Petition for Writ of Certiorari — Laura Loomer, Individually and as a Candidate for United States Congress, et al., Petitioners v. Mark Zuckerberg, Individually and as CEO of Meta Platforms, Inc., et al.
Supreme Court briefJun 25, 2025
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APPENDIX TABLE OF CONTENTS
OPINIONS AND ORDERS
Memorandum Opinion, U.S. Court of Appeals
for the Ninth Circuit (March 27, 2025) ............. 1a
Order Granting Motions to Dismiss,
United States District Court,
Northern District of California
(September 30, 2023).......................................... 7a
App.1a
MEMORANDUM OPINION, U.S. COURT OF
APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT
(MARCH 27, 2025)
NOT FOR PUBLICATION
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT
________________________
LAURA LOOMER, as an individual and in her
capacity as a Candidate for United States Congress;
LAURA LOOMER FOR CONGRESS, INC.,
Plaintiffs-Appellants,
v.
MARK ZUCKERBERG, in his capacity as CEO of
Meta Platforms, Inc. and as an individual;
TWITTER, INC.; JACK DORSEY, in his capacity as
former CEO of Twitter, Inc. and as an individual;
META PLATFORMS, INC.; THE PROCTER &
GAMBLE COMPANY, and DOES 1-100, individuals,
Defendants-Appellees.
________________________
No. 23-3158
D.C. No. 3:22-cv-02646-LB
Appeal from the United States District Court
for the Northern District of California
Laurel Beeler, Magistrate Judge, Presiding
Argued and Submitted March 19, 2025
San Francisco, California
App.2a
Before: S.R. THOMAS, OWENS,
and COLLINS, Circuit Judges.
MEMORANDUM*
Laura Loomer and Laura Loomer for Congress,
Inc. (collectively “Loomer”) appeal the dismissal of
their civil claims under the Racketeer Influenced and
Corrupt Organizations Act (“RICO”), 18 U.S.C. § 1961
et seq., against (1) Mark Zuckerberg and Meta Platforms (formerly known as Facebook) (collectively
“Meta”), (2) Jack Dorsey and X Corp. (formerly known
as Twitter) (collectively “X Corp”), (3) the Procter &
Gamble Company (“Procter & Gamble”), and (4) Does
1–100.
We review a dismissal for failure to state a claim
de novo. Dyroff v. Ultimate Software Grp., Inc., 934
F.3d 1093, 1096 (9th Cir. 2019). In reviewing a motion
to dismiss, we accept all well-pleaded factual allegations in the complaint as true. Ashcroft v. Iqbal, 556
U.S. 662, 678–79 (2009). To avoid a dismissal under
Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6), a complaint
must plead “enough facts to state a claim to relief that
is plausible on its face.” Bell Atlantic Corp. v.
Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 570 (2007). We affirm.
Loomer alleges two claims against the Defendants:
a substantive civil RICO violation and a RICO
conspiracy violation. Loomer alleges that all Defendants are part of the “Community Media Enterprise,”
a “wide-ranging conspiracy . . . to unlawfully censor
* This disposition is not appropriate for publication and is not
precedent except as provided by Ninth Circuit Rule 36-3.
App.3a
conservative voices and interfere with American
elections.”1
I
The district court correctly concluded that Loomer
failed to state plausible RICO claims.
A
A substantive civil RICO claim has five elements:
“(1) conduct (2) of an enterprise (3) through a pattern
(4) of racketeering activity (known as ‘predicate acts’)
(5) causing injury to the plaintiff’s ‘business or
property.’” Grimmett v. Brown, 75 F.3d 506, 510 (9th
Cir. 1996) (citing 18 U.S.C. §§ 1964(c), 1962(c)).
Loomer fails to plausibly allege the existence of a
RICO “enterprise.” “To show the existence of an
enterprise under the second element, plaintiffs must
plead that the enterprise has (A) a common purpose,
1 This action is Loomer’s fourth lawsuit about this alleged
conspiracy. See Freedom Watch, Inc. v. Google, Inc., 368 F. Supp.
3d 30, 34 (D.D.C. 2019) (explaining that Loomer and a nonprofit
claimed that Facebook, Twitter, and other technology companies
have “work[ed] together to ‘intentionally and willfully suppress
politically conservative content’”), aff’d, 816 F. App’x 497 (D.C.
Cir. 2020); Illoominate Media, Inc. v. CAIR Found., No. 19-CIV81179-RAR, 2019 WL 13168767, at *1–2 (S.D. Fla. Nov. 19, 2019)
(explaining that Loomer sued Twitter, but not Facebook, over
Twitter’s decision to ban her); Loomer v. Facebook, Inc., No. 9:19cv-80893-RS, 2020 WL 2926357, at *1 (S.D. Fla. Apr. 13, 2020)
(explaining that Loomer sued Facebook, but not Twitter, over
Facebook’s decision to ban her and label her a “dangerous
individual”). All three previous lawsuits were dismissed. See
FreedomWatch, 368 F. Supp. 3d at 33–34; Illoominate Media,
2019 WL 13168767, at *1 & n.1; Loomer v. Facebook, Inc., No.
4:20-cv-03154-HSG (N.D. Cal. Aug. 13, 2020), Dkt. No. 88.
App.4a
(B) a structure or organization, and (C) longevity
necessary to accomplish the purpose.” Eclectic Props.
E., LLC v. Marcus & Millichap Co., 751 F.3d 990, 997
(9th Cir. 2014) (citing Boyle v. United States, 556 U.S.
938, 946 (2009)).
Here, Loomer claims a RICO violation against
Meta and X Corp. for their content-based actions in
managing their platforms and against Procter &
Gamble for doing business with Meta and X Corp.
Meta and X Corp. operate social media platforms, on
which users place content under terms and conditions
established by the corporations and to which users
agree as a condition of the corporations allowing them
to place content on the platforms. The gravamen of
Loomer’s complaint is to hold Meta and X Corp liable
for deciding whether to block or restrict certain
content provided by others. Loomer claims a RICO
violation against Procter & Gamble for doing business
with Meta and X Corp by placing advertisements on
their platforms.
The allegations in Loomer’s complaint are not
sufficient to establish an “enterprise” within the meaning of RICO. In order to constitute an “enterprise,” the
plaintiff must allege “a continuing unit that functions
with a common purpose.” Boyle, 556 U.S. at 948. The
operative complaint simply alleges that there was a
RICO enterprise because the Defendants had the
“common goals of making money, acquiring influence
over other enterprises and entities, and other
pecuniary and non-pecuniary interests.” These
allegations are not sufficient to plausibly allege Defendants constitute “a continuing unit that functions with
a common purpose.” Id.
App.5a
In addition, Loomer does not plausibly allege an
enterprise structure. The complaint only alleges that
the Defendants, including Does 1-100, “along with
YouTube and Google and others” constitute an
enterprise, without any allegations of an actual
structure.
Further, there are no allegations of the alleged
enterprise’s longevity in the complaint. In briefing,
Loomer only contends the longevity requirement was
satisfied because of the Defendants’ alleged “longlasting relationship.”
With the complaint lacking plausible allegations
of a common purpose, a structure, and the longevity
necessary to accomplish the purpose, the district court
properly concluded that the complaint fails to state a
viable substantive RICO violation.2 See Eclectic Props.
E., LLC, 751 F.3d at 997; Boyle, 556 U.S. at 946.
B
The complaint also fails to state a RICO conspiracy claim. “Plaintiffs cannot claim that a conspiracy
to violate RICO existed if they do not adequately plead
a substantive violation of RICO.” Howard v. Am.
Online Inc., 208 F.3d 741, 751 (9th Cir. 2000). Thus,
for the reasons already stated, the district court
correctly dismissed the RICO conspiracy claim.
II
“We have held that in dismissals for failure to
state a claim, a district court should grant leave to
2 Because the complaint fails to plausibly allege a RICO enterprise,
we need not address whether it satisfies any other RICO
requirement.
App.6a
amend . . . unless it determines that the pleading
could not possibly be cured by the allegation of other
facts.” Cook, Perkiss & Liehe, Inc. v. N. Cal. Collection
Serv. Inc., 911 F.2d 242, 247 (9th Cir. 1990). “It is
generally our policy to permit amendment with
‘extreme liberality,’ although when a district court has
already granted a plaintiff leave to amend, its
discretion in deciding subsequent motions to amend is
‘particularly broad.’” Chodos v. W. Publ’g Co., 292 F.3d
992, 1003 (9th Cir. 2002) (citations omitted).
Here, the district court was within its discretion to
deny Loomer’s motion to amend. Loomer had already
amended the complaint once, so the district court had
broad discretion to deny the second amendment. The
district court correctly determined that the new
allegations in the Second Amended Complaint would
not affect the decision to dismiss the complaint.
III
In sum, the district court properly dismissed the
amended complaint and denied leave to amend. Given
our resolution of these issues, we need not, and do not,
reach any other issue raised by the parties.3
AFFIRMED.
3 The district court also concluded that Loomer’s claims against
Meta and X Corp were barred by res judicata and Section 230 of
the Communications Decency Act, 47 U.S.C. § 230(c)(1). Given
our resolution of the claims against all Defendants, it is
unnecessary for us to reach those issues.
App.7a
ORDER GRANTING MOTIONS TO DISMISS
(SEPTEMBER 30, 2023)
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
NORTHERN DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA
SAN FRANCISCO DIVISION
________________________
LAURA LOOMER, et al.,
Plaintiffs,
v.
MARK ZUCKERBERG, et al.,
Defendants.
________________________
Case No. 22-cv-02646-LB
Re: ECF Nos. 79–81, 114
Before: Laurel BEELER,
United States Magistrate Judge.
ORDER GRANTING MOTIONS TO DISMISS
INTRODUCTION
The plaintiff is a former congressional candidate
who was banned from Twitter and Facebook in 2018
and 2019 for alleged hateful conduct and for appearing
with others banned for hateful conduct. She sued
Facebook and Twitter over those bans several times
before. In this case, she alleges that providers of
social-media platforms, Procter & Gamble (which
App.8a
advertises on those platforms), and unnamed government officials constitute a racketeering enterprise that
“unlawfully censors conservative voices and interfere[s]
with American elections.” She claims that the enterprise violates the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt
Organizations (RICO) Act by engaging in interference
with commerce by threats or violence, interstate transportation in aid of racketeering, wire fraud, providing
material support to terrorists, and advocating overthrow of the government.
The plaintiff sued the members of the alleged
enterprise: Mark Zuckerberg, Meta Platforms (Facebook), Jack Dorsey, X Corp. (Twitter), and Procter &
Gamble. The defendants moved to dismiss the First
Amended Complaint (FAC) under Federal Rule of
Civil Procedure 12(b)(6). The Twitter and Facebook
defendants contend that the claims are barred by the
doctrine of res judicata and § 230 of the Communications Decency Act, and all defendants contend that the
plaintiff cannot plausibly plead RICO claims. In
addition to opposing the motions to dismiss, the
plaintiff moved for leave to amend her complaint to
add new allegations, which are mostly about internal
Twitter documents that allegedly show coordination
between Twitter and the federal government.
The court grants the motions to dismiss with
prejudice because res judicata bars the claims against
Twitter and Facebook, § 230 also bars those claims,
and the RICO claims are futile.
App.9a
STATEMENT
1. The Alleged Enterprise and its Banning
the Plaintiff from Facebook and Twitter
The plaintiff, who lives in Florida, ran for Congress
in 2020 and 2022. In 2020, she was the Republican
nominee in the general election to represent Florida’s
21st congressional district in the U.S. House of
Representatives.1 In 2022, she ran in the Republican
primary election for Florida’s 11th congressional
district.2 She is the CEO of Laura Loomer for Congress,
Inc., which is also a plaintiff in this case.3
Defendants X Corp. (Twitter) and Meta Platforms
(Facebook) operate social-media platforms that are
“the new public town square.”4 Mr. Zuckerberg is the
Chairman and CEO of Facebook.5 Mr. Dorsey is the
former CEO of Twitter.6 The Procter & Gamble
Company is an Ohio corporation that advertises on
Twitter and Facebook.7 “Defendants Does 1–100 are
persons within the [FBI], and potentially others
1 First Am. Compl. (FAC) – ECF No. 69 at 3 (¶¶ 5–6). Citations
refer to material in the Electronic Case File (ECF); pinpoint
citations are to the ECF-generated page numbers at the top of
documents.
2 Id. at 4 (¶ 7).
3 Id. (¶¶ 8, 10).
4 Id. at 4–5 (¶¶ 11, 13), 9–10 (¶¶ 25–26, 30–31); Corp. Disclosure
Statement – ECF No. 123.
5 FAC – ECF No. 69 at 4 (¶ 12).
6 Id. at 5 (¶ 14).
7 Id. at 5 (¶¶ 15–16), 71–72 (¶¶ 238–39).
App.10a
within the Executive Branch of the United States
government and corporate America, including executives and advertising officials at [Procter] & Gamble,
who conspired with other [d]efendants to commit the
[alleged] unlawful acts[.]”8
The plaintiff alleges that the defendants constitute
an enterprise engaged in a pattern of racketeering.
The general premise is that “big tech” companies and
the U.S. government are conspiring to ban conservatives from social-media platforms, and thereby interfere
in elections, by “fraudulently us[ing] the pretext of
‘hate speech.’”9 The plaintiff is allegedly “one of the
primary victims of that conspiracy.”10
On August 12, 2018, Facebook suspended the
plaintiff for thirty days.11 On November 21, 2018,
Twitter banned the plaintiff “for ‘hateful’ conduct.”12
On May 2, 2019, Facebook banned the plaintiff and
others after designating them as “dangerous individuals” due to “their alleged off-platform associations
with affiliates of the Proud Boys.”13 The plaintiff had
appeared with Gavin McInnes and praised Faith
Goldy, both designated previously by Facebook as
“hate figures.”14
8 Id. at 4 (¶ 16).
9 Id. at 2–3 (¶¶ 2–3), 11–12 (¶ 37).
10 Id. at 3 (¶ 4).
11 Id. at 66 (¶ 216).
12 Id. (¶ 217).
13 Id. at 48 (¶ 160).
14 Id. at 66 (¶ 218).
App.11a
On August 2, 2019, the plaintiff announced her
candidacy for the Republican nomination for Florida’s
21st congressional district.15 Her campaign created a
Facebook page for her “as a candidate rather than a
private citizen” on November 11, 2019.16 But the next
day, Facebook banned that page “and subsequently
deleted all messages and correspondence with the
campaign.”17 This was allegedly done “under the pretext of violations of [Facebook’s] ‘hate speech policy.’”18
On November 14, 2019, in response to inquiries about
the plaintiff and her campaign being banned,
Facebook changed its policy on political candidates to
exclude candidates who had already been banned.19
Later, in July 2020, the plaintiff was told that if a
Political Action Committee tried to promote her
campaign on Facebook with ads, the ads “would be
taken down.”20 The next day, that happened, and
Facebook allegedly adopted a “new policy . . . that
nothing about [the plaintiff] is permitted on Facebook,
and that for the duration of the election cycle[,] the
[plaintiff’s] campaign [would] not have access to run
any of its own ads.”21
15 Id. at 67 (¶ 219).
16 Id. at 68 (¶ 225).
17 Id. (¶ 226).
18 Id. at 69 (¶ 227).
19 Id. (¶ 230).
20 Id. at 72 (¶ 241).
21 Id. at 72–73 (¶¶ 242, 244).
App.12a
No other federal candidate in the country was
banned from advertising on Facebook.22 Twitter also
did not allow the plaintiff to use its platform during
the election.23 At the time, the pandemic “mandate[ed]
reliance on digital and social media to reach and
interact with prospective voters.”24 On August 18,
2020, the plaintiff won the Republican primary election.25 Her Democratic opponent Lois Frankel advertised on Facebook throughout the campaign, which
allegedly gave Ms. Frankel an unfair advantage.26
Ms. Frankel won the election in November 2020.27
The plaintiff also ran in the Republican primary
election for Florida’s 11th congressional district prior
to the 2022 mid-term elections. She sought to unseat
forty-year incumbent Daniel Webster, and she “outfundraised” him consistently. As in 2020, her campaign was “the only de-platformed campaign in the
nation.” In August 2022, Mr. Webster won the primary
election by 5,210 votes, “the smallest margin for any
incumbent who ran for re-election” in Florida.28
There are also allegations about defendant
Procter & Gamble. On April 11, 2019, at the annual
meeting of the Association of National Advertisers,
22 Id. at 72 (¶ 245).
23 Id. at 74 (¶ 247).
24 Id. at 69–70 (¶¶ 231–32).
25 Id. at 73 (¶ 246).
26 Id. at 72–73 (¶¶ 242–43).
27 Id. at 74 (¶ 248).
28 Id. at 74–75 (¶¶ 249–51).
App.13a
Procter & Gamble’s Chief Brand Officer “announced
the creation of a ‘New Media Supply Chain’ wherein
[Procter & Gamble] would require advertising platforms to ‘prove’ that their content was ‘under their
complete control.’”29 In May 2019 (the same month
the plaintiff was banned from Facebook for her
affiliation with the Proud Boys), Procter & Gamble
allegedly demanded that Facebook designate a list of
individuals as “dangerous” and ban them unless they
“disavowed the Proud Boys.”30 Later, in June 2020,
Procter & Gamble’s Chief Brand Officer said that
Procter & Gamble would not advertise “on or near
content that we determine is hateful, denigrating or
discriminatory.”31 “Where we determine our standards
are not met, we will take action, up to and including
stopping spending, just like we’ve done before.”32 On
the same day, Facebook said that it routinely discusses
policy matters with advertisers and would continue
doing so.33
The FAC has allegations about government officials. In 2019, the FBI red-flagged the plaintiff in its
“[NICS] database,” causing her to be prohibited from
possessing a firearm.34 In the weeks leading up to the
2020 presidential election, Facebook allegedly
“algorithmically suppressed stories about the Hunter
29 Id. at 70 (¶ 233).
30 Id. at 70–71 (¶¶ 234–35).
31 Id. at 71 (¶ 237).
32 Id. at 72 (¶ 239).
33 Id. at 71 (¶ 236).
34 Id. at 79 (¶ 261).
App.14a
Biden laptop scandal” at the FBI’s request or warning.35 And COVID-19 vaccine skeptic Alex Berenson
was allegedly banned from Twitter at the White
House’s request.36
2. The Alleged Predicate Acts
The plaintiff alleges that the racketeering enterprise has engaged in the following criminal acts (or
“predicate acts”): interference with commerce by threats
or violence, 18 U.S.C. § 1951; interstate transportation
in aid of racketeering, id. § 1952; wire fraud, id.
§ 1343; providing material support to terrorists, id.
§ 2339B; and advocating overthrow of the government,
id. § 2385.
As to interference with commerce by threats or
violence, the plaintiff alleges that Facebook and Google
induce changes in their users’ behavior “by the threat
of banning and labeling.” For example, when Facebook
users try to share a post that has been fact-checked,
Facebook displays a warning that “[p]ages and websites
that repeatedly publish or share false news will see
their overall distribution reduced and [will] be
restricted in other ways.” Google induced the website
Zero Hedge to delete much of its comment section by
telling Zero Hedge that if it did not do so, it would not
be able to earn revenue through Google ads.37 And the
plaintiff alleges that Facebook threatened to ban her
and label her a “dangerous individual” to compel her
35 Id. at 2 (¶ 1), 76–77 (¶¶ 254–55, 258).
36 Id. at 2–3 (¶ 2), 78 (¶ 259).
37 Id. at 80–84 (¶¶ 262–78).
App.15a
to refrain from associating with other people labeled
by the defendants as dangerous.38
In support of her claim of interstate transportation in aid of racketeering, the plaintiff alleges
that Facebook has banned or limited hate speech and
false content. In September 2019, Facebook removed
two posts by the head of the “Angel Families” organization and permanently removed the group’s
donation button because the posts violated Facebook’s
hate-speech policy. In August 2020, Facebook banned
ads by the “Committee to Defend the President” due
to the Committee’s “repeated sharing of content
determined by third-party fact-checkers to be false.”39
As for the plaintiff, the defendants allegedly exposed
her to disgrace to compel her “to refrain from
associating or speaking.”40
The plaintiff also asserts wire fraud. She alleges
that “Facebook and Procter & Gamble schemed . . . to
deprive [her] of honest services due to her as a user of
Facebook.” Also, during the 2020 election campaign,
Facebook allegedly falsely promised that candidates
would not be subject to restrictions “as a way to
procure millions of dollars in advertisement purchases,”
but then “changed its policies to subject [Donald
Trump’s Facebook] advertisements to third-party
review and censorship.”41
38 Id. at 110–11 (¶ 365).
39 Id. at 84–87 (¶¶ 279–87).
40 Id. at 112 (¶ 370).
41 Id. at 87–92 (¶¶ 288–305), 109–10 (¶ 362).
App.16a
For the predicate act of providing material support
to terrorists, the plaintiff alleges that “Hezbollah and
Hamas maintained a widespread presence on Facebook, YouTube and Twitter.” A Hamas television
station and leaders of each organization had accounts
on Facebook and Twitter. On September 18, 2019,
Facebook allegedly “was found to have automatically
generated hundreds of business pages promoting the
terrorist groups ISIS and Al Qaida” and allowed those
pages to remain online for up to six weeks. In October
2019, a U.S. policy director for Twitter said that
“Twitter allows accounts associated with political arms
of groups designated by the U.S. government as
‘foreign terrorist organizations.’” Taliban supporters
and spokesmen also maintained accounts on Facebook
and Twitter.42
The last alleged predicate act is advocating overthrow of the government. Facebook “facilitated” the
group “Abolish ICE Denver” when it “organize[d]
gatherings outside the home of ICE warden Johnny
Choate” and “post[ed] direct threats, such as ‘FIRE
TO THE PRISON.’” Facebook “refused to remove a
page celebrating ‘dead cops’ titled ‘The Only Good Cops
Are Dead Cops.’” On January 7 and 8, 2021, Facebook
and Twitter banned Donald Trump’s accounts. And in
August 2021, members of the Taliban used Twitter “to
provide updates and propaganda messaging in
furtherance and support of the Taliban[‘s] overthrow
of United States governmental entities and interests
in Afghanistan.”43
42 Id. at 93–97 (¶¶ 306–18), 113 (¶ 372).
43 Id. at 97–101 (¶¶ 319–30), 113–14 (¶¶ 374–76).
App.17a
3. Allegations in the Proposed Second
Amended Complaint
The plaintiff moved for leave to amend her
complaint and submitted a proposed Second Amended
Complaint (SAC).44 In the SAC, the defendants,
racketeering-enterprise members, predicate acts, and
claims are the same.45 The new allegations are as
follows.
In the months after Elon Musk became the owner
of Twitter in October 2022, internal Twitter
documents were released by independent journalists.
The documents allegedly show “Twitter’s coordination
with federal government agents (primarily the [FBI])
to fraudulently censor core political speech” protected
by the First Amendment, including the plaintiff’s, and
to “defraud hundreds of millions of American[s]
(including [the plaintiff]) by interfering in multiple
elections, including the 2020 [p]residential election.”46
In December 2022, Mr. Musk tweeted that “[t]he
evidence is clear and voluminous” that Twitter
interfered in the 2020 election. He also said that
Twitter was “both a social media company and a crime
scene.”47
The Twitter documents allegedly “revealed the
extraordinary measures that Twitter implemented to
44 SAC, Ex. A to Pierce Decl. in Supp. of Mot. for Leave – ECF
No. 114-2.
45 See generally Blackline – ECF No. 126.
46 SAC, Ex. A to Pierce Decl. in Supp. of Mot. for Leave – ECF
No. 114-2 at 5–6 (¶¶ 1, 3), 78–79 (¶¶ 233–34).
47 Id. at 92–93 (¶¶ 247–50).
App.18a
suppress the Hunter Biden laptop scandal.” Twitter’s
Trust and Safety chief Yoel Roth, who met weekly
with the FBI from 2018 to 2020, “wasn’t immediately
comfortable” removing the New York Post’s article on
the matter, but then ordered that it be suppressed
based on expert consensus that it “look[ed] a lot like a
hack-and-leak.” This order was allegedly given “[a]t
the consistent prompting of Twitter special counsel
and former FBI agent James Baker.” Twitter removed
links to the article, posted warnings that the article
may be unsafe, and blocked its transmission via direct
message. These actions allegedly “interfered in the
2020 [p]residential election, because[] as a 2020 MRC
poll found, ‘9.4 percent of Biden voters would have
abandoned him [if they had been fully aware of the
scandal], flipping all six of the swing states he won to
former President Donald Trump.’”48
The internal Twitter documents allegedly also
showed how easily “outside forces” could “manipulate”
Twitter to “censor” content on the platform. The FBI
and Mr. Roth “exchanged more than 150 emails from
January 2020 until November 2022. Many of these
emails were requests by the FBI for Twitter to take
action on election misinformation.” Other federal
agencies also requested that Twitter take action,
“sending lists of hundreds of problem accounts and
content identified as possible terms of service violation[s].”49
Twitter engaged in “shadowbanning” or “visibility
filtering” of users’ accounts. Twitter shadowbanned
48 Id. at 79–80 (¶¶ 236, 238).
49 Id. at 81–82 (¶¶ 239–40).
App.19a
“prominent conservatives.” Mr. Musk said that this
was done with political candidates. It is “extremely
likely” that Twitter shadowbanned the plaintiff’s
account.50
Twitter, Facebook, and persons within the federal
government allegedly communicated with each other
using software called Jira. According to the plaintiff,
this communications channel strengthens her alleations about a conspiracy to eliminate “unwanted
political speech” and interfere in elections.51 In light
of this communications channel, the plaintiff alleges
that the FBI’s red-flagging her in its NICS database
was likely related to the defendants’ de-platforming
her.52
In February 2023, the House Committee on
Oversight and Accountability held a hearing on the
Twitter documents.53 Representative Gary Palmer
cited a Princeton University study saying that Twitter
“allowed terrorist organizations, such as the Taliban,
to have Twitter accounts.” According to Mr. Palmer,
as the United States withdrew from Afghanistan
between April and September 2021, “[t]here were
more than 126,000 accounts in the Taliban support
network,” even though “the US government classifies
the Taliban as an insurgent group.” Mr. Roth
responded that “Twitter’s policies at the time
distinguished between some of the more violent
50 Id. at 82–83 (¶ 241), 88–90 (¶ 245), 93 (¶ 251).
51 Id. at 7–8 (¶¶ 8–9).
52 Id. at 77–78 (¶ 232).
53 Id. at 6–7 (¶¶ 5–7).
App.20a
portions of the Taliban and some of [its] more political
portions.”54
The proposed SAC also has new allegations about
the plaintiff. In May 2019, a Public Policy Manager at
Facebook named Josh Althouse called the plaintiff
and one of her associates and said that Procter &
Gamble had sent Facebook a list of people “who were
to be banned from [Facebook] unless [they] disavowed
the Proud Boys,” if Facebook “wished to maintain its
advertising revenue agreement” with Procter &
Gamble. Mr. Althouse encouraged the plaintiff to
make a statement disavowing the Proud Boys “as a
way to placate [Procter & Gamble].” He also said that
Procter & Gamble was Facebook’s largest advertiser at
the time. Later that month, Mr. Althouse told the
plaintiff that Procter & Gamble had demanded that
Facebook label her a “dangerous individual” and ban
her.55
After Twitter banned the plaintiff, there allegedly
were “smear campaigns” targeting her, including by
accusing her of being anti-Muslim and a conspiracy
theorist. After she won the Republican primary election
in 2020, Twitter Global Partnership Solutions lead
Lara Cohen re-tweeted a tweet calling the plaintiff a
bigot and an extremist. Articles at that time called the
plaintiff an “Islamophobe” and a “white supremacist,”
which “caused Florida voters to view [the plaintiff] in
a negative light.”56 And there were many imposter
54 Id. at 90–92 (¶ 246).
55 Id. at 98–99 (¶¶ 270–71).
56 Id. at 105–06 (¶¶ 291–92).
App.21a
accounts purporting to be the plaintiff and using slurs
“to make her look bad.”57
The plaintiff created an account on “free speech
social media platform Parler” after Twitter banned
her, and she gained 1.6 million followers there. But
after January 6, 2021, Parler was removed from the
Apple and Google app stores and from Amazon Web
Services, in a “conspiracy” between the FBI and bigtech platforms.58 Parler came back online one month
later, but “the vast majority of its previous active
users did not return, and [the plaintiff] did not have
the ability to reach anywhere near as great an
audience as she previously had.”59
The proposed SAC also adds predicate-act allegations, mostly centered on wire fraud.
The defendants allegedly misrepresented that
the plaintiff is “hateful” and a “dangerous individual,”
when in fact the defendants were acting on “her
political speech and political views.” In doing so, the
defendants “persuaded users that [the plaintiff] [was]
not worthy of donations.” The defendants falsely
induced the public to believe that political candidates
would be treated fairly: for example, Mr. Zuckerberg
said “I don’t think it’s right for tech companies to
censor politicians in a democracy.” Mr. Musk said that
“election interference by social media companies . . . is
wrong.” But the defendants “chang[ed] their rules
regarding political candidates and campaigns as a
57 Id. at 108 (¶ 296).
58 Id. at 109 (¶ 298).
59 Id. at 110 (¶ 300).
App.22a
reaction to [the plaintiff’s] filing to run for political
office.” This denied the plaintiff “the ability to spread
her message to voters” and denied users “the right to
decide on which candidate they wanted to follow, or
whether or not to donate to a political candidate of
their choosing.”60
The defendants’ “material support of terrorists
and terrorist organizations” is allegedly “part and
parcel of their wire fraud.” They represented that they
had a policy of removing users who are dangerous
individuals, “but intentionally did not remove known
and designated terrorists,” and instead “simply
target[ed] non-violent conservatives for their political
speech.”61
The defendants’ “advocating the overthrow of
government” also allegedly “involved wire fraud.” Their
“attempt to overthrow the government” is “associated
with” terrorist presence on their platforms and their
“manipulation of and interference [with] the election
process.”62
4. The Plaintiff’s Previous Lawsuits Against
Twitter and Facebook
The plaintiff brought four previous lawsuits in
connection with her suspensions and bans from
Twitter and Facebook.
First, in Freedom Watch, Inc. v. Google, Inc., the
plaintiff and a non-profit claimed that Google, Face60 Id. at 123–26 (¶¶ 346, 348–50).
61 Id. at 131 (¶¶ 365–66).
62 Id. at 136 (¶ 379).
App.23a
book, Twitter, and Apple “work[ed] together to ‘intentionally and willfully suppress politically conservative
content,’” in violation of federal antitrust and other
laws. 368 F. Supp. 3d 30, 34 (D.D.C. 2019).63 The
plaintiff alleged that Facebook suspended her for
thirty days (her Facebook ban had not occurred yet)
and Twitter banned her.64 Id. The court dismissed the
complaint because it did not “state viable legal
claims.” Id. at 37.
Second, in Illoominate Media, Inc. v. CAIR Found.,
the plaintiff and Illoominate Media sued the CAIR
Foundation and Twitter over the plaintiff’s Twitter
ban. No. 19-CIV-81179-RAR, 2019 WL 13168767, at
*1–2 (S.D. Fla. Nov. 19, 2019). The plaintiffs
voluntarily dismissed Twitter before service. Id. at *1
n.1.
Third, the plaintiff claimed in another case that
Facebook defamed her when it suspended and then
banned her. Am. Compl., Loomer v. Facebook, Inc.,
No. 9:19-cv-80893-RS (S.D. Fla. Aug. 5, 2019), ECF
No. 7. The case was transferred to the Northern
District of California. Loomer v. Facebook, Inc., No.
63 ”A defense of res judicata is appropriately addressed at the
motion to dismiss stage of litigation, and in so doing, the court
can take judicial notice of the earlier proceedings that give rise
to the defense.” Nnachi v. City of San Francisco, No. C 10-00714
MEJ, 2010 WL 3398545, at *2 (N.D. Cal. Aug. 27, 2010) (cleaned
up).
64 The plaintiff also alleged the tweet that led to her Twitter ban:
“Ilhan [Omar] is pro Sharia Ilhan is pro- FGM Under Sharia
homosexuals are oppressed & killed. Women are abused & forced
to wear the hijab. Ilhan is anti Jewish.” Am. Compl., Freedom
Watch, Inc. v. Google, Inc., No. 1:18-cv-02030-TNM (D.D.C. Dec.
6, 2018), ECF No. 28 at 14 (¶ 68).
App.24a
19-CV-80893, 2020 WL 2926357, at *4 (S.D. Fla. Apr.
13, 2020). The plaintiff later voluntarily dismissed the
case with prejudice. Notice of Voluntary Dismissal,
Loomer v. Facebook, Inc., No. 4:20-cv-03154-HSG
(N.D. Cal. Aug. 13, 2020), ECF No. 88.
Fourth, the plaintiff also sued Facebook for
defamation in state court in Florida, and Facebook
removed the case to federal court. Notice of Removal,
Loomer v. Facebook, Inc., No. 9:20-cv-80484-RS (S.D.
Fla. Mar. 24, 2020), ECF No. 1. The plaintiff then
voluntarily dismissed the case without prejudice.
Notice of Voluntary Dismissal, id. (S.D. Fla. Apr. 22,
2020), ECF No. 20.
5. Relevant Procedural History
The FAC asserts two RICO claims under 18
U.S.C. § 1964(c), which provides for civil remedies for
violations of 18 U.S.C. § 1962, which contains the
criminal provisions of the RICO Act. Claim one is for
violation of § 1962(c), which prohibits participation in
an enterprise through a pattern of racketeering
activity.65 Claim two is for violation of § 1962(d),
which prohibits conspiracies to violate § 1962(c).66
The plaintiff alleges damages “in the form of
reputational damage,” “lost employment opportunities,” “lost future profits,” “deprivation of equal
access to voters and campaign donations,” and “loss of
votes in a federal election.”67
65 FAC – ECF No. 69 at 106–15 (¶¶ 345–80).
66 Id. at 116–17 (¶¶ 381–87).
67 Id. at 75–76 (¶¶ 252–53).
App.25a
The court has federal-question jurisdiction. 28
U.S.C. § 1331. All parties consented to magistratejudge jurisdiction.68 The court held a hearing on May
11, 2023.
STANDARD OF REVIEW
A complaint must contain a “short and plain
statement of the claim showing that the pleader is
entitled to relief” to give the defendant “fair notice” of
(1) what the claims are and (2) the grounds upon
which they rest. Fed. R. Civ. P. 8(a)(2); Bell Atl. Corp.
v. Twombly, 550 U.S. 544, 555 (2007). Thus, “[a]
complaint may fail to show a right to relief either by
lacking a cognizable legal theory or by lacking
sufficient facts alleged under a cognizable legal
theory.” Woods v. U.S. Bank N.A., 831 F.3d 1159, 1162
(9th Cir. 2016).
A complaint does not need detailed factual
allegations, but “a plaintiff’s obligation to provide the
‘grounds’ of his ‘entitlement to relief’ requires more
than labels and conclusions, and a formulaic
recitation of the elements of a cause of action will not
do. Factual allegations must be enough to raise a right
to relief above the speculative level.” Twombly, 550
U.S. at 555 (cleaned up). A complaint must contain
factual allegations that, when accepted as true, are
sufficient to “state a claim to relief that is plausible on
its face.” Ashcroft v. Iqbal, 556 U.S. 662, 678 (2009);
NorthBay Healthcare Grp., Inc. v. Kaiser Found.
Health Plan, Inc., 838 F. App’x 231, 234 (9th Cir.
2020). “[O]nly the claim needs to be plausible, and not
the facts themselves. . . . ” NorthBay, 838 F. App’x at
68 Consents – ECF Nos. 26, 35, 36, 50, 77.
App.26a
234 (citing Iqbal, 556 U.S. at 696); see Interpipe Contracting, Inc. v. Becerra, 898 F.3d 879, 886–87 (9th
Cir. 2018) (the court must accept the factual
allegations in the complaint “as true and construe
them in the light most favorable to the plaintiff”)
(cleaned up).
Put another way, “[a] claim has facial plausibility
when the plaintiff pleads factual content that allows
the court to draw the reasonable inference that the
defendant is liable for the misconduct alleged.” Iqbal,
556 U.S. at 678. “The plausibility standard is not akin
to a ‘probability requirement,’ but it asks for more
than a sheer possibility that a defendant has acted
unlawfully.” Id. “Where a complaint pleads facts that
are merely consistent with a defendant’s liability, it
stops short of the line between possibility and
plausibility of ‘entitlement to relief.’” Id. (cleaned up).
If a court dismisses a complaint because of insufficient factual allegations, it should give leave to
amend unless “the pleading could not possibly be
cured by the allegation of other facts.” Cook, Perkiss
& Liehe, Inc. v. N. Cal. Collection Serv. Inc., 911 F.2d
242, 247 (9th Cir. 1990). If a court dismisses a
complaint because its legal theory is not cognizable,
the court should not give leave to amend. United
States v. United Healthcare Ins. Co., 848 F.3d 1161,
1184 (9th Cir. 2016); see Steele-Klein v. Int’l Bhd. of
Teamsters, Loc. 117, 696 F. App’x 200, 202 (9th Cir.
2017) (leave to amend may be appropriate if the
plaintiff “identifie[s] how she would articulate a
cognizable legal theory if given the opportunity”).
App.27a
ANALYSIS
The defendants moved to dismiss the FAC under
Rule 12(b)(6). Twitter and Facebook contend that the
claims are barred by res judicata and § 230 of the
Communications Decency Act, and all defendants
contend that the plaintiff cannot plausibly plead
RICO violations. In addition to opposing the motions
to dismiss, the plaintiff moved for leave to amend her
complaint.69 The court dismisses the claims with
prejudice: res judicata and § 230 bar the claims
against Twitter and Facebook, and the RICO claims
are futile.
1. Res Judicata
The Twitter and Facebook defendants contend
that the plaintiff’s claims are barred by the doctrine of
res judicata, because like her prior lawsuits against
Twitter and Facebook, this case is an attack on their
banning her.70 The plaintiff responds that new facts
(and thus new claims) have developed since the
previous cases, including new “conspiratorial acts”
constituting “First Amendment violations.”71
The doctrine of res judicata, or “claim preclusion,”
bars parties from relitigating claims that they raised
or could have raised in a prior lawsuit between the
same parties. Whole Woman’s Health v. Hellerstedt, 136
S. Ct. 2292, 2305 (2016); Taylor v. Sturgell, 553 U.S.
69 Mots. to Dismiss – ECF Nos. 79–81; Opp’n – ECF No. 87; Mot.
for Leave to Amend – ECF No. 114.
70 Twitter Mot. – ECF No. 79 at 18–22; Facebook Mot. – ECF No.
80 at 17–19.
71 Opp’n – ECF No. 87 at 12–13 & n.2.
App.28a
880, 892 (2008); C.D. Anderson & Co. v. Lemos, 832
F.2d 1097, 1100 (9th Cir. 1987). For the doctrine to
apply, there must be (1) an identity of claims, (2) a
final judgment on the merits, and (3) privity among
the parties. Tahoe-Sierra Pres. Council, Inc. v. Tahoe
Reg’l Plan. Agency, 322 F.3d 1064, 1077 (9th Cir.
2003).
The plaintiff does not dispute that some of her
previous lawsuits ended in final judgments on the
merits. As for Facebook, the court dismissed the
plaintiff’s defamation suit with prejudice under Rule
41(a)(2). Loomer v. Facebook, Inc., No. 4:20-cv-03154HSG (N.D. Cal. Aug. 14, 2020), ECF No. 89. That
qualifies as a final judgment on the merits. Marlow v.
Winston & Strawn, 19 F.3d 300, 305 (7th Cir. 1994);
Schwarz v. Folloder, 767 F.2d 125, 130 (5th Cir. 1985).
As for Twitter, the Freedom Watch court dismissed
the complaint under Rule 12(b)(6). 368 F. Supp. 3d at
37. That is also a final judgment on the merits.
Stewart v. U.S. Bancorp, 297 F.3d 953, 957 (9th Cir.
2002).
The plaintiff also does not dispute that there is
privity among the parties. Mr. Zuckerberg and Mr.
Dorsey were not defendants in the previous lawsuits,
but officers and former officers of a corporation are in
privity where the corporate conduct at issue is the
same as before. Pedrina v. Chun, 97 F.3d 1296, 1302
(9th Cir. 1996). And even though the plaintiff’s
campaign committee was not a party in the previous
cases, she controls the campaign committee and there
is privity between a party and her “litigating agent,”
or an agent whose “conduct of the [new] suit is subject
to the control of the party who is bound by the prior
adjudication.” Taylor, 553 U.S. at 906.
App.29a
The issue thus is whether there is an identity of
claims between this case and the previous cases. The
previous cases, like this one, centered on the plaintiff’s
removal from Facebook and Twitter. Specifically, the
plaintiff was banned by Twitter and suspended by
Facebook before she filed her previous cases. But some
of the allegations here postdate her filing the previous
cases: Facebook banned her, she ran for political office
twice, and her political campaigns were not allowed to
create accounts on Facebook or Twitter. And she now
claims that a racketeering enterprise interfered in her
elections. The exact issue, then, is whether the new
allegations and RICO theory amount to new “claims”
for purposes of res judicata.
The court first clarifies that federal preclusion
rules apply here. The previous judgments were
rendered by federal courts, so “federal common law
applies.” Camofi Master LDC v. Associated Third
Party Administrators, No. 16-cv-00855-EMC, 2016
WL 3345427, at *2 (N.D. Cal. June 16, 2016). It is true
that the plaintiff’s defamation lawsuit against
Facebook was a diversity case decided by a federal
court in California, meaning that federal common law
incorporates California’s preclusion rules. Id. (citing
Semtek Int’l Inc. v. Lockheed Martin Corp., 531 U.S.
497, 508–09 (2001), and Taylor, 553 U.S. at 891 n.4).
But that only leads back to federal common law,
because “California law . . . determines the res
judicata effect of a prior federal court judgment by
applying federal standards.” Miletak v. AT&T Servs.,
Inc., No. 17-cv-00767-EMC, 2017 WL 2617961, at *3
(N.D. Cal. June 16, 2017) (quoting Costantini v. Trans
World Airlines, 681 F.2d 1199, 1201 (9th Cir. 1982)).
App.30a
Under the federal common law of res judicata, the
Ninth Circuit considers four factors in determining
whether there is an identity of claims between the
present and previous cases:
(1) Whether rights or interests established in
the prior judgment would be destroyed or
impaired by prosecution of the second action;
(2) whether substantially the same evidence
is presented in the two actions; (3) whether
the two suits involve infringement of the
same right; and (4) whether the two suits
arise out of the same transactional nucleus
of facts.
Headwaters Inc. v. U.S. Forest Serv., 399 F.3d 1047,
1052 (9th Cir. 2005) (cleaned up). The fourth factor “is
the most important.” Id.
A key question is whether the facts pleaded in the
present case occurred before or after the plaintiff filed
the operative complaints in her previous cases. The
Ninth Circuit often phrases this question as whether
the claims in the present case “could have been
brought” in the previous case. Turtle Island
Restoration Network v. U.S. Dep’t of State, 673 F.3d
914, 918 (9th Cir. 2012) (“In most cases, the inquiry
into the ‘same transactional nucleus of facts’ is
essentially the same as whether the claim could have
been brought in the first action.”) (cleaned up). Thus,
“claim preclusion does not apply to claims that accrue
after the filing of the operative complaint” in the
previous case. Howard v. City of Coos Bay, 871 F.3d
1032, 1040 (9th Cir. 2017); Media Rts. Techs., Inc. v.
Microsoft Corp., 922 F.3d 1014, 1021–22 (9th Cir.
2019).
App.31a
Identifying when a claim has “accrued” requires
distinguishing between completed and continuing
conduct. Completed conduct “gives rise to a single
claim for all resulting harm,” including harm that
“continue[s] into the future.” Wright & Miller, 18 Fed.
Prac. & Proc. Juris. § 4409 (3d ed. 2023); see, e.g.,
Anderson v. City of St. Paul, 849 F.3d 773, 777–78 (8th
Cir. 2017). On the other hand, “[a]ggravation of an
original injury by separate or continuing conduct may
support a new claim.” Wright & Miller, 18 Fed. Prac.
& Proc. Juris. § 4409 (3d ed. 2023) (collecting federal
appellate cases); Frank v. United Airlines, Inc., 216
F.3d 845, 851 (9th Cir. 2000) (“A claim arising after
the date of an earlier judgment is not barred, even if
it arises out of a continuing course of conduct that
provided the basis for the earlier claim.”).
As these principles suggest, the claim-preclusion
analysis may present a difficult line-drawing problem
in the case of continuing conduct (as, for example, in
the case of a plaintiff who was banned from social
media and then subject to renewed bans once she
became a congressional candidate). In that regard,
appellate decisions have analyzed whether continuing
or renewed conduct gives rise to a new claim in the
RICO context.
In Monterey Plaza Hotel Ltd. P’ship v. Loc. 483 of
Hotel Emps. & Rest. Emps. Union, AFL-CIO, the
Ninth Circuit addressed — under California law — a
continuing series of alleged predicate acts. 215 F.3d
923, 927–28 (9th Cir. 2000). A hotel sued a union in
two prior cases for business interference caused by
mass picketing and for defamation. Id. at 927. In the
new case, the hotel brought a federal RICO claim and
alleged mail and wire fraud, witness intimidation,
App.32a
and vandalism. Id. “[M]any of the alleged predicate
acts charged in the RICO complaint occurred after the
filing of [the hotel’s] state court actions.” Id. at 928.
The court held that res judicata applied. “[T]o
state a federal RICO claim, the [plaintiff] must allege
that all of the predicate acts, taken together,
constitute a single course of conduct aimed at
benefitting the wrongdoer by harming the [plaintiff].”
Id. at 927–28 (citing Sedima, S.P.R.L. v. Imrex Co.,
473 U.S. 479, 496 & n.14 (1985)). “The [plaintiff] thus
cannot attempt to separate out prior torts . . . from
recent ones in an effort to create and preserve a new
RICO claim distinct from its [earlier] causes of
action.” Id. at 928.
It is true that the Monterey Plaza court applied
California law, which “approaches the [res judicata]
issue by focusing on the ‘primary right’ at stake: if two
actions involve the same injury to the plaintiff and the
same wrong by the defendant[,] then the same
primary right is at stake even if in the second suit the
plaintiff pleads different theories of recovery . . . or
adds new facts supporting recovery.” Henry v.
Clifford, 32 Cal. App. 4th 315, 321 (1995). Indeed,
“California courts have specifically rejected the
contention that new predicate acts might give rise to
a different pattern of racketeering activity and
consequently a new primary right.” Monterey Plaza,
215 F.3d at 928 (citing Abdallah v. United Savings
Bank, 43 Cal. App. 4th 1101, 1110 (1996)). Still, the
court described “federal RICO claim[s]” as requiring
that “all of the predicate acts, taken together,
constitute a single course of conduct.” Id. at 927–28
(citing Sedima, 473 U.S. at 496 & n.14). Also,
California law’s “primary right” concept is very
App.33a
similar to the third Headwaters factor. 399 F.3d at
1052.
The result in Feminist Women’s Health Ctr. v.
Codispoti was similar to that in Monterey Plaza. 63
F.3d 863, 867–68 (9th Cir. 1995). The court applied
Washington res judicata law, which is virtually (if not
entirely) the same as federal law for purposes of
determining whether two cases have an identity of
claims. Compare id., with Headwaters, 399 F.3d at
1052. The plaintiff, a health clinic that provided
abortions, had filed a previous lawsuit against alleged
arsonists, and it argued that res judicata should not
apply because the evidence necessary to sustain its
new RICO claim against the arsonists was not
available at the time of its earlier case. Feminist
Women’s Health Ctr., 63 F.3d at 868. The court held
that res judicata applied, reasoning in part that
sufficient events had occurred in time to assert a
RICO claim in the first case, even if “the third fire
[and] the decision to close the clinic” had not occurred
in time. Id. at 868 n.4.
Other appellate decisions have taken a somewhat
different approach to claim preclusion in the RICO
context by holding in effect that the alleged predicate
acts should be divided according to whether they
occurred in time to be raised in the previous case. In
Howard v. Am. Online, Inc., for example, the Ninth
Circuit held that alleged billing fraud that was the
subject of a prior suit could not be relied on as a
predicate act in a new suit. 208 F.3d 741, 747–48 (9th
Cir. 2000). But the court analyzed the other predicate
acts alleged by the plaintiffs on the merits. Id. at 748–
51. Similarly, in Spiegel v. Cont’l Ill. Nat’l Bank, the
Seventh Circuit held that claim preclusion barred
App.34a
only those alleged predicate acts that could have been
raised in the prior case. 790 F.2d 638, 645–46 (7th Cir.
1986).
Here, the analysis is different as to Facebook and
Twitter, but the court generally follows the reasoning
of Monterey Plaza and Feminist Women’s Health Ctr.
The plaintiff has two previous cases against these
defendants that ended in judgments on the merits,
and the analysis should take into account what
conduct by Twitter and Facebook occurred after the
filing of the operative complaints in those cases.
Howard, 871 F.3d at 1040; Media Rts. Techs., 922
F.3d at 1021–22.
As for Facebook, the operative complaint in the
plaintiff’s defamation suit was filed on August 5, 2019.
Am. Compl., Loomer v. Facebook, Inc., No. 4:20-cv03154-HSG (N.D. Cal. Aug. 5, 2019), ECF No. 7. This
was after the plaintiff was banned from Facebook
(May 2, 2019) and after she first became a political
candidate (August 2, 2019).72 It was also after a
Facebook Public Policy Manager allegedly told the
plaintiff about Procter & Gamble’s pressuring
Facebook to ban her.73 Given this timing, the plaintiff
could have raised her RICO claim (that the
defendants suppressed her political speech and
interfered with her elections by banning her from
social-media platforms) in the defamation case, even
though it was not until after the operative complaint
72 FAC – ECF No. 69 at 48 (¶ 160), 67 (¶ 219).
73 SAC, Ex. A to Pierce Decl. in Supp. of Mot. for Leave – ECF
No. 114-2 at 98–99 (¶¶ 270–71). The court considers the SAC
allegations here for purposes of determining whether
amendment would be futile.
App.35a
was filed in the defamation case that Facebook
banned the plaintiff’s campaign page. Feminist
Women’s Health Ctr., 63 F.3d at 868 & n.4.
The analysis is somewhat different for Twitter,
but with the same result. The operative complaint in
Freedom Watch (the plaintiff’s antitrust suit against
Twitter, Facebook, and others) was filed on December
6, 2018. Am. Compl., Freedom Watch, Inc. v. Google,
Inc., No. 1:18-cv-02030-TNM (D.D.C. Dec. 6, 2018),
ECF No. 28. Twitter banned the plaintiff before then,
but it was not until later that the plaintiff became a
political candidate. Twitter announced after the
plaintiff’s primary-election victory that she would
remain banned,74 and around that time, Twitter’s
Global Partnership Solutions Lead re-tweeted a tweet
calling the plaintiff a bigot.75 As Twitter emphasized
at the hearing, though, the plaintiff’s broad array of
racketeering allegations don’t have much — if
anything — to do with Twitter’s conduct toward the
plaintiff. The FAC and the proposed SAC have
separate sections for the alleged predicate acts, and
neither section has any allegation about Twitter’s
harming or otherwise interacting with the plaintiff.76
(By contrast, the plaintiff alleges that Facebook
engaged in wire fraud by telling its users that political
74 FAC – ECF No. 69 at 74 (¶ 247).
75 SAC, Ex. A to Pierce Decl. in Supp. of Mot. for Leave – ECF
No. 114-2 at 105 (¶ 292).
76 FAC – ECF No. 69 at 80–101 (¶¶ 262–330); SAC, Ex. A to
Pierce Decl. in Supp. of Mot. for Leave – ECF No. 114-2 at 111–
36 (¶¶ 302–79).
App.36a
candidates wouldn’t be banned but then banning the
plaintiff’s campaign page.77)
Twitter has engaged only in “a single course of
conduct” that the plaintiff cannot split into two cases.
Monterey Plaza, 215 F.3d at 927–28. The plaintiff
already asserted a concerted effort to “willfully
suppress politically conservative content” the first
time around. Freedom Watch, 368 F. Supp. 3d at 34.
And the many allegations that are unrelated to
Twitter don’t change this result. Kahr v. Damm, No.
207CV00231DAERJJ, 2007 WL 9728869, at *13 (D.
Nev. Dec. 18, 2007) (rejecting the plaintiff’s argument
that res judicata did not apply as to the “state
defendants” despite an alleged “ongoing pattern of
racketeering activity” by the defendants “subsequent
to the raids of May 29, 2003,” because the state
defendants were not alleged to have engaged in that
post-raid conduct), aff’d, 342 F. App’x 267 (9th Cir.
2009).
The plaintiff contends that “new material facts”
occurred after Freedom Watch: individuals within the
federal government worked with Twitter and
Facebook to “suppress[] . . . the Hunter Biden laptop
scandal,” ban Alex Berenson from Twitter, and
prevent the plaintiff from possessing a firearm. The
plaintiff further argues that these allegations show
that the defendants are state actors engaged in First
Amendment violations.78 She does not allege or claim
First Amendment violations in this case, though. In
77 FAC – ECF No. 69 at 88–90 (¶¶ 291–92, 296), 91 (¶ 302).
78 Opp’n – ECF No. 87 at 12–13 (citing FAC – ECF No. 69 at 76–
79 (¶¶ 254–61)).
App.37a
any event, the purported “new material facts” are not
material because they are unrelated to Twitter’s
conduct towards the plaintiff.
In sum, the doctrine of res judicata bars the
plaintiff’s claims against the Twitter and Facebook
defendants (including Mr. Dorsey and Mr.
Zuckerberg).
2. Section 230
The Twitter and Facebook defendants also contend
that § 230(c)(1) of the Communications Decency Act
bars the claims against them.79 The court considers
the § 230 issue as an alternative ground for dismissal
and dismisses the claims against the Twitter and
Facebook defendants on this ground too.
Under the Communications Decency Act, website
operators generally are immune from liability for
third-party content posted on their websites and for
removing such content, but website operators are not
immune when they create or develop the information,
in whole or in part. 47 U.S.C. § 230(c)(1) & (f)(3). Thus,
“[i]mmunity from liability exists for (1) a provider or
user of an interactive computer service (2) whom a
plaintiff seeks to treat . . . as a publisher or speaker
(3) of information provided by another information
content provider.” Dyroff v. Ultimate Software Grp.,
Inc., 934 F.3d 1093, 1097 (9th Cir. 2019) (cleaned up).
For the first factor, an “interactive computer
service” is “any information service [or] system . . .
that provides or enables computer access by multiple
79 Twitter Mot. – ECF No. 79 at 33–36; Facebook Mot. – ECF
No. 80 at 34–36.
App.38a
users to a computer server.” 47 U.S.C. § 230(f)(2).
“Twitter qualifies as an interactive computer service.”
Brittain v. Twitter, Inc., No. 19- cv-00114-YGR, 2019
WL 2423375, at *2 (N.D. Cal. June 10, 2019) (collecting
cases). So does Facebook. Fraley v. Facebook, Inc., 830
F. Supp. 2d 785, 801–02 (N.D. Cal. 2011). As for Mr.
Dorsey and Mr. Zuckerberg, where a plaintiff sues
them based on Twitter and Facebook’s conduct, they
are immune under § 230 to the same extent as Twitter
and Facebook. Igbonwa v. Facebook, Inc., No. 18-cv02027-JCS, 2018 WL 4907632, at *5 (N.D. Cal. Oct. 9,
2018), aff’d, 786 F. App’x 104 (9th Cir. 2019); Klayman
v. Zuckerberg, 753 F.3d 1354, 1357–58 (D.C. Cir.
2014).
For the second and third factors, courts evaluate
“whether the cause of action inherently requires the
court to treat the defendant as the publisher or
speaker of content provided by another.” Gonzalez v.
Google LLC, 2 F.4th 871, 891 (9th Cir. 2021) (cleaned
up), rev’d on other grounds by Twitter, Inc. v.
Taamneh, 598 U.S. 471 (2023). “[P]ublication involves
reviewing, editing, and deciding whether to publish or
to withdraw from publication third-party content.”
Barnes v. Yahoo!, Inc., 570 F.3d 1096, 1102 (9th Cir.
2009). Thus, “any activity that can be boiled down to
deciding whether to exclude material that third parties
seek to post online is perforce immune under section
230.” Fair Hous. Council of San Fernando Valley v.
Roommates.com, LLC, 521 F.3d 1157, 1170–71 (9th
Cir. 2008).
Here, the plaintiff’s RICO claims depend on
Twitter and Facebook’s acting as publishers. Her
RICO theory generally is that the alleged enterprise
unlawfully bans conservatives from social-media
App.39a
platforms and thereby interferes in elections.80 She
alleges that she became a victim of this scheme when
she was banned from Twitter and Facebook and then
her political campaign was banned, too.81 Those were
decisions by Facebook and Twitter to exclude third
parties’ content, meaning that Facebook and Twitter
are immune from liability for those decisions. Id.; Fed.
Agency of News LLC v. Facebook, Inc., 432 F. Supp. 3d
1107, 1117–18 (N.D. Cal. 2020) (section 230(c)(1)
immunity applies where plaintiffs “seek to hold
Facebook liable for removing [their] Facebook
account, posts, and content”).
Similarly, the alleged predicate acts consist of
decisions by Facebook and Twitter about whether to
publish, remove or restrict third parties’ content. For
example, regarding interference with commerce by
threats or violence, the plaintiff alleges that when
Facebook users try to share a post that has been factchecked, Facebook displays a warning that “[p]ages
and websites that repeatedly publish or share false
news will see their overall distribution reduced and
[will] be restricted in other ways.”82 This again is
“activity that can be boiled down to deciding whether
to exclude material that third parties seek to post
online.” Roommates.com, 521 F.3d at 1170–71; Lewis
v. Google LLC, 461 F. Supp. 3d 938, 954 (N.D. Cal.
2020) (“[R]estricting [as opposed to removing] postings
80 FAC – ECF No. 69 at 2–3 (¶¶ 2–3), 11–12 (¶ 37).
81 Id. at 48 (¶ 160), 66 (¶¶ 216–17), 68 (¶ 226), 72–74 (¶¶ 242,
244, 247).
82 Id. at 83 (¶ 276).
App.40a
falls within a publisher’s traditional functions.”), aff’d,
851 F. App’x 723 (9th Cir. 2021).
As another example, for the predicate act of
providing material support to terrorists, the plaintiff
alleges that “Hezbollah and Hamas maintained a
widespread presence on Facebook . . . and Twitter.”83
This is an allegation that Facebook acted as a
publisher. Force v. Facebook, Inc., 934 F.3d 53, 65 (2d
Cir. 2019) (rejecting the plaintiffs’ attempt “to hold
Facebook liable for giving Hamas a forum with which
to communicate” because “that alleged conduct by
Facebook falls within the heartland of what it means
to be the ‘publisher’ of information under [§] 230(c)(1)”).
Furthermore, the fact that the plaintiff alleges a
broad racketeering enterprise does not bring her
claims outside the scope of § 230 immunity, even
though § 230 provides that it does not “impair the
enforcement of . . . Title 18[] or any other Federal
criminal statute.” 47 U.S.C. § 230(e)(1). “Courts have
consistently held that § 230(e)(1)’s limitation on § 230
immunity extends only to criminal prosecutions, and
not to civil actions based on criminal statutes.”
Gonzalez, 2 F.4th at 890 (collecting cases).
Because the plaintiff’s RICO theory against
Twitter and Facebook is predicated entirely on their
acting as publishers, § 230(c)(1) bars the claims.
The plaintiff contends that § 230 immunity does
not apply because Twitter and Facebook act as
“information content providers,” not just “interactive
computer services.” She cites Roommates.com for the
proposition that “even displaying user information
83 Id. at 95 (¶ 312).
App.41a
such as age, hometown, college, likes, and occupation
would make [the] [d]efendants information content
providers.” Similarly, the plaintiff argues that Twitter
and Facebook rearrange user content to group it with
third-party logos, “employ fact checkers to flag posts
that could be misleading,” “collect[], stor[e], and us[e]
consumers’ data,” allow targeted and deceptive ads,
“subject[]
users
to
scams
and
counterfeit
merchandise,” and “control[] the narrative.”84 These
arguments fail.
Again, website operators are not immune from
liability for third-party content posted on their
websites when the operators create or develop the
information, in whole or in part. 47 U.S.C. § 230(c)(1)
& (f)(3). For example, in Roommates.com, the defendant
operated a website that matched people renting rooms
to people looking for a place to live. 521 F.3d at 1161.
It required subscribers to create profiles and answer
questions — about themselves and preferences in
roommates — regarding criteria including sex, sexual
orientation, and whether they would bring children to
the household. Id. The Ninth Circuit held that the
defendant
was
not
immune
for
eliciting
discriminatory preferences that violated federal and
state fair-housing laws:
By requiring subscribers to provide the
information as a condition of accessing its
service, and by providing a limited set of prepopulated answers, [the defendant] [became]
much more than a passive transmitter of
information provided by others; it [became]
the developer, at least in part, of that
84 Opp’n – ECF No. 87 at 21–23.
App.42a
information. And section 230 provides
immunity only if the interactive computer
service does not “creat[e] or develop[]” the
information “in whole or in part.”
Id. at 1166 (citing 47 U.S.C. § 230(f)(3)). Thus, the
court “interpret[ed] the term ‘development’ [in § 230]
as referring not merely to augmenting the content
generally, but to materially contributing to its alleged
unlawfulness.” Id. at 1167–68.
The conduct of Twitter and Facebook at issue
here is not enough to make them information-content
providers, for several reasons. First, content that
“comes entirely from subscribers and is passively
displayed by [the website operator]” does not make the
website operator an information-content provider. Id.
at 1173–74. Second, the plaintiff has not cognizably
alleged that Twitter and Facebook’s manipulating or
editing users’ content contributes to any illegality. For
example, she does not explain how flagging posts as
factually misleading amounts to anticompetitive
conduct. See Dangaard v. Instagram, LLC, No. C 2201101 WHA, 2022 WL 17342198, at *2, *4 (N.D. Cal.
Nov. 30, 2022) (the “Meta defendants [were] not
entitled to [§ 230] immunity for operation of their
filtering system,” because the filtering system allegedly
demoted competitors of the website OnlyFans while
favoring OnlyFans, which materially contributed to
anticompetitive conduct). Third, what is at issue here
is not the “alleged unlawfulness” of any content on
Twitter and Facebook, but rather Twitter and Facebook’s removal of the plaintiff’s accounts. See Roommates.com, 521 F.3d at 1167–68.
App.43a
3. RICO
The next issue is whether the plaintiff has
plausibly pleaded RICO claims against Procter &
Gamble. Procter & Gamble argues generally that it “is
alleged only to have asserted its own legitimate
business interest in not having its advertisements
appear next to hateful, denigrating, discriminatory, or
other similarly offensive content.” It also joins in
Facebook and Twitter’s motions to dismiss, which
argue that the plaintiff “failed to validly allege any of
the required elements of a RICO claim, including a
RICO enterprise, a pattern of racketeering activity,
causation, injury, predicate acts, or conspiracy.”85
The RICO Act was enacted to “develop new
methods for fighting crime.” Sedima, 473 U.S. at 498.
To state a civil RICO claim, a plaintiff must allege “(1)
conduct (2) of an enterprise (3) through a pattern (4)
of racketeering activity (known as ‘predicate acts’) (5)
causing injury to the plaintiff’s ‘business or property.’”
Grimmett v. Brown, 75 F.3d 506, 510 (9th Cir. 1996);
Synopsys, Inc. v. Ubiquiti Networks, Inc., No. 17-cv00561-WHO, 2017 WL 3485881, at *12 (N.D. Cal.
Aug. 15, 2017) (citing Eclectic Props. E., LLC v.
Marcus & Millichap Co., 751 F.3d 990, 997 (9th Cir.
2014)).
Procter & Gamble contends that because it was
pursuing its individual economic interests in an
ordinary commercial transaction, the plaintiff’s
85 Procter & Gamble Mot. – ECF No. 81.
App.44a
allegations do not satisfy the “common purpose”
element of a RICO enterprise.86
Generally, a RICO enterprise “includes any union
or group of individuals associated in fact.” United
States v. Turkette, 452 U.S. 576, 580 (1981); 18 U.S.C.
§ 1961(4). To plausibly plead an associated-in-fact
enterprise, a plaintiff must allege that the enterprise
has (1) “a common purpose,” (2) “a structure or
organization,” and (3) “longevity necessary to
accomplish the purpose.” Eclectic Props., 751 F.3d at
997 (citing Boyle v. United States, 556 U.S. 938, 946
(2009)). Stated somewhat differently, the enterprise’s
existence “is proved by evidence of an ongoing
organization, formal or informal, and by evidence that
the various associates function as a continuing unit.”
Odom v. Microsoft Corp., 486 F.3d 541, 549 (9th Cir.
2007) (quoting Turkette, 452 U.S. at 583).
As for the “common purpose,” “RICO liability
‘depends on showing that the defendants conducted or
participated in the conduct of the ‘enterprise’s affairs,’
not just their own affairs.” In re JUUL Labs, Inc.,
Mktg., Sales Pracs., & Prod. Liab. Litig., 497 F. Supp.
3d 552, 598 (N.D. Cal. 2020) (quoting Cedric Kushner
Promotions, Ltd. v. King, 533 U.S. 158, 161 (2001)).
Thus, in the corporate context, “[c]ases recognize that
where the individual constituents of an asserted
enterprise are alleged only to have conducted the
regular business of the corporate entity or business in
their own interests, those allegations are insufficient
to support a RICO enterprise.” Id. at 599–600
(collecting cases); Woodell v. Expedia Inc., No. C190051JLR, 2019 WL 3287896, at *8 (W.D. Wash. July
86 Id. at 6–8.
App.45a
22, 2019) (collecting other cases). If, on the other hand,
“the common purpose of the enterprise is fraudulent
or unlawful,” the result is different. Gilbert v.
MoneyMutual, LLC, No. 13-cv-01171-JSW, 2018 WL
8186605, at *13 (N.D. Cal. Oct. 30, 2018).
Here, even granting generous inferences to the
plaintiff, she alleges essentially that Procter &
Gamble pressured Facebook to ban her by threatening
to pull advertisements from Facebook if it did not do
so, and that Facebook capitulated.87 The proposed
SAC makes these inferences explicit by alleging that
a Public Policy Manager at Facebook told the plaintiff
that Procter & Gamble — Facebook’s largest
advertiser at the time — demanded that Facebook
label the plaintiff a “dangerous individual” and ban
her if Facebook “wished to maintain its advertising
revenue agreement with [Procter & Gamble].”88
These are allegations that Facebook and Procter
& Gamble each conducted “business in their own
interests.” In re JUUL Labs, 497 F. Supp. 3d at 599.
Procter & Gamble did not want to advertise “on or
near content that [it] determine[s] is hateful,
denigrating or discriminatory.”89 Facebook has a
“Community Standards” policy for its users and
routinely discusses policy issues with its advertisers.90 These are lawful business decisions, and the
plaintiff thus has not plausibly pleaded that Procter
87 FAC – ECF No. 69 at 48 (¶ 160), 70–72 (¶¶ 233–37, 239)
88 SAC, Ex. A to Pierce Decl. in Supp. of Mot. for Leave – ECF
No. 114-2 at 98–99 (¶¶ 270–71).
89 FAC – ECF No. 69 at 71 (¶ 237).
90 Id. at 32 (¶ 106), 71 (¶ 236).
App.46a
& Gamble is part of a RICO enterprise. Id. at 598–600
(no RICO enterprise where the defendants’ alleged
common purpose “was to increase the number of
nicotine addicted consumers and to target the youth
market to create a new generation of nicotine
addicts”); Odom, 486 F.3d at 552 (a RICO enterprise’s
common purpose was adequately alleged where
“Microsoft and Best Buy had a common purpose of
increasing the number of people using Microsoft’s
Internet service through fraudulent means”). The
court grants Procter & Gamble’s motion to dismiss.
The court will not reach all of the defendants’
other (valid) arguments that the plaintiff’s RICO
claims aren’t plausibly pleaded. But it bears
emphasizing that the “predicate acts” a plaintiff must
plausibly allege are crimes, not torts. See, e.g., Oscar
v. Univ. Students Coop. Ass’n, 965 F.2d 783, 786 (9th
Cir. 1992), abrogated on other grounds by Diaz v.
Gates, 420 F.3d 897 (9th Cir. 2005). The defendants
here have not committed crimes. For example, the
plaintiff alleges that Facebook engaged in
“interference with commerce by threats” by
threatening to ban her and label her a “dangerous
individual.”91 But rather than economic extortion, she
has alleged only “legally acceptable business
dealings.” Levitt v. Yelp! Inc., 765 F.3d 1123, 1133 (9th
Cir. 2014) (Hobbs Act extortion requires the plaintiff
to allege that she “had a pre-existing right to be free
from the threatened harm”).
91 Id. at 110–11 (¶ 365).
App.47a
4. Amendment
The final issue is whether amendment would be
futile. That depends on whether the proposed SAC,
submitted with the plaintiff’s motion for leave to
amend, changes any of the outcomes above.92 It does
not.
The new allegations are about Twitter’s allegedly
coordinating with the federal government to suppress
users’ content (as revealed by internal Twitter
documents), Procter & Gamble’s allegedly demanding
that Facebook ban the plaintiff (as already
addressed), the plaintiff’s injuries after being banned
from social media, and wire fraud. None changes the
court’s conclusions that (1) res judicata applies as to
Facebook and Twitter, (2) the claims against
Facebook and Twitter would require the court to treat
Facebook and Twitter as publishers, in violation of
§ 230, and (3) the allegations against Procter &
Gamble are about lawful business decisions, not a
racketeering enterprise. The court thus dismisses the
plaintiff’s claims with prejudice.
CONCLUSION
The court grants the motions to dismiss with
prejudice. This resolves ECF Nos. 79, 80, 81, and 114.
IT IS SO ORDERED.
Dated: September 30, 2023
/s/ Laurel Beeler
United States Magistrate Judge
92 Mot. for Leave – ECF No. 114.
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.