign
period. If an independent candidate is allowed to
submit his signatures on the date of the primary (as the
lower court held) and wait 35 days for signature
verification) plus an uncertain period of time for
administrative and legal challenges to become an
fficial candidate, his party opponents in the general
election may have made such headway in campaigning
and fund-gathering that the prospects of a serious race
by the independent will have evaporated.'* Conversely,
under the lower court’s dual deadline system, a party
candidate who has spent the majority of his campaign
funds in a tough primary may receive the shock of his
life to learn that halfway through his general election
campaign he now has another serious opponent, viz. an
independent candidate.'’? And nothing in the lower
‘* Due to his late campai
62,750 votes in the oe ae lie ge ees
obtained 68,341 signatures during hi titi i
which 53,567 were valid. a
17 Because of the possibility of administrative and legal
challenges with respect to signature validation and independ-
al
38
court’s proffered election scheme, i.e., uniform filing of
certificates of candidacies but waiting until the primary
to demand the necessary signatures, will cure these
problems; this is because no one, be it voter, party-
candidate, newsman or contributor, is going to take an
independent seriously until he is an official, qualified
general election candidate.'*
In addition to these significant interests served by
Maryland’s uniform pre-primary filing deadline, Sec-
tion 7-l(e) helps foster public discussion of issues
among all candidates when voter interest is at its peak,
viz. the primary campaign. Although this Court has
recognized that “public discussion [by candidates] is a
political duty”, Buckley v. Valeo, supra, 46 L. Ed. 2d at
707, Appellee Bradley, who had instructed his signature
gatherers to avoid discussing issues during the petition
gathering campaign, generally declined speaking
invitations which flowed in during the primary cam-
paign. Transcript of Proceedings at 78. He declined to
take advantage of these offers of public attention which
could have advanced his cause in the general election
and which could have afforded him the unique
opportunity of attacking without retort his likely
general election opponents who were preoccupied with
their primary battle. Most importantly, he declined to
shed any light for the primary voters (who are also the
general election voters) on the issues debated during the
campaign. This opportunity and obligation stemmed
from Maryland’s uniform filing deadline, which stimu-
lated interest in Bradley as a candidate.
ent ballot access, election officials may face greater adminis-
trative difficulties with a later filing deadline for independ-
ents.
'* See Appellee Bradley’s testimony that contributors were
holding back on committing campaign funds to him until he
was a qualified candidate (A. 24A).
ten ee oo ese
39
. Finally, Marylana’s uniform pre-primary filing dead-
line promotes all of these interests while still preserving
the right of State voters to be heard at an early point in
a Presidential election year with respect to their choice
for Presidential nominees. As indicated earlier, a
Presidential election year places greater burdens on all
Maryland candidates than off-year elections. Not only
is the filing date earlier, but all candidates must
campaign for a longer period of time. And voters are
faced with a greater prospect of confusion as elections,
both national and local, become a year-long preoccupa-
tion. But the State quite understandably has deter-
mined that a May primary is important in Presidential
election years in order to give Maryland voters a role in
selecting the Presidential candidates and to increase
voter participation in the State electoral process. The
lower court’s decision demands that the State either
forego this role for its voters or abandon the legitimate
interests asserted in behalf of the Section 7-1(e) filing
deadline.
In short, the State contends that whether viewed
separately or in conjunction, these interests are more
than sufficient to support whatever burdens or discrimi-
nation may be said to arise from Maryland’s uniform
filing deadline.
V.
HICKS v. MIRANDA DID NOT RELIEVE THE DISTRICT COURT
OF ITS OBLIGATION TO DISTINGUISH AND HARMONIZE
PRIOR SUMMARY AFFIRMANCES AND WRITTEN DECISIONS
OF THIS COURT UPHOLDING THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF
STATUTES SUCH AS SECTION 7-1(e) NOR DID IT SUGGEST
THAT SUMMARY AFFIRMANCES REPRESENT AN ADOPTION
OF THE PRECISE REASONING OF THE LOWER COURT.
A fundamental issue in this case is whether the lower
court guessed correctly when it held that the summary
affirmance in Salera v. Tucker, supra, in effect
40
overruled the five summary affirmances and two
written decisions of this Court which support the
constitutionality of Maryland’s uniform filing deadline
for candidates. On two occasions the court below opined
on the effect to be given particular summary affirm-
ances of this Court. The three-judge panel noted that the
issue of the constitutionality of the Section 7-1(e) filing
deadline had been raised in this Court in Auerbach but
said “we do not believe that the Supreme Court decided
it”. (AJS. p. lla). Yet, despite the fact that the issue as
framed for this Court in Salera wove together the
constitutionality of both the signature gathering period
and filing deadline for independent candidates in
Pennsylvania,'? the lower court here said “we are
confident that Salera did decide the issue before us’,
(AJS. p. 8a) viz., the validity vel non only of a pre-
primary filing deadline. Absent in the court’s opinion
was any attempt to employ the methodology of Storer
and Jenness or any serious attempt to distinguish the
substantial amount of authority in support of the
constitutionality of Section 7-l(e). In effect, the lower
court declared that the summary affirmance in Salera
had overruled the following written and summary
decisions of this Court: Socialist Labor Party v. Rhodes,
318 F. Supp. 1262 (S.D. Ohio 1970), aff'd sub nom.
Sweetenham v. Gilligan, 409 U.S. 942 (1972) (upholding
'* According to Pennsylvania’s Jurisdictional Statement in
Salera, the relevant question was framed: “Whether the
United States District Court for the Easten District of
Pennsyivania, sitting as a three-judge court pursuant to 23
U.S.C. §2284, committed error in ruling that, under the
Pennsylvania Election Code, the requirement that candidates
of political bodies collect signatures for their nomination
papers between the tenth and seventh Wednesdays prior to
the primary election and file such nomination papers no later
than the seventh Wednesday prior to the primary election,
violated a constitutional right secured by the United States
Constitution.” (Emphasis added).
41
a filing deadline of 90 days before the primary and 9
months before the general election); Pratt v. Begley, 352
F. Supp. 328 (D. Ky. 1970), aff'd 409 U.S. 943 (1972)
(upholding a filing deadline of 55 days before the
primary and 7 months before the general election);
Jenness v. Fortson, 403 U.S. 431 (1970) (upholding a
filing deadline of 69 days before the primary and 5
months before the general election even though this
provision was coupled with a 180-day signature-
gathering period and a 5% signature requirement); and
Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23 (1968) (where the filing
deadline later sustained in Sweetenham was strack
down but only in conjunction with restrictive provisions
of Ohio law which made it virtually impossible for a
nonparty candidate to obtain ballot access).2° Appar-
ently of little concern to the panel below during this
devastation of this Court’s ballot access cases was the
fact that less than two months before the Salera
affirmance Jenness was relied upon by this Court to
sustain the constitutionality of certain provisions of the
Federal Election Campaign Act in Buckley v. Valeo,
supra, at 733-36, or that the Auerbach and Wood cases
were cited favorably in Storer, supra, at 739, n. 10 when
this Court last gave plenary consideration to a ballot
access case.
The lower court cited Hicks v. Miranda, 422 U.S. 332
(1975), as authority for its out-of-hand dismissal of the
precedential value of the above decisions. However, it is
not even clear that Hicks would apply in this case. In
Hicks this Court said that a lower federal court erred in
disregarding a prior state court case appealed to the
“” In addition, the lower i
Maryland People’s Party =n "Wood ». Plan gy te
cases between 1970 and 1973 in which this Court gave
summary, favorable consideration to the constitutionality of _/
Maryland’s nomination by petition process (which has not
since changed).
42
Supreme Court and dismissed “for want of a substan-
tial federal question”. The present case, however,
involves a summary affirmance, not dismissal for want
of a substantial federal question, and this Court on a
number of occasions has stated that the former are less
weighty decisions. In Gibson v. Berryhill, 411 U.S. 564,
576 (1973), this Court conceded that summary affirman-
ces are “somewhat opaque”. And in Fusari v. Steinberg,
419 U.S. 379, 391-92 (1975), Chief Justice Burger in his
concurring opinion stated:
“When we summarily affirm without opinion,
. . we affirm the judgment but not necessarily the
reasoning by which it was reached. An unexpli-
cated summary affirmance settles the issues for the
parties, and is not to be read as a renunciation by
this Court of doctrines previously announced in our
opinions after full argument.”
Cf. Edelman v. Jordan, 415 U.S. 651, 671 (1974).
In addition to applying to summary dismissals rather
than summary affirmances, Hicks required a federal
_ court considering a constitutional challenge to a statute
to accord precedential effect to a summary disposition
relative to the exact same statute. Thus if the lower
court in Bradley was going to follow in its entirety its
mistaken view of Hicks, it would have been obligated to
feel itself bound by Auerbach which involved the
constitutionality of Section 7-l(e) rather than Salera
which dealt with a different Pennsylvania law.
However, even assuming Hicks applies fully to
summary affirmances, it still would mean only that a
summary affirmance by the S -reme Court is a
decision on the merits in a case ari: that lower courts
are not free to disregard such decisions. It does not
elevate the lower court opinion to equal footing with the
words of this Court, nor does Hicks v. Miranda
prescribe the weight to be given the lower court’s
ee
43
reasoning in light of a summary affirmance that
follows hard on the heels of a line of written and
summary decisions which suggest or mandate a result
contrary to that reasoning but consistent with the
result in the case.’ In light of the seriousness with
which this Court regards the prospect of overruling a
prior decision, lower courts should have a similarly
weighty obligation to reconcile a single summary
affirmance with other Supreme Court decisions of
recent vintage by employing the methodology set out in
this Court’s written decisions. Even in Hicks, this Court
indicated that lower courts should “ascertain the reach
and content of summary actions.” 422 U.S. at 345 n. 14.
One thoughtful commentator on Hicks v. Miranda
phas said that pursuant to this duty, lower courts must
>
“
. . analyze carefully the grounds upon which the
statute was upheld in the prior appeal, including,
for example, the precise wording of the statute, the
constitutional provisions relied upon, the party
who asserted the claim in the prior appeal and
most importantly, the precise facts upon which the
statute was upheld”. Note: The Precedential
Weight of a Dismissal by the Supreme Court for
Want of a Substantial Federal Question: Some
Implications of Hicks v. Miranda, 76 Columbia L.
R. 508, 529 (1976).
In disregard of these principles, the lower court here
avoided numerous opportunities to distinguish Salera
from the present case. First and foremost was the
requirement of the Pennsylvania statute that signa-
tures be gathered within 21 days. The three-judge court
for the District of Maryland, like the lower court in
Salera, was all too quick to proclaim such a feature as
per se unburdensome under all circumstances, a course
21 As noted earlier, we have no quarrel whatever with the
result of striking down a three-week signature-gathering
period which ends as early as was the case in Salera.
44
which this Court eschewed in Storer, 415 U.S. at 740. In
Storer this Court deemed a 24-day period to gather
signatures for an independent Presidential candidate as
“a substantial requirement” and remanded the case for
a determination of whether this provision coupled with
other restrictive features of California law placed too
great a burden on independent candidates. As a
practical matter, the absence of such a substantial
restriction from Maryland’s nomination by petition law
renders the scheme challenged by Bradley infinitely
less burdensome than the Pennsylvania statute. More-
over, even the lower court’s opinion contained re-
peated references to the unconstitutional remoteness
from the general election of the “signature gathering
period”. 399 F. Supp. at 1266-67. Salera is also
distinguishable in a number of other important re-
spects. It involved a 218-day period before the general
election in a non-Presidential election year. In such
cases, Maryland requires only a 120-day period.
Moreover, the element of the Presidential preference
primary present in this case necessarily strengthens the
legitimate state interests so summarily rejected in
Salera. This case also involves substantial interests not
presented or discussed in Salera, but considered
substantial by this Court in prior cases. In addition,
Salera is distinguishable on the basis of facts the three-
judge court in Pennsylvania thought important, viz.,
the status of the parties. In Salera the statute was
challenged by a class who expressed its intention to
vote for the candidate, 399 F. Supp. at 1262 N. 4. In the
present case the only intent averred by Bradley’s
supporters is their desire to see his name on the general
election ballot. The Salera court even determined that
the bad weather petition circulators must face when
gathering signatures at an early date was impurtant in
gauging burdensomeness. 399 F. Supp. at 1266. Evi-
OT rem
45
dence before the Bradley court here indicated that in
1976-76 Maryland had one of its mildest winters in
history.??
In short, if the lower court wanted to avoid its
draconian reversal of this Court’s ballot access cases, it
coulu have readily and reasonably distinguished Salera
on a number of bases. Moreover, it could have and
should have relied on the principles of written decisions
of the Supreme Court to resolve the result reached in
Salera with a conclusion that Section 7-l(e) is not
violative of Bradley’s constitutional rights.
22 Unlike the situation in Salera, the Maryland statute was
challenged by an independent candidate who demonstrated
that he was able to acquire a sufficient number of signatures
by the filing deadline, but was kept off the ballot because the
inefficiency of his campaign resulted in thousands of
invalidated signatures.
46
CONCLUSION
In summary, Appellants urge that the District Court
has abdicated its duty to reconcile Salera with other
decisions of this Court, to employ the methodology set
out in Storer and Jenness, and to gauge the impact of
Maryland’s candidate filing date in light of other
features of the State’s election law and the realities of
independent ballot access in Maryland. For these
reasons, the State contends that the lower court abused
its discretion in enjoining State election officials from
refusing to accept additional signatures submitted by
Appellees after the statutory deadline, and the Appel-
lants were entitled to judgment as a matter of law.
Accordingly, the decision of the District Court must be
reversed and judgment entered for Appellants.
Respectfully submitted,
FRANCIS B. BURCH,
Attorney General
of Maryland,
GeorGE A. NILSON,
Deputy Attorney General,
RoBert A. ZARNOCH,
Assistant Attorney General,
1400 One South Calvert Bidg.,
Baltimore, Maryland 21202,
Attorneys for Appellants.
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.