Amicus Curiae Brief — Suncor Energy (U.S.A.) Inc., et al., Petitioners v. County Commissioners of Boulder County, et al.
Supreme Court briefMay 21, 2026
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No. 25-170
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
SUNCOR ENERGY (U.S.A.) INC., ET AL.,
Petitioners,
v.
COUNTY COMMISSIONERS OF BOULDER COUNTY, ET AL.,
Respondents.
On Writ of Certiorari
to the Supreme Court of Colorado
BRIEF FOR THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
AS AMICUS CURIAE
SUPPORTING PETITIONERS
ANDREW R. VARCOE
STEPHANIE A. MALONEY
U.S. CHAMBER
LITIGATION CENTER
1615 H Street, NW
Washington, DC 20062
JESSE LEMPEL
GOODWIN PROCTER LLP
100 Northern Avenue
Boston, MA 02210
May 21, 2026
WILLIAM M. JAY
Counsel of Record
GOODWIN PROCTER LLP
1900 N Street, NW
Washington, DC 20036
wjay@goodwinlaw.com
(202) 346-4000
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTEREST OF THE AMICUS CURIAE.................... 1
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT ..................................... 3
ARGUMENT ............................................................... 5
I.
A 50-state patchwork of greenhousegas-emissions regulation is unworkable
and encourages states to impose costs
on out-of-state consumers and
businesses. ........................................................ 5
II.
Under our federal structure and the
Clean Air Act, state law may not impose
liability for the climate effects of
emissions that originate all over the
world................................................................ 11
A.
Only federal law can govern
disputes like this one, which
implicates interstate and
international interests. ........................ 12
B.
Respondents’ packaging of their
claims makes no difference to the
conclusion that the claims are
preempted by federal law. ................... 20
C.
The displacement of federal
common law by federal statute
does not authorize state law to
regulate a uniquely federal area. ........ 22
D.
The Clean Air Act also preempts
respondents’ state-law claims. ............ 25
i
CONCLUSION .......................................................... 27
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
Cases:
Am. Elec. Power Co. v. Connecticut,
564 U.S. 410 (2011) .... 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 22, 23, 25
Banco Nacional de Cuba v. Sabbatino,
376 U.S. 398 (1964) .............................................. 13
Bd. of Cnty. Comm’rs of Boulder Cnty. v.
Suncor Energy (U.S.A.) Inc.,
25 F.4th 1238 (10th Cir. 2022) ............................ 20
Bonaparte v. Tax Court,
104 U.S. 592 (1881) .............................................. 19
City & Cnty. of Honolulu v. Sunoco LP,
537 P.3d 1173 (Haw. 2023), cert.
denied, 145 S. Ct. 1111 (2025) ....................... 22, 23
City of Milwaukee v. Illinois
(Milwaukee II),
451 U.S. 304 (1981) .............................................. 23
City of New York v. Chevron Corp.,
993 F.3d 81 (2d Cir. 2021) ...... 16, 18, 20-22, 24, 26
Cnty. of Oneida v. Oneida Indian
Nation of N.Y.,
470 U.S. 226 (1985) .............................................. 13
iii
North Carolina ex rel. Cooper v. Tenn.
Valley Auth.,
615 F.3d 291 (4th Cir. 2010) ................................ 11
EPA v. EME Homer City Generation,
L.P.,
572 U.S. 489 (2014) ........................................ 25, 26
Fuld v. Palestine Liberation Org.,
606 U.S. 1 (2025) .................................................. 19
Gerling Glob. Reinsurance Corp. of Am.
v. Gallagher,
267 F.3d 1228 (11th Cir. 2001) ............................ 19
Hinderlider v. La Plata River & Cherry
Creek Ditch Co.,
304 U.S. 92 (1938) ................................................ 13
Home Ins. Co. v. Dick,
281 U.S. 397 (1930) .............................................. 19
Illinois v. City of Milwaukee
(Milwaukee I),
406 U.S. 91 (1972) .......... 5, 7, 13, 14, 15, 19, 22, 23
Illinois v. City of Milwaukee
(Milwaukee III),
731 F.2d 403 (7th Cir. 1984) .................... 22, 23, 24
Int’l Paper Co. v. Ouellette,
479 U.S. 481 (1987) .................. 4, 11, 14, 18, 25, 26
Kansas v. Colorado,
206 U.S. 46 (1907) ................................................ 13
iv
Kurns v. R.R. Friction Prods. Corp.,
565 U.S. 625 (2012) .............................................. 20
Mayor & City Council of Balt. v. B.P.
P.L.C.,
353 A.3d 1142 (Md. 2026) ............. 16, 18, 21-24, 26
Minnesota v. Am. Petroleum Inst.,
63 F.4th 703 (8th Cir. 2023) ................................ 20
Nat’l Pork Producers Council v. Ross,
598 U.S. 356 (2023) .............................................. 19
Ohio v. EPA,
603 U.S. 279 (2024) .............................................. 26
Oklahoma v. EPA,
605 U.S. 609 (2025) .............................................. 25
Provincial Gov’t of Marinduque v.
Placer Dome, Inc.,
582 F.3d 1083 (9th Cir. 2009) .............................. 13
Sam L. Majors Jewelers v. ABX, Inc.,
117 F.3d 922 (5th Cir. 1997) ................................ 13
San Diego Bldg. Trades Council v.
Garmon,
359 U.S. 236 (1959) .............................................. 20
Tex. Indus., Inc. v. Radcliff Materials,
Inc.,
451 U.S. 630 (1981) ...................... 12, 13, 15, 21, 23
Treiber & Straub, Inc. v. UPS, Inc.,
474 F.3d 379 (7th Cir. 2007) ................................ 13
v
Ungaro-Benages v. Dresdner Bank AG,
379 F.3d 1227 (11th Cir. 2004) ............................ 13
Statutes:
42 U.S.C. § 7410(a)(2)(D)(i) ....................................... 25
42 U.S.C. § 7411(b)(1)(A)-(B) .................................... 25
42 U.S.C. § 7411(d) .................................................... 25
42 U.S.C. § 7521(a)(1)-(2) .......................................... 25
42 U.S.C. § 7521(a)(3)(E) .......................................... 25
42 U.S.C. § 7547(a)(1) ............................................... 25
42 U.S.C. § 7571(a)(2)(A) .......................................... 25
42 U.S.C. § 7604(e) .................................................... 26
43 U.S.C. § 1802(1) .................................................... 17
Inflation Reduction Act of 2022,
Pub. L. No. 117-169, 136 Stat. 1818 .................... 17
Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act,
Pub. L. No. 117-58, 135 Stat. 429
(2021) .................................................................... 17
Iowa Code § 673B.2 (2026) .......................................... 8
Okla. S.B. 1439 (2026 Reg. Sess.) ............................... 8
One Big Beautiful Bill Act,
Pub. L. No. 119-21, 139 Stat. 72
(2025) .................................................................... 18
vi
Tenn. H.B. 2070 (114th Gen. Assemb.) ...................... 8
Utah H.B. 222 (2026 Gen. Sess.) ................................ 8
10 Vt. Stat. Ann. § 597(1) ............................................ 9
Legislative Material:
La. H.B. 804 (2026 Reg. Sess.) .................................... 8
Regulatory Material:
Rescission of the Greenhouse Gas
Endangerment Finding and Motor
Vehicle Greenhouse Gas Emission
Standards Under the Clean Air Act,
91 Fed. Reg. 7686 (Feb. 18, 2026) ....................... 17
Other Authorities:
Mia Beams & Akkshath Subrahmanian,
Congress’s “One Big Beautiful Bill”
Will Shrink Renewable Energy
Investments-Yet Some Technologies
Are Preserved, Council on Foreign
Relations (Aug. 4, 2025),
https://www.cfr.org/article/congresssone-big-beautiful-bill-will-shrinkrenewable-energy-investments-yetsome ...................................................................... 18
E. Donald Elliott, Bruce A. Ackerman &
John C. Millian, Toward a Theory of
Statutory Evolution: The
Federalization of Environmental
Law, 1 J. L. Econ. & Org. 313 (1985) .................... 9
vii
Henry J. Friendly, In Praise of Erie-and
of the New Federal Common Law, 39
N.Y.U. L. Rev. 383 (1964) .................................... 13
Thomas W. Merrill, The New Public
Nuisance: Illegitimate and
Dysfunctional, 132 Yale L.J. Forum
985 (2023) ............................................................. 10
U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Our
Approach to Climate Change (Apr.
19, 2020),
https://www.uschamber.com/climatechange/our-approach-to-climatechange..................................................................... 1
U.S. Energy Info. Admin., New York,
https://www.eia.gov/states/NY/analy
sis (updated Feb. 19, 2026) .................................... 9
U.S. Energy Info. Admin., Vermont,
https://www.eia.gov/states/VT/analys
is (updated Jan. 15, 2026)...................................... 9
19 Wright & Miller, Fed. Prac. & Proc.,
Juris. § 4514 (3d ed. 2022) ................................... 14
viii
INTEREST OF THE AMICUS CURIAE1
The Chamber of Commerce of the United States of
America is the world’s largest business federation. It
represents approximately 300,000 direct members and
indirectly represents the interests of more than three
million companies and professional organizations of
every size, in every industry sector, and from every
region of the country. An important function of the
Chamber is to represent the interests of its members in
matters before Congress, the Executive Branch, and
the courts. To that end, the Chamber regularly files
amicus curiae briefs in cases, like this one, that raise
issues of concern to the nation’s business community.
The Chamber has a strong interest in the legal and
policy issues that underlie this case, including issues
relating to climate change. The global climate is
changing, and human activities contribute to those
changes. There is much common ground on which all
sides could come together to address climate change
with policies that are practical, flexible, predictable,
and durable, maintaining the national and
international competitiveness of U.S. industry and
ensuring consistency with free enterprise and free
trade principles. See U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Our
Approach to Climate Change (Apr. 19, 2020),
https://www.uschamber.com/climate-change/ourapproach-to-climate-change. Durable climate change
policy must be made by the federal government, which
should encourage innovation and investment to reduce
emissions and improve economic resilience and clean
1 No counsel for any party authored this brief in whole or in part,
and no entity or person, aside from amicus curiae, its members, or
its counsel, made any monetary contribution intended to fund the
preparation or submission of this brief.
1
2
energy deployment across the globe. Governmental
policies aimed at achieving these goals should not be
made by the courts, much less by a patchwork of
actions under state law that would do more harm than
good.
Climate change is an interstate and international
challenge, and putative state-law claims that would
impose liability for climate change must necessarily be
resolved by federal law. The cross-border nature of
climate change implicates “uniquely federal interests”
for which a uniform federal policy and the application
of federal law are essential.
In the limited range of circumstances in which
uniquely federal interests arise, the relevant legal
questions often intersect with the interests of many of
the Chamber’s members, as they rely on the
predictability and uniformity of federal policy. This
case falls within that limited range: the Chamber and
its members have a strong interest in ensuring that
claims for which a uniform federal standard is
necessary are governed by federal law, and not by a
patchwork of state laws applied in piecemeal fashion.
3
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
I. Allowing each State and municipality to regulate
nationwide and global emissions is simply unworkable.
The decision below is just the tip of the iceberg: there
are approximately 30 similar lawsuits currently
making their way through state courts. Companies
like petitioners thus face potentially overlapping and
conflicting decisions in dozens of state courts regarding
the same fundamental conduct—with possible
remedies ranging from injunctions of various stripes to
many millions or billions of dollars in damages.
Under such a fractured regime, compliance with
emissions control measures emanating from dozens (or
hundreds) of county courthouses would be expensive,
uncertain, and quite likely impossible. Companies
would be forced to dramatically limit products and
services that are essential to ordinary citizens’
everyday lives, driving up energy costs for consumers.
In addition, such a regime threatens to fragment
our country in ways that evoke the troubled days of the
Articles of Confederation. It does not take much
imagination to appreciate the havoc arising from
putting the regulation of national and global emissions
in the hands of each State and each local government.
Some States and municipalities, particularly those
without significant in-state industrial emissions, have
not resisted the temptation to impose all kinds of
restrictions and costs on out-of-state entities. Indeed,
that is evident from the so-called “climate Superfund”
laws that New York and Vermont have already enacted
based on the same impermissible and preempted
theory of liability as these cases. Other States,
meanwhile, have responded by seeking to protect instate industry from claims based on other States’ and
4
municipalities’ assertions of extraterritorial authority
to regulate greenhouse gas emissions. “[S]uch an
irrational system of regulation” that “lead[s] to chaotic
confrontation between sovereign states” is antithetical
to the Constitution and federal law. Int’l Paper Co. v.
Ouellette, 479 U.S. 481, 496 (1987) (citation omitted).
II. In cases implicating “uniquely federal interests,”
there is no room for state law to apply. This is such a
case. Respondents’ lawsuit is fundamentally about
global climate change—a cross-border, multinational
problem. A phenomenon of this nature, which affects
(and is affected by) not just every State but every
nation in the world, requires uniform regulation that
the laws of individual States simply cannot provide.
The law of a single State, or an order from a single
state court, is ill-equipped to govern the effects on
every State and every nation from greenhouse gas
emissions emanating from all States and all nations,
which routinely cross interstate and international
borders.
Solutions to the challenges posed by climate change
can be achieved only on a national and international
basis—which, within the United States, means
through federal law and the federal government acting
on behalf of the country as a whole. That is a
consequence of our constitutional structure, which
ensures that only federal law governs interstate
disputes of this kind. Reinforcing that limitation, the
Due Process Clause prohibits States from regulating
transactions or behavior with which they have
insufficient contact to support legislative jurisdiction.
The need for a uniform federal standard in cases
concerning cross-border emissions is why this Court
has long recognized that state law cannot supply a rule
5
of decision for disputes about “air and water in their
ambient or interstate aspects.” Illinois v. City of
Milwaukee, 406 U.S. 91, 103 (1972) (Milwaukee I)
(citation omitted). Those disputes must be resolved by
federal law; indeed, where no federal statute exists,
federal common law has governed such disputes.
Congress may displace federal common law by
statute, which then serves as the exclusive source of
remedies for the claim; if Congress displaces federal
common law but provides no private remedy, then
there is none. Whether the law governing these
matters is common law or statutory law, it is federal
law that governs. Displacement of federal common law
remedies does not mean that federal law disappears
from the field—much less that it allows fifty States and
their associated municipalities to rush into a uniquely
federal arena.
The Court should return this interstate and
international issue to the national government’s
domain, where our constitutional structure, as well as
the Clean Air Act, places it.
ARGUMENT
I. A 50-state patchwork of greenhouse-gasemissions regulation is unworkable and encourages states to impose costs on out-ofstate consumers and businesses.
1. This case is one of at least 33 lawsuits filed by
state, local, and tribal governments since 2017 that
seek competing remedies for overlapping claims alleging harm arising from emissions outside the borders of
6
the plaintiff governments’ respective jurisdictions. 2
And two States have now enacted so-called climate
2 Cnty. of San Mateo v. Chevron Corp., No. 17CIV03222 (Cal. Su-
per. Ct. July 17, 2017); City of Oakland v. BP p.l.c., No.
RG17875889 (Cal. Super. Ct. Sept. 19, 2017); City of Santa Cruz v.
Chevron Corp., No. 17CV03243 (Cal. Super. Ct. Dec. 20, 2017);
Cnty. of Santa Cruz v. Chevron Corp., No. 17CV03242 (Cal. Super.
Ct. Dec. 20, 2017); City of N.Y. v. BP p.l.c., No. 18-cv-182 (S.D.N.Y.
Jan. 9, 2018); City of Richmond v. Chevron Corp., No. C18-00055
(Cal. Super. Ct. Jan. 22, 2018); Bd. of Cnty. Comm’rs of Boulder
Cnty. v. Suncor Energy (U.S.A.), Inc., No. 2018CV30349 (Colo.
Dist. Ct. Apr. 17, 2018); King Cnty. v. BP p.l.c., No. 18-2-11859-0
(Wash. Super. Ct. May 9, 2018); Rhode Island v. Chevron Corp.,
No. PC-2018-4716 (R.I. Super. Ct. July 2, 2018); Mayor & City
Council of Balt. v. BP p.l.c., No. 24-C-18-004219 (Md. Cir. Ct. July
20, 2018); Massachusetts v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No. 1984CV03333
(Mass. Super. Ct. Oct. 24, 2019); City & Cnty. of Honolulu v.
Sunoco LP, No. 1CCV-20-0000380 (Haw. Cir. Ct. Mar. 9, 2020);
Minnesota v. Am. Petroleum Inst., No. 62-CV-20-3837 (Minn. Dist.
Ct. June 24, 2020); Dist. of Columbia v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No.
2020 CA 002892 B (D.C. Super. Ct. June 25, 2020); City of Hoboken v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No. HUD-L-003179-20 (N.J. Super. Ct.
Sept. 2, 2020); City of Charleston v. Brabham Oil Co., No.
2020CP1003975 (S.C. Ct. Com. Pleas Sept. 9, 2020); Delaware v.
BP Am. Inc., No. N20C-09-097 (Del. Super. Ct. Sept. 10, 2020);
Connecticut v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No. HHDCV206132568S (Conn.
Super. Ct. Sept. 14, 2020); Cnty. of Maui v. Sunoco LP, No. 2CCV20-000283 (Haw. Cir. Ct. Oct. 12, 2020); City of Annapolis v. BP
p.l.c., No. C-02-CV-21-000250 (Md. Cir. Ct. Feb. 22, 2021); Anne
Arundel Cnty. v. BP p.l.c., No. C-02-CV-21-000565 (Md. Cir. Ct.
Apr. 26, 2021); Vermont v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No. 21-CV-02778
(Vt. Super. Ct. Sept. 14, 2021); Platkin, Att’y Gen. of N.J. v. Exxon
Mobil Corp., No. MER-L-001797-22 (N.J. Super. Ct. Oct. 18,
2022); Mun. of Bayamon v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No. 3:22-cv-1550
(D.P.R. Nov. 22, 2022); Cnty. of Multnomah v. Exxon Mobil Corp.,
No. 23CV25164 (Or. Cir. Ct. June 22, 2023); People v. Exxon Mobil
Corp., No. CGC23609134 (Cal. Super. Ct. Sept. 15, 2023); Mun. of
San Juan v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No. 3:23-cv-01608 (D.P.R. Dec. 13,
2023); Shoalwater Bay Indian Tribe v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No. 232-25215-2 (Wash. Super. Ct. Dec. 20, 2023); Makah Indian Tribe
7
“Superfund” statutes that likewise seek to impose liability on energy producers for global greenhouse gas
emissions, prompting suits by the Chamber, the United
States, and other parties challenging the statutes as
precluded and preempted by federal law, among other
grounds for invalidation. See Chamber of Commerce of
the U.S.A. v. Moore, No. 24-cv-1513 (D. Vt.); Chamber
of Commerce of the U.S.A. v. James, No. 25-cv-1307
(N.D.N.Y.); United States v. Vermont, No. 25-cv-463 (D.
Vt.); United States v. New York, No. 25-cv-3656
(S.D.N.Y.); West Virginia v. James, No. 25-cv-168
(N.D.N.Y.).
If the 30-plus actions (and counting) similar to the
one permitted by the Colorado Supreme Court are allowed to proceed, and if States and municipalities succeed in applying their laws to claims of cross-border
pollution originating all over the world, the growth of
“conflicting disputes, increasing assertions[,] and proliferating contentions would seem to be inevitable.”
Milwaukee I, 406 U.S. at 107 n.9 (citation omitted).
Intensifying that chaos, other jurisdictions have
taken the diametrically opposing approach. Reacting
to the extraordinary (and extraterritorial) assertions of
authority by jurisdictions like Boulder that seek to
hold energy companies liable under state law for the
effects of global greenhouse gas emissions, others—
including two of Colorado’s neighboring States—have
v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No. 23-2-25216-1 (Wash. Super. Ct. Dec. 20,
2023); City of Chi. v. BP p.l.c., No. 2024CH01024 (Ill. Cir. Ct. Feb.
20, 2024); Bucks Cnty. v. BP p.l.c., No. 2024-01836-0000 (Pa. Ct.
Com. Pl. Mar. 25, 2024); Maine v. BP p.l.c., No. PORSC-CV24-442
(Me. Super. Ct. Nov. 26, 2024); Hawaii v. BP p.l.c., No. 1CCV-25717 (Haw. Cir. Ct. May 1, 2025).
8
sought to immunize energy companies against such
state-law claims.
Oklahoma, for example, enacted a law prohibiting
anyone in the State from bringing a lawsuit against an
energy company that “seeks relief of any kind arising
out of or relating to, climate change, the alleged effects
of climate change, or greenhouse emissions,” including
“any cause of action for fraud, misrepresentation, deception, or failure to warn, whether statutory or at
common law.” Okla. S.B. 1439, § 1(C)(1), (D)(1) (2026
Reg. Sess.). Similarly, Utah enacted a law providing
that a person may not be held liable “for damage or injury from any actual or potential effect on climate
caused wholly or partly by greenhouse gas emissions,
unless a court finds by clear and convincing evidence
that the person has” violated the express terms of a
permit or a statutory restriction on emissions within
Utah. Utah H.B. 222, § 1(2)(a) (2026 Gen. Sess.); see
Iowa Code § 673B.2 (2026) (law similar to Utah’s). Indeed, the Tennessee Energy Freedom Act makes it a
“substantive right” to produce, transport, sell, manufacture, refine or combust fossil fuels in Tennessee, and
prohibits anyone from bringing a lawsuit “in any forum” seeking to impose liability in connection with
emissions from such activities. Tenn. H.B. 2070, § 2
(114th Gen. Assemb.). Other States are considering
similar statutes. See, e.g., La. H.B. 804 (2026 Reg.
Sess.). Yet Boulder would penalize energy companies
for engaging in conduct that is perfectly lawful—or
even a protected right—under the laws of other States.
2. The dysfunction of such a regime is obvious.
States with little or no fossil fuel production have every
incentive to impose costs on out-of-state producers,
pursuing windfalls at the expense of other States’ citi-
9
zens. This cost-externalization dynamic is well known.
“Quite simply, dividing the nation into fifty geographic
zones makes it almost inevitable that some pollution
problems will be generated by out-of-staters,” and
“these issues promise politicians on the state level the
equivalent of a free lunch—‘tough’ legislation allows
them to garner public credit for bringing a benefit to
their constituents at somebody else’s expense.” E.
Donald Elliott, Bruce A. Ackerman & John C. Millian,
Toward a Theory of Statutory Evolution: The Federalization of Environmental Law, 1 J. L. Econ. & Org. 313,
329 (1985).
State law, dominated as it is by parochial concerns,
is inherently ill-suited for the regulation of national
and global emissions. Take Vermont, for instance,
which has both sued oil companies in litigation parallel
to this one, Vermont v. Exxon Mobil Corp., No. 21-CV02778 (Vt. Super. Ct.), and enacted a Climate “Superfund” Act “to secure compensatory payments from responsible parties based on a standard of strict liability,” 10 Vt. Stat. Ann. § 597(1). Vermont has few
qualms in pursuing such far-reaching policies because
it “has no fossil energy reserves,” “no crude oil … production” or “petroleum refineries,” and “does not have
any coal mines, coal reserves, or coal-fired power
plants.”
U.S. Energy Info. Admin., Vermont,
https://www.eia.gov/states/VT/analysis (updated Jan.
15, 2026).
And take New York State, which has enacted “Superfund” legislation similar to Vermont’s. Again, New
York “produces only a small amount of crude oil,” “does
not have any … economically recoverable coal reserves,
and the state no longer has any coal-fired electricity
generation.” U.S. Energy Info. Admin., New York,
10
https://www.eia.gov/states/NY/analysis (updated Feb.
19, 2026). Indeed, a coalition of 20-plus states argues
that “New York intends to wring funds from producers
and consumers in other States to subsidize certain
New-York-based ‘infrastructure’ projects,” and that
“[b]illions of dollars in fines will negatively impact energy production and drive-up energy costs in other
States, especially those States that rely heavily on the
fossil-fuel-related energy sector.” Am. Compl. ¶¶ 1, 12,
West Virginia v. New York, No. 25-cv-168 (N.D.N.Y.
Apr. 7, 2025), ECF No. 125.
Moreover, compliance with a hodgepodge of state
and local efforts to regulate greenhouse gas emissions
is extremely inefficient—and likely impossible. If companies are continually walloped by claim after claim of
staggering liability across hundreds of jurisdictions,
they will cease to offer the products and services that
the market (and the country) needs. Or, just as troubling, they will pass those costs onto consumers who
depend on these essential products to live their lives.
“Imposing damages liability on the oil-and-gas industry for every ill plausibly connected to climate change
would function like a massive excise tax, driving up the
costs of gasoline and home heating for ordinary consumers.” Thomas W. Merrill, The New Public Nuisance: Illegitimate and Dysfunctional, 132 Yale L.J.
Forum 985, 1007 (2023). As the various state-law suits
work their way through dozens of state courts, businesses will lose the ability to predict where, when, and
how they will be permitted to operate.
That is not a rational or workable system. As
Judge Wilkinson has explained in an analogous context, the “balkanization of clean air regulations and a
confused patchwork of standards” work “to the detri-
11
ment of industry and the environment alike.” North
Carolina ex rel. Cooper v. Tenn. Valley Auth., 615 F.3d
291, 312 (4th Cir. 2010). And this Court has refused to
interpret similar provisions of the Clean Water Act as
enabling “such an irrational system of regulation” that
“would lead to chaotic confrontation between sovereign
states.” Ouellette, 479 U.S. at 496-97 (citation omitted). The only sensible solution is to recognize that
this national and global issue belongs in the national
government’s exclusive domain and is governed by federal law, as the structure of the Constitution and the
Clean Air Act each demand.
This Court should reverse the deeply flawed
decision below.
II. Under our federal structure and the Clean
Air Act, state law may not impose liability
for the climate effects of emissions that originate all over the world.
Federal law precludes state-law claims for relief for
harm to the Earth’s climate that is attributed to
interstate and international greenhouse-gas emissions.
Because greenhouse gas emissions originate all over
the world, intermix in the global atmosphere, and cross
state and national borders, the laws of a single State
cannot possibly resolve a dispute like this one.
The Colorado Supreme Court incorrectly held that
respondents can pursue state-law claims for harms
that are allegedly caused by global greenhouse gas
emissions. To the extent that federal law would
ordinarily control in this area, the court reasoned, the
Clean Air Act (CAA) displaced federal common law
without providing any federal statutory cause of action,
12
and thus somehow opened the door for state law to
seize the wheel.
That is incorrect. Claims like respondents’ must be
brought under federal law—not because federal
statutory law shoved state law aside, but because the
nature of such claims requires a federal rule of
decision. Congress displaced federal common law
through the Clean Air Act and limited remedies to
those available under that Act. That deliberate choice
does not somehow deputize state law to control this
uniquely federal dispute.
A. Only federal law can govern disputes like
this one, which implicates interstate and
international interests.
There are certain controversies that “our federal
system does not permit … to be resolved under state
law,” where “the interstate or international nature of
the controversy makes it inappropriate for state law to
control.” Tex. Indus., Inc. v. Radcliff Materials, Inc.,
451 U.S. 630, 641 (1981). In a multi-state Union of
equals, a single State’s power to address interstate air
pollution or air quality issues must respect state borders. Thus, it is no surprise that federal law limits a
State’s authority to regulating emissions from within
the State. Disputes, like this one, over the impacts of
air emissions originating in other States or countries
are exactly the type of controversy that individual
States lack the power to address. The state supreme
court erred in refusing to recognize that it was therefore “inappropriate for state law to control.” Id.
1. Federal law must govern when “there is an overriding federal interest in the need for a uniform rule of
decision or where the controversy touches basic inter-
13
ests of federalism.” Milwaukee I, 406 U.S. at 105 n.6.
The areas where that is true include the areas where
this Court has allowed for the development of federal
common law—in other words, the areas where the only
constitutionally permissible rules of decision are federal ones. Thus, this Court has made clear that federal
common law, in its modern form, “addresses ‘subjects
within national legislative power where Congress has
so directed’ or where the basic scheme of the Constitution so demands.” Am. Elec. Power Co. v. Connecticut
(AEP), 564 U.S. 410, 421 (2011) (quoting Henry J.
Friendly, In Praise of Erie—and of the New Federal
Common Law, 39 N.Y.U. L. Rev. 383, 408, 421-22
(1964)). Federal law can supply such a “uniform rule of
decision” in those areas; state law cannot.
Courts have applied federal common law in cases
involving interstate water disputes, 3 tribal land
rights,4 interstate air carrier liability,5 and foreign relations.6 In such cases, federal law must govern: the
structure of the Constitution does not allow States to
engage in the cross-border regulation necessary to resolve such controversies. See Tex. Indus., 451 U.S. at
3 Hinderlider v. La Plata River & Cherry Creek Ditch Co., 304 U.S.
92, 109-10 (1938); Kansas v. Colorado, 206 U.S. 46, 95-96 (1907).
4 Cnty. of Oneida v. Oneida Indian Nation of N.Y., 470 U.S. 226,
235-36 (1985).
5 Treiber & Straub, Inc. v. UPS, Inc., 474 F.3d 379, 384 (7th Cir.
2007) (discussing the Fifth Circuit’s “extensive analysis of the history of federal common law liability of common carriers” in Sam L.
Majors Jewelers v. ABX, Inc., 117 F.3d 922, 925-29 (1997)).
6 Banco Nacional de Cuba v. Sabbatino, 376 U.S. 398, 425-27
(1964); Provincial Gov’t of Marinduque v. Placer Dome, Inc., 582
F.3d 1083, 1088-89 (9th Cir. 2009); Ungaro-Benages v. Dresdner
Bank AG, 379 F.3d 1227, 1233 (11th Cir. 2004).
14
641. Moreover, “local law will not be sufficiently sensitive to federal concerns, it is not likely to be uniform
across state lines, and it will develop at various rates of
speed in different states.” 19 Wright & Miller, Fed.
Prac. & Proc., Juris. § 4514 (3d ed. 2022).
One archetypal area in which the basic scheme of
the Constitution requires a federal rule concerns “the
environmental rights of a State against improper impairment by sources outside its domain.” Milwaukee I,
406 U.S. at 107 n.9 (citation omitted). In such cases,
where there is no federal statutory rule, “[f]ederal
common law and not the varying common law of the
individual States is . . . necessary” to provide a “uniform standard” for such disputes. Id. (citation omitted). Accordingly, this Court has held that “[w]hen we
deal with air and water in their ambient or interstate
aspects, there is a federal common law.” AEP, 564 U.S.
at 421 (quoting Milwaukee I, 406 U.S. at 103).
Claims regarding transboundary emissions implicate “uniquely federal interests.” Accordingly, when
Milwaukee I held that cases regarding interstate air
and water emissions “should be resolved by reference
to federal common law[,] the implicit corollary of this
ruling was that state common law was preempted.”
Ouellette, 479 U.S. at 488; see Milwaukee I, 406 U.S. at
107 n.9.
2. Climate change is an international and interstate phenomenon. Greenhouse gas emissions are released into the Earth’s atmosphere, where they intermix, from all over the world, and their effects are just
as global.
The Amended Complaint in this case does not
mince words about the scope of its allegations. It re-
15
peatedly states that it seeks to hold petitioners responsible for their worldwide “fossil fuel products” that “release CO2 and other GHGs into the atmosphere, and
contribute to changes in the planet’s climate.” J.A. 21,
24-25 (¶¶ 70, 85) (emphases added); J.A. 34 (¶ 123) (alleging that “the emission of GHGs into the atmosphere
… has increased the concentration of those gases in the
atmosphere, trapping heat in the climate system, and
warming the planet”); J.A. 98 (¶ 383) (“Exxon is one of
the largest sources of GHG emissions both globally and
historically.”); J.A. 102 (¶ 399) (“Suncor is one of the
largest sources of GHG emissions both globally and
historically.”). Respondents even seek to hold petitioners responsible for emissions by others. The Amended
Complaint acknowledges that both the emissions and
the harms alleged (and the atmospheric phenomena
that are indispensable causal links between the emissions and the harms) span the entire globe.
Respondents’ claims thus implicate uniquely federal interests, in multiple respects. It would be sufficient
that they concern “air and water in their ambient or
interstate aspects,” which “undoubtedly” calls for a
federal rule of decision, AEP, 564 U.S. at 421 (citation
omitted); Milwaukee I, 406 U.S. at 103. But there is
more: they also implicate foreign policy and the United
States’ sovereign interests. The “international nature
of the controversy” is another reason why it is “inappropriate for state law to control.” Tex. Indus., 451
U.S. at 641.
Notably, many state courts agree—and reject the
contrary view of the Colorado Supreme Court in this
case. Most recently, the Supreme Court of Maryland
firmly rejected an attempt by Baltimore and other
Maryland local governments to sue 26 multinational oil
16
and gas companies under state tort law, seeking to recover damages purportedly caused by global greenhouse gas emissions. Mayor & City Council of Balt. v.
B.P. P.L.C., 353 A.3d 1142, 1150 (Md. 2026). The court
held that such claims fall squarely within the inherently federal areas of interstate pollution and foreign affairs and may therefore only be brought under federal
law.” Id. at 1175. “Such a sprawling case is simply beyond the limits of state law.” Id. at 1174 (brackets and
citation omitted). The court built on an earlier decision
by the Second Circuit rejecting similar claims by New
York City. That court correctly understood that federal
law governs in this area, leaving no role for state law,
because this “is an interstate matter raising significant
federalism concerns,” in no small part since “a substantial damages award like the one requested by the City
would effectively regulate the [defendants’] behavior
far beyond New York’s borders.” City of New York v.
Chevron Corp., 993 F.3d 81, 92 (2d Cir. 2021). As these
decisions recognize, claims like these ask state courts
to exceed the role that our federal system allows them.
3. The necessity of a uniform federal approach in
mitigating climate change is accentuated by the difficult policy choices inherent in balancing the United
States’ environmental and energy needs. There are
important trade-offs to consider, all of which have
enormous consequences. As this Court has explained,
“[t]he appropriate amount of regulation in any particular greenhouse gas-producing sector” requires “informed assessment of competing interests”: “Along
with the environmental benefit potentially achievable,
our Nation’s energy needs and the possibility of economic disruption must weigh in the balance.” AEP,
564 U.S. at 427.
17
The federal government has been grappling with
this dilemma for decades. Congress undoubtedly takes
national energy needs very seriously, including by
providing for oil and gas production. E.g., 43 U.S.C.
§ 1802(1) (“establish[ing] policies and procedures for
managing the oil and natural gas resources of the Outer Continental Shelf … to achieve national economic
and energy policy goals, assure national security, reduce dependence on foreign sources, and maintain a
favorable balance of payments in world trade”).
Indeed, by enacting the CAA, Congress has designated the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) “as
primary regulator of greenhouse gas emissions.” AEP,
564 U.S. at 428. As EPA has recently explained, its
regulatory authority under the CAA is “a critical part
of the comprehensive framework of regulating air pollution.” Rescission of the Greenhouse Gas Endangerment Finding and Motor Vehicle Greenhouse Gas
Emission Standards Under the Clean Air Act, 91 Fed.
Reg. 7686, 7696 (Feb. 18, 2026). In part for that reason, EPA has recently reaffirmed its position that the
CAA “continues to preempt state common-law claims
and statutes that seek to regulate out-of-state emissions,” even though EPA has determined that the CAA
does not authorize it to prescribe certain greenhouse
gas emission standards based on global climate change
concerns. Id. at 7739.
Even beyond the CAA, Congress has repeatedly
taken legislative action in this area. In the Inflation
Reduction Act of 2022, for example, the term “greenhouse gas” appears no fewer than 147 times. Pub. L.
No. 117-169, 136 Stat. 1818. That term appears another 35 times in the Infrastructure Investment and
Jobs Act, Pub. L. No. 117-58, 135 Stat. 429 (2021). And
18
Congress recently recalibrated its climate policy with
the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, Pub. L. No. 119-21, 139
Stat. 72 (2025), which “makes significant alterations to
public incentives for climate and energy-related investments.” Mia Beams & Akkshath Subrahmanian,
Congress’s “One Big Beautiful Bill” Will Shrink Renewable Energy Investments—Yet Some Technologies
Are Preserved, Council on Foreign Relations (Aug. 4,
2025), https://www.cfr.org/article/congresss-one-bigbeautiful-bill-will-shrink-renewable-energyinvestments-yet-some.
Against this backdrop, the overriding federal interest is clear. Subjecting companies’ “global operations
to a welter of different states’ laws,” as the Second Circuit cogently explained, “would further risk upsetting
the careful balance that has been struck between the
prevention of global warming, a project that necessarily requires national standards and global participation,
on the one hand, and energy production, economic
growth, foreign policy, and national security, on the
other.” City of New York, 993 F.3d at 93. In fact,
“[a]llowing each of the 50 states (and the countless individual local governments located within them) to impose their own preferred policy solutions for climate
change—with each state naturally focused on local rather than national or international impacts, would create a plainly ‘irrational system of regulation’ that
would lead to ‘chaotic confrontation between sovereign
states.’” Baltimore, 353 A.3d at 1176 (quoting Ouellette, 479 U.S. at 496-97).
In short, this is a case in which “there is an overriding federal interest in the need for a uniform rule of
decision or where the controversy touches basic inter-
19
ests of federalism.” Milwaukee I, 406 U.S. at 105 n.6.
Federal law must therefore control.
4. The structural limitations that the Constitution
imposes on the application of state law to quintessentially national issues are reinforced by the Due Process
Clause. That Clause likewise limits the authority of
States to regulate matters that are insufficiently connected to the State. See Gerling Glob. Reinsurance
Corp. of Am. v. Gallagher, 267 F.3d 1228, 1237-38
(11th Cir. 2001); Fuld v. Palestine Liberation Org., 606
U.S. 1, 14 (2025); Home Ins. Co. v. Dick, 281 U.S. 397,
407-08 (1930); Bonaparte v. Tax Court, 104 U.S. 592,
594 (1881) (State may not legislate “except with reference to its own jurisdiction”). This Court has referred
to these “territorial limits of state authority” as “the
Constitution’s horizontal separation of powers.” Nat’l
Pork Producers Council v. Ross, 598 U.S. 356, 376 &
n.1 (2023).
Respondents seek to regulate transactions far beyond their municipal borders (and even Colorado’s),
demanding that business practices and communications that occur elsewhere conform to their preferred
standards—or be penalized. In doing so, they seek to
control lawful activities in other States and effectively
override the energy policies of sister States, as well as
those of the federal government. Respondents’ theory
is in serious tension with the constitutional limits on
any one State’s authority to prescribe legal rules beyond its own borders.
20
B. Respondents’ packaging of their claims
makes no difference to the conclusion
that the claims are preempted by federal
law.
Regardless whether respondents seek to enjoin
greenhouse gas emissions directly, they certainly do
seek to regulate such emissions. As the Tenth Circuit
recognized in an earlier phase of this litigation, this
suit is, at least in part, a suit “for damages allegedly
caused by climate change.” Bd. of Cnty. Comm’rs of
Boulder Cnty. v. Suncor Energy (U.S.A.) Inc., 25 F.4th
1238, 1248 (2022). The Amended Complaint demands
that petitioners “pay[] their share of the costs Plaintiffs
have incurred and will incur because of Defendants’
contribution to alteration of the climate.” J.A. 3 (¶ 6).
It is a truism that “‘regulation can be . . . effectively exerted through an award of damages,’ and ‘[t]he obligation to pay compensation can be, indeed is designed to
be, a potent method of governing conduct and controlling policy.’” Kurns v. R.R. Friction Prods. Corp., 565
U.S. 625, 637 (2012) (quoting San Diego Bldg. Trades
Council v. Garmon, 359 U.S. 236, 247 (1959)) (brackets
in original); see also City of New York, 993 F.3d at 92
(same conclusion in similar climate suit); Minnesota v.
Am. Petroleum Inst., 63 F.4th 703, 719 (8th Cir. 2023)
(Stras, J., concurring) (recognizing that similar climate
suit sought to “change the companies’ behavior on a
global scale”).
It makes no difference that respondents have
framed this dispute as arising, in part, from misleading
marketing relating to climate change. The point is
that respondents accuse petitioners of causing greenhouse gas emissions (both from the use of their own
products and from other sources entirely), and that
21
they contend that global greenhouse gas emissions are
the source of harm to them and the basis for an award
of judicial relief. It is “the interstate or international
nature of the controversy [that] makes it inappropriate
for state law to control,” Tex. Indus., 451 U.S. at 641
(emphasis added), not the precise causes of action
pleaded. Here, the gravamen of the dispute is the oil
companies’ alleged responsibility for climate change
impacts attributed to greenhouse gas emissions. That
dispute must be governed by federal law, for the reasons given above. See pp. 12-19, supra.
As the Second Circuit held in rejecting a similar argument in a parallel climate suit by New York City,
“[a]rtful pleading cannot transform the City’s complaint into anything other than a suit over global
greenhouse gas emissions.” City of New York, 993 F.3d
at 91. The Maryland Supreme Court reached the same
conclusion regarding much the same allegations
brought by Baltimore and other municipalities: “No
amount of creative pleading can masquerade the fact
that the local governments are attempting to utilize
state law to regulate global conduct that is purportedly
causing global harm.” Baltimore, 353 A.3d at 1173.
“To state the obvious,” that court continued, “global
warming is created by global consumption”—and “[t]he
local governments’ police powers do not extend beyond
their respective borders, and certainly do not authorize
the policing of global conduct.” Id. at 1174. Such a suit
must be governed by federal law.
22
C. The displacement of federal common law
by federal statute does not authorize
state law to regulate a uniquely federal
area.
1. The Colorado Supreme Court’s principal reason
for concluding that respondents’ state-law claims are
not preempted is that federal common law related to
greenhouse gas emissions has been “displaced by the
federal legislation authorizing EPA to regulate carbondioxide emissions,” AEP, 564 U.S. at 423, and therefore
“that common law no longer exists.” Pet. App. 17a.
The majority below echoed the Hawaii Supreme
Court’s reasoning that “displaced federal common law
plays no part in this court’s preemption analysis.” Pet.
App. 20a (quoting City & Cnty. of Honolulu v. Sunoco
LP, 537 P.3d 1173, 1199 (Haw. 2023), cert. denied, 145
S. Ct. 1111 (2025)).
That reasoning cannot be reconciled with “the federalism concerns undergirding the entire rationale of
federal common law.” Baltimore, 353 A.3d at 1177. As
both the Second Circuit and Maryland Supreme Court
explained, “state law does not suddenly become presumptively competent to address issues that demand a
unified federal standard simply because Congress saw
fit to displace a federal court-made standard with a
legislative one.” City of New York, 993 F.3d at 98.
“Such an outcome is too strange to seriously contemplate.” Id. at 98-99; see Baltimore, 353 A.3d at 1177
(same).
The Second Circuit, in turn, embraced the reasoning of the Seventh Circuit in Illinois v. City of Milwaukee (Milwaukee III) that, despite Milwaukee II’s holding that the federal common law recognized in Mil-
23
waukee I was displaced, “[t]he very reasons … for resorting to federal common law in Milwaukee I are the
same reasons why the state claiming injury cannot apply its own state law to out-of-state discharges now.”
731 F.2d 403, 410 (7th Cir. 1984).
2. The Colorado Supreme Court criticized the Second Circuit’s “preemption analysis” as “‘backwards
reasoning.’” Pet. App. 19a (quoting Honolulu, 537 P.3d
at 1199). But there is nothing “backwards” about it.
The Second Circuit—as well as the Maryland Supreme
Court and Seventh Circuit—correctly applied the basic
rule that “if federal common law exists, it is because
state law cannot be used.” City of Milwaukee v. Illinois, 451 U.S. 304, 313 n.7 (1981) (Milwaukee II); see
Tex. Indus., 451 U.S. at 641 & n.13 (federal law governs where the nature of the claim “makes it inappropriate for state law to control”); Baltimore, 353 A.3d at
1177 n.22 (same).
That Congress displaced federal common law simply means that the federal courts are no longer in the
business of formulating federal standards. See AEP,
564 U.S. at 423-24 (explaining that “it is primarily the
office of Congress, not the federal courts, to prescribe
national policy in areas of special federal interest”).
Displacement in no way eliminates or undermines the
overriding federal interest in the dispute, much less
throws open the door for the courts of the fifty different
States to engage in their own piecemeal resolution of
these distinctly federal issues under a variety of competing and conflicting state and local laws. State law
was incompetent to address the issue before congressional action, and it remains so after it.
24
Precisely because of the need for uniformity—the
reason why federal common law was necessary in the
first place—a displacing federal statutory scheme must
provide the authoritative answer on what remedies are
available, even if the answer is “none.” Thus, “‘resorting to state law’ on a question previously governed by
federal common law is permissible only to the extent
‘authorized’ by federal statute.” City of New York, 993
F.3d at 99 (brackets omitted) (quoting Milwaukee III,
731 F.2d at 411); see Baltimore, 353 A.3d at 1177
(same).
Under the reasoning of the Colorado and Hawaii
Supreme Courts, however, congressional attempts to
supply a uniform federal standard by statute would
bring to life the very same disuniform state-law rules
that were, and remain, incompetent to address this national problem. That would be so even if that federal
legislation were to “adopt[] verbatim a judge-made
common law rule.” City of New York, 993 F.3d at 9899. Congress could enact statutes codifying the very
same court-supplied rules governing interstate water
rights, interstate air carrier liability, and interstate
disputes over intangible property, see p. 13, supra, and
according to the Colorado and Hawaii Supreme Courts
(and respondents), state law claims on those subjects
would suddenly become viable, triggering the very
same problems that initially prompted the formulation
of a federal rule.
That makes no sense. Federal problems remain
federal problems, regardless of whether the necessary
uniform, federal standard to deal with them is supplied
by federal courts or federal statute. In the (few) areas
where federal common law would apply but for displacement by Congress, “the implicit corollary” is that
25
“state common law [is] preempted.” Ouellette, 479 U.S.
at 488.
D. The Clean Air Act also preempts respondents’ state-law claims.
Respondents’ claims also conflict with, and are
preempted by, the CAA itself. The CAA “delegate[s]”
authority to EPA to “deci[de] whether and how to regulate” greenhouse gas emissions, and “entrusts” to EPA
the “complex balancing” of “competing interests.” AEP,
564 U.S. at 426-27. For example, Title II of the CAA
gives EPA authority to determine whether to establish
emissions standards for the transportation sector, including vehicles, aircraft, locomotives, motorcycles, and
nonroad engines and equipment.
42 U.S.C.
§§ 7521(a)(1)-(2), (a)(3)(E), 7571(a)(2)(A), 7547(a)(1),
(a)(5). The CAA also provides EPA with authority to
determine whether emissions of a pollutant from “stationary sources,” such as power plants, refineries, and
oil and gas wells, should be regulated and at what levels.
AEP, 564 U.S. at 426; see 42 U.S.C.
§ 7411(b)(1)(A)-(B), (d). “If EPA does not set emissions
limits for a particular pollutant or source of pollution,
States and private parties may petition [EPA] for a
rulemaking on the matter … [but there is] no room for
a parallel track.” AEP, 564 U.S. at 425.
Moreover, the CAA’s “Good Neighbor Provision,” 42
U.S.C. § 7410(a)(2)(D)(i), is a specific attempt “[t]o
tackle the problem” of “air pollution emitted in one
State, but causing harm in other States.” EPA v. EME
Homer City Generation, L.P., 572 U.S. 489, 495 (2014);
see Oklahoma v. EPA, 605 U.S. 609, 616 (2025) (explaining that the CAA’s Good Neighbor Provision “accounts for the ‘externality’ that ‘because air currents
26
can carry pollution across state borders, emissions in
upwind States sometimes affect air quality in downwind States.’” (brackets omitted; quoting Ohio v. EPA,
603 U.S. 279, 283–284 (2024)). The Good Neighbor
Provision is premised on the assumption that “downwind States … lack authority to control” out-of-state
pollution. EME Homer City Generation, 572 U.S. at
495. The CAA thus “contemplates no role for states
reaching out and applying their law in other states.”
Baltimore, 353 A.3d at 1179.
The citizen-suit savings clause of the CAA, 42
U.S.C. § 7604(e), preserves a “slim reservoir of state
common law” for suits brought under the law of the
State that is the source of the emissions. City of New
York, 993 F.3d at 99-100. But that narrow carveout
underscores that the CAA leaves no other avenue for
state law claims with respect to air pollution for which
the authority to regulate has been delegated to EPA.
In Ouellette, this Court analyzed parallel provisions of
the Clean Water Act and held that the statute “precludes a court from applying the law of an affected
State against an out-of-state source” but permits “a
nuisance claim pursuant to the law of the source
State.” 479 U.S. at 494-497. The same is true of the
CAA. See City of New York, 993 F.3d at 100.
Respondents complain of emissions from all over
the planet, not emissions originating in Colorado—yet
they seek to hold petitioners liable under Colorado law.
Such claims are preempted by the CAA’s comprehensive regulatory scheme.
27
CONCLUSION
The judgment should be reversed.
Respectfully submitted.
ANDREW R. VARCOE
STEPHANIE A. MALONEY
U.S. CHAMBER
LITIGATION CENTER
1615 H Street, NW
Washington, DC 20062
JESSE LEMPEL
GOODWIN PROCTER LLP
100 Northern Avenue
Boston, MA 02210
May 21, 2026
WILLIAM M. JAY
Counsel of Record
GOODWIN PROCTER LLP
1900 N Street, NW
Washington, DC 20036
wjay@goodwinlaw.com
(202) 346-4000
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
the Chamber of Commerce
of the United States of
America
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