Amicus Curiae Brief — Suncor Energy (U.S.A.) Inc., et al., Petitioners v. County Commissioners of Boulder County, et al.
Supreme Court briefMay 19, 2026
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No. 25-170
In the Supreme Court of the United States
__________
SUNCOR ENERGY (U.S.A.) INC.;
SUNCOR ENERGY SALES INC.; EXXON MOBIL CORP.,
Petitioners,
v.
COUNTY COMMISSIONERS OF BOULDER COUNTY;
CITY OF BOULDER,
Respondents.
__________
On Writ of Certiorari to the
Supreme Court of Colorado
__________
BRIEF OF THE FRONTIER INSTITUTE,
INDEPENDENCE INSTITUTE, AND
MANHATTAN INSTITUTE
AS AMICI CURIAE
SUPPORTING PETITIONERS
__________
Marcella Burke
Paul B. Simon
Connor Mighell
BURKE LAW GROUP PLLC
1000 Main Street,
Suite 2300
Houston, TX 77002
(832) 987-2214
marcella@burkegroup.law
Ilya Shapiro
Counsel of Record
MANHATTAN INSTITUTE
52 Vanderbilt Ave.
New York, NY 10017
(212) 599-7000
ishapiro@manhattan.
institute
May 19, 2026
Additional counsel listed on signature page
i
QUESTION PRESENTED
The Colorado Supreme Court found that the Clean
Air Act’s framework did not preempt all state and local
regulation of emissions and allowed Boulder County to
bring tort claims under Colorado law against Suncor
Energy and Exxon Mobil Corporation for damages
from carbon emissions.
The question presented is:
Whether federal law precludes state-law claims
seeking relief for injuries allegedly caused by the effects of interstate and international greenhouse-gas
emissions on the global climate.
ii
Table of Contents
QUESTION PRESENTED ........................................... i
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ....................................... iii
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE ................................. 1
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF
ARGUMENT........................................................... 2
ARGUMENT ................................................................ 4
I. HORIZONTAL FEDERALISM IS
DEEPLY ROOTED IN
CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY ....................... 4
A. The History of Horizontal Federalism ........ 4
B. The Constitutional Structure of
Horizontal Federalism ................................. 8
II. FOUR ASPECTS OF HORIZONTAL
FEDERALISM ARE RELEVANT TO
THIS CASE ..................................................... 11
A. Overreaching.............................................. 12
B. Exclusions .................................................. 16
C. Favoritism .................................................. 18
D. Externalities .............................................. 21
III. THE COLORADO SUPREME COURT
IGNORED HORIZONTAL FEDERALISM.... 25
CONCLUSION .......................................................... 30
iii
Cases
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Am. Elec. Power Co., Inc. v. Connecticut,
564 U.S. 410 (2011) .................................... 22–23, 26
Bigelow v. Virginia, 421 U.S. 809 (1975) ............ 25, 27
BMW of N. Am., Inc. v. Gore,
517 U.S. 559 (1996) .................................... 14, 15, 25
Bordenkircher v. Hayes, 434 U.S. 357 (1978) ........... 14
Canaday v. Anthem Companies, Inc.,
9 F.4th 392 (6th Cir. 2021) ...................................... 2
Carroll v. Lanza, 349 U.S. 408 (1955)......................... 9
Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. 419 (1793) .................... 11
City of Milwaukee v. Illinois, 451 U.S. 304 (1981) ... 22
City of New York v. Chevron Corp.,
993 F.3d 81 (2d Cir. 2021) ........................... 3, 23–24
Cnty. Comm’rs of Boulder Cnty. v. Suncor Energy
USA, Inc., 586 P.3d 161 (Colo. 2025)............... 26–27
Coyle v. Smith, 221 U.S. 559 (1911) ...................... 8, 21
Durfee v. Duke, 375 U.S. 106 (1963) ......................... 19
Franchise Tax Bd. of Cal. v. Hyatt,
587 U.S. 230 (2019) ...................................... 2, 19–20
Frick v. Pennsylvania, 268 U.S. 473 (1925) .............. 14
Guy v. Baltimore, 100 U.S. 434 (1880) ................ 16–17
Hampton v. McConnell, 3 Wheat. 234 (1818) ........... 19
Hanson v. Denckla, 357 U.S. 235 (1958) ................... 13
Home Ins. Co. v. Dick, 281 U.S. 397 (1930) .............. 12
Illinois v. City of Milwaukee, 406 U.S. 91 (1972) ..... 22
iv
Int’l Paper Co. v. Ouellette,
479 U.S. 481 (1987) .............................. 23, 26, 27, 29
Int’l Shoe v. Washington, 326 U.S. 310 (1945) ......... 12
Kansas v. Colorado, 206 U.S. 46 (1907) ........ 21–22, 29
Kurns v. R.R. Friction Prods. Corp.,
565 U.S. 625 (2012) .......................................... 15, 27
Mayor & City Council of Baltimore v.
B.P. P.L.C., 2026 WL 809501
(Md. Mar. 24, 2026) ................................ 3, 23–24, 28
Nat’l Pork Producers Council v. Ross,
598 U.S. 356 (2023) .......................... 2, 16–17, 18, 30
Native Village of Kivalina v. ExxonMobil Corp.,
696 F.3d 849 (9th Cir. 2012) .................................. 23
Nielsen v. Oregon, 212 U.S. 315 (1909) ..................... 14
Northwest Airlines Inc. v. County of Kent,
510 U.S. 355 (1994) ................................................ 16
Pennoyer v. Neff, 95 U.S. 714 (1877) ......................... 12
People of State of Ill. v. City of Milwaukee,
731 F.2d 403 (7th Cir. 1984) .................................. 26
Pike v. Bruce Church, Inc.,
397 U.S. 137 (1970) .......................................... 17–18
Planche v. Fletcher, 99 Eng. Rep. 164 (1779) ............. 5
Presley v. Etowah County Comm’n,
502 U.S. 491 (1992) ................................................ 21
San Diego Building Trades Council v. Garmon,
359 U.S. 236 (1959) ................................................ 15
Shelby County v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529 (2013) .... 20, 21
Somerset v. Stewart, 98 Eng. Rep. 499 (1772) ............ 4
v
State Farm Mutual Auto. Ins. Co. v. Campbell,
538 U.S. 408 (2003) ................................................ 25
South Carolina v. Katzenbach,
383 U.S. 301 (1966) ................................................ 20
Toomer v. Witsell, 334 U.S. 385 (1948) ..................... 24
Underwriters Nat. Assur. Co. v. N.C. Life & Acc. &
Health Ins. Guaranty Ass’n,
455 U.S. 691 (1982) .................................... 18, 19, 29
World-Wide Volkswagen Corp. v. Woodson,
444 U.S. 286 (1980) ................................ 2, 12–13, 24
Constitutions, Statutes, and Regulations
42 U.S.C. § 7416......................................................... 23
42 U.S.C. § 7521(a)(1) ............................................ 3, 28
42 U.S.C. § 7604(e) .................................................... 23
An Act to Provide for the Government of the
Territory North-West of the River Ohio,
art. V § 8, 1 Stat. 50 (1789) ................................ 8, 19
Art. of Confed. of 1781, art. IV, § 1 ............................. 6
Colo. Const. art. XIV .................................................. 25
Ordinance of April 23, 1784,
26 J. Cont’l Cong. 275 (1784) ................................... 8
Rescission of the Greenhouse Gas Endangerment
Finding and Motor Vehicle Greenhouse Gas
Emission Standards Under the Clean Air Act,
91 Fed. Reg. 7686 (Feb. 18, 2026)................ 4, 28–29
U.S. Const. art. I, §10 .............................................. 8, 9
U.S. Const. art. IV, §1.................................................. 9
U.S. Const. art. IV, §2.................................................. 9
vi
Other Authorities
2 The Records of the Constitutional Convention
of 1787 (Max Farrand ed., 1937) ......................... 6–7
Allen Erbsen, Horizontal Federalism,
93 Minn. L. Rev. 493 (2008)................. 2, 3, 6, 11, 18
Angus Thuermer, “Hageman Proposes a Boulder,
Colorado, Fossil-Fuel-Free Experiment,”
Cap City News, Aug. 8, 2024 ................................. 25
Donald H. Regan, Siamese Essays: (I) CTS Corp. v.
Dynamics Corp. of America and Dormant
Commerce Clause Doctrine; (II) Extraterritorial
State Legislation, 85 Mich. L. Rev. 1865 (1987) ..... 4
Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations at I, § 18
(J. Chitty ed., 1834) (1758) ...................................... 5
Jill Elaine Hasday, Interstate Compacts in a
Democratic Society: The Problem of Permanency,
49 Fla. L. Rev. 1 (1997) ........................................ 8–9
Julian N. Eule, Laying the Dormant Commerce
Clause to Rest, 91 Yale L.J. 425 (1982) ................... 9
Mark D. Rosen, State Extraterritorial Powers
Reconsidered,
85 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1133 (2010) ...................... 10
Peter S. Onuf, New State Equality: The Ambiguous
History of a Constitutional Principle,
18 Publius 53 (1988) ................................................ 8
Samuel Issacharoff & Catherine M. Sharkey,
Backdoor Federalization,
53 UCLA L. Rev. 1353 (2006) ................................ 10
The Federalist No. 44 (Madison) ................................. 9
The Federalist No. 7 (Hamilton) ............................... 10
vii
The Federalist No. 80 (Hamilton) ............................. 10
Willis L.M. Reese, Legislative Jurisdiction,
78 Columbia L. Rev. 1587 (1978)..................... 10–11
1
INTEREST OF AMICI CURIAE 1
The Frontier Institute is an independent research and educational institution with the mission to
keep the spirit of the western frontier alive with sound
public policy and education programs that empower
Montanans to be pioneers, innovators and risk takers.
To those ends, the Frontier Institute is dedicated to
upholding the separation-of-powers requirements of
the United States and Montana Constitutions that foster democratic accountability and sound public policy.
The Independence Institute is a 501(c)(3) public
policy research organization in Denver, founded on the
eternal truths of the Declaration of Independence. The
briefs and scholarship of research director David Kopel
have been cited in seven opinions of this Court and
over 130 lower-court opinions. The Institute’s senior
fellow in constitutional studies, law professor Robert
Natelson, has been cited in 13 opinions of this Court.
The Manhattan Institute (MI) is a nonprofit public policy research foundation whose mission is to develop and disseminate new ideas that foster greater
economic choice and individual responsibility, to advance the flourishing of America’s great cities.
This case interests amici because a proper understanding of federalism holds that federal law precludes
contrary state law. The transaction of actual interstate
commerce, such as energy production—and its attendant pollution—is a quintessentially federal area.
Having one regulatory structure here allows for legal
stability and the efficient allocation of resources.
No counsel for any party authored this brief in any part; nobody
other than amici funded its preparation or submission.
1
2
INTRODUCTION AND
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
“Constitutional federalism has two distinct dimensions: the federal government must interact with the
states, and states must interact with each other.” Allen Erbsen, Horizontal Federalism, 93 Minn. L. Rev.
493, 501 (2008). The former interactions are more familiar—and are the focus of constitutional-law classes—but other significant friction can occur from interactions among states or their inhabitants.
The principles governing these interactions have
been called many things: “antidiscrimination,” Nat’l
Pork Producers Council v. Ross, 598 U.S. 356, 376
(2023); “comity,” Franchise Tax Bd. of Cal. v. Hyatt,
587 U.S. 230, 245 (2019); “interstate federalism,” see
World-Wide Volkswagen Corp. v. Woodson, 444 U.S.
286, 293 (1980); and “horizontal federalism,” Canaday
v. Anthem Companies, Inc., 9 F.4th 392, 410 (6th Cir.
2021) (Donald, J., dissenting) (citation omitted).
We will use the last term, “horizontal federalism.”
This case implicates four recurring “sources of interstate friction” that this Court regularly analyzes,
based on the following principles:
•
Overreaching: A state may not adjudicate,
tax, regulate, or punish conduct that occurs beyond its borders to deter conduct that is lawful
in other states.
•
Exclusions: States (especially commercially
powerful ones) may not leverage their regulations to restrict other states’ policymaking.
•
Favoritism: The federal government may intervene when states regulate in favor of local
3
interests in ways that burden constitutional
rights.
•
Externalities: Federal law governs when a
state pursues a policy that affects another, and
both states have equal rights of action.
See Erbsen, 93 Minn. L. Rev. at 514.
Horizontal federalism emerges from the rich scholarship and experience that informed the framers and
the federal structure they established. The Colorado
Supreme Court neglected that framework here, so its
judgment should be reversed.
Two developments since briefing on the cert. petition was completed have made the case for reversal
stronger. First, the Maryland Supreme Court has now
considered substantially similar climate-tort claims
and reached the opposite result from its Colorado
counterpart. In Mayor & City Council of Baltimore v.
B.P. P.L.C., 2026 WL 809501 (Md. Mar. 24, 2026)
(“Baltimore”), the court affirmed dismissal of local-government state-law tort claims seeking damages for
harms allegedly caused by global greenhouse-gas
emissions. The majority agreed that those claims are
displaced by federal common law, displaced in turn by
the Clean Air Act, and not authorized by the Act’s savings clauses. Id. at *23–25. The court expressly aligned
itself with the dissent below, as well as with the Second Circuit’s decision in City of New York v. Chevron
Corp., 993 F.3d 81 (2d Cir. 2021). Baltimore, 2026 WL
809501, at *20 n.18.
Second, the EPA has rescinded the 2009 endangerment finding for greenhouse gases under section
202(a)(1) of the Clean Air Act, 42 U.S.C. § 7521(a)(1),
and repealed the implementing motor-vehicle
4
greenhouse-gas standards. Rescission of the Greenhouse Gas Endangerment Finding and Motor Vehicle
Greenhouse Gas Emission Standards Under the Clean
Air Act, 91 Fed. Reg. 7686 (Feb. 18, 2026). That action
underscores that greenhouse-gas policy requires national coordination and federal judgment, not tort
rules that project one state’s policy choices into other
states.
Together, these developments confirm what was already true at cert: Colorado tort law is the wrong instrument for resolving injuries allegedly caused by interstate and international emissions.
ARGUMENT
I. HORIZONTAL FEDERALISM IS DEEPLY
ROOTED IN CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY
Horizontal federalism is “one of those foundational
principles of our federalism which we infer from the
structure of the Constitution as a whole.” Donald H.
Regan, Siamese Essays: (I) CTS Corp. v. Dynamics
Corp. of America and Dormant Commerce Clause Doctrine; (II) Extraterritorial State Legislation, 85 Mich.
L. Rev. 1865, 1885 (1987).
A. The History of Horizontal Federalism
A few years before the Revolution, British courts
were articulating the doctrines of extraterritoriality
and comity in jurisdictions that American lawyers like
the Framers followed closely. One jurist, Lord Mansfield, held that a slave brought from America could not
be detained in England because “[t]he state of slavery
. . . is so odious, that nothing can be suffered to support
it, but positive law.” Somerset v. Stewart, 98 Eng. Rep.
499, 510 (1772). So British jurists held that a law of
one jurisdiction was not given effect in another if
5
repugnant to that jurisdiction’s fundamental principles. Likewise, in Planche v. Fletcher, 99 Eng. Rep.
164, 165 (1779), Mansfield ruled that “one nation does
not take notice of the revenue laws of another.” There,
a contract to evade French customs law could not be
enforced in an English court, because English courts
would not enforce French tax law.
European law-of-nations theorists also shaped
early American understandings of comity and equal
sovereignty. One popular treatise stated: “A dwarf is
as much a man as a giant; a small republic is no less a
sovereign state than the most powerful kingdom.”
Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations at I, § 18 (J. Chitty
ed., 1834) (1758). This idea of sovereign equality posited that no state may subordinate another by force of
law. Mutual recognition and voluntary respect were
ideal, even necessary, when crafting a union of states.
The idea consistently advanced in these writings is
that the authority of a sovereign stops at its borders.
Every court and country applies and fashions its own
law. They may respect the statutes “carried with” the
subjects of other sovereigns as a matter of comity, but
they only adopt the ones they deem persuasive or appropriate and disregard the rest. Any further entanglement would lead to confusion about which law applies and undermine individuals’ reliance interest in
their conduct’s being governed by the law of the location where that conduct takes place.
Post-Revolution, the Constitution’s framers
demonstrated acute awareness that unrestrained
state action leads to interstate friction and conflict.
Our first charter, the Articles of Confederation, viewed
6
each state as its own sovereign, and provided “the free
inhabitants” of each state with
all privileges and immunities of free citizens in
the several States, and the people of each State
shall have free ingress and regress to and from
any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the
privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the
same duties, impositions and restrictions as the
inhabitants thereof respectively . . . .
Art. of Confed. of 1781, art. IV, § 1. Yet under the Articles, states often “pursued conflicting self-interests
at their collective expense,” enacting protectionist
measures and interfering with commerce. Erbsen, 93
Minn. L. Rev. at 511. They coined their own money,
raised their own armies, and erected trade barriers,
“creating systemic friction that left them collectively
worse off.” Id. at 533. The delegates to the Constitutional Convention emerged from a years-long battle
with that problematic interstate construction, producing a system of government with a different approach.
It bears noting from the outset that the Constitution contains no explicit provision requiring blanket
interstate equality. At the Constitutional Convention,
the section that ultimately became Article IV, Section
3 initially included language providing that new states
would be admitted “on the same terms” as current
states. 2 The Records of the Constitutional Convention
of 1787 at 454 (Max Farrand ed., 1937). Gouverneur
Morris moved to strike this language. James Madison
opposed Morris’s motion, arguing that new states “neither would nor ought to submit to a Union which degraded them from an equal rank with the other
States.” Id. George Mason likewise argued that Morris’s suggestion appeared intended to deter western
7
emigration, but that this was impossible. Id. Mason
continued that “the best policy” regarding these new
states would be “to treat them with that equality
which will make them friends not enemies.” Id. Morris
agreed that stopping western emigration was impossible, but “did not wish to throw the power into the[]
hands” of newly admitted states. Id. Roger Sherman
notably stated that he was in favor of “fixing an equality of privileges by the Constitution,” and therefore opposed the motion. John Langdon chimed in to support
the motion because he wondered about circumstances
“which would render it inconvenient” to admit new
states on equal footing with established ones. Id.
North Carolina’s Hugh Williamson also clarified that
while existing states “enjoy an equality now, and for
that reason are admitted to [Congress] in the Senate,”
this reason did not apply to new states. Id. The body
ultimately accepted Morris’s edits by a 9–2 vote. Id.
This debate is highly instructive as to the Framers’
perspective on interstate relations. Morris’s edit provoked vocal debate from Madison, Mason, and Sherman—leading architects of the Constitution’s framework—because it ran counter to their conviction that
existing states should have equality of privileges. But
Morris and his supporting delegates, who won the day,
thought it best to leave to Congress’s judgment the exact admission terms for new states.
The Convention’s view was not that states were unequal or lacked equal sovereignty. It was that the
elected representatives of existing states should decide
what privileges new states had when admitting them.
Although the Convention did not settle this question,
the Continental Congress in New York incorporated
the Northwest Ordinance under the new Constitution,
8
requiring that new states would enter the union “on
equal footing” with existing states. An Act to Provide
for the Government of the Territory North-West of the
River Ohio, art. V § 8, 1 Stat. 50, 53 n.a (1789). This
was based on a 1784 ordinance drafted by Thomas Jefferson proposing that the western states be incorporated on an equal basis with the original thirteen. Ordinance of April 23, 1784, 26 J. Cont’l Cong. 275
(1784). Every state since has been admitted “with an
express declaration of equality” with existing states.
Peter S. Onuf, New State Equality: The Ambiguous
History of a Constitutional Principle, 18 Publius 53, 54
(1988). And this Court later described the equal-footing principle as equality “in all respects whatsoever.”
Coyle v. Smith, 221 U.S. 559, 567, 569 (1911) (cleaned
up) (discussing the admission of several states).
B. The Constitutional Structure of Horizontal
Federalism
Despite disagreement at the drafting stage, the
Constitution established a federal structure that
treats states as equal sovereigns with limited authority to encroach on each other’s respective domains.
States may not, for example, coin money or lay duties
without Congress’s consent. U.S. Const. art. I, §10. In
addition to these pointed restraints on interstate activity, the Constitution includes provisions designed to
foster comity and equality between the several states.
The Interstate Compact Clause, U.S. Const. art. I,
§10, cl.3, allows states to resolve disagreements by
“Agreement or Compact” with congressional approval.
These agreements have been frequently employed to
govern relations between states since the founding.
See Jill Elaine Hasday, Interstate Compacts in a Democratic Society: The Problem of Permanency, 49 Fla. L.
9
Rev. 1, 3–4 nn.14–18 (1997) (listing compacts). While
such arrangements are allowed, any “Treaty, Alliance,
or Confederation” between states is prohibited. U.S.
Const. art. I, §10, cl.1. This language likely refers to
contracts between states without Congress’s say-so, or
military or external-facing agreements. It was part of
the Articles of Confederation and “for reasons which
need no explanation, is copied into the new Constitution.” The Federalist No. 44 (Madison), at 281 (Clinton
Rossiter ed., 1961). Those self-evident reasons included ensuring that the powers expressly given to the
federal government would not be adulterated by states
working at cross-purposes to the broader Union.
The Constitution also includes another clause similar to a provision in the Articles, providing that the
“Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several
States.” Art. IV, §2, cl.1. While pared down from its
earlier counterpart, the constitutional version has a
wider sweep—preserving the legal and natural rights
of American citizens in all contexts, not merely a commercial one. Based on its lineage and language, this
clause governs state legislative power “in commercial
matters where Congress has not yet acted.” Julian N.
Eule, Laying the Dormant Commerce Clause to Rest,
91 Yale L.J. 425, 448 (1982). And all the above does not
obviate the dormant Commerce Clause, which speaks
to relations between states that specifically concern
commerce—addressed infra at II.B.
Another clause requires states to give “Full Faith
and Credit” to the “public Acts, Records, and judicial
Proceedings of every other State.” U.S. Const. art. IV,
§1; see also Carroll v. Lanza, 349 U.S. 408, 413 (1955)
(clause prevents states from “adopting any policy of
10
hostility” to each other’s acts). This extraterritoriality
doctrine sets the boundaries for how states must treat
the decisions and laws of other states.
Other constitutional provisions help complete the
horizontal federalism framework. Five of the nine provisions in Article III addressing jurisdiction concern
the interaction between states, emphasizing the framers’ concern that courts should referee “bickering and
animosities” between these co-equal sovereigns. The
Federalist No. 80 (Hamilton) at 477. Hamilton specifically worried about this issue, warning that states exercising “distinctions, preferences, and exclusions . . .
would beget discontent,” causing “outrages,” and then
“reprisals and wars.” Federalist No. 7 (Hamilton). Rather than addressing the externalities that activity legal in one state might cause in another, the Constitution sets this problem aside for judicial resolution—
and the courts’ solution has often been explicit federal
control, to avoid the very kinds of problems in interstate relations that the Articles of Confederation failed
adequately to address. See Samuel Issacharoff & Catherine M. Sharkey, Backdoor Federalization, 53 UCLA
L. Rev. 1353, 1368–98 (2006) (discussing federalization of areas traditionally under state control).
At bottom, equality among the states is a due process concern. “[D]ue process primarily protects individuals from being unfairly subject to another state’s
laws.” Mark D. Rosen, State Extraterritorial Powers
Reconsidered, 85 Notre Dame L. Rev. 1133, 1137–38
(2010). Scholarship regarding extraterritoriality has
long noted that horizontal federalism “protect[s] persons against the unfair application of a law” outside
proper borders while also “furthering other interstate
11
. . . values[.]” Willis L.M. Reese, Legislative Jurisdiction, 78 Columbia L. Rev. 1587, 1589 (1978).
This Court recognized that due process connection—and the idea that protecting it would be the job
of the federal courts—four years after the Constitution’s adoption. In Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. 419
(1793) (holding abrogated by 11th Amendment), in an
opinion by Justice James Wilson, the Court explained
that the Constitution’s goal of domestic tranquility “is
most likely to be disturbed by controversies between
states,” a consequence the Constitution seeks to avoid
“by the establishment and by the exercise of a superintending judicial authority.” Id. at 465.
Together, these provisions provide the framework
of horizontal federalism. The Constitution preserves
each state’s authority to regulate activity occurring
within its bounds while restraining that power beyond
a state’s borders. How that framework constrains state
tort law in cases involving interstate and international
emissions is the subject of Part II.
II. FOUR ASPECTS OF HORIZONTAL FEDERALISM ARE RELEVANT TO THIS CASE
Because horizontal federalism is a structural doctrine inferable from the Constitution, rather than delineated in an explicit clause, how may lower courts
“weave wisps of structure into judicially enforceable
standards”? Erbsen, 93 Minn. L. Rev. at 582. A robust
body of the Court’s case law has given shape to aspects
of horizontal federalism, in a variety of contexts. All of
it has in common the presupposition that state power
is limited by the equal sovereignty of other states and
by a common interest in preventing interstate friction—the “reprisals and wars” of Hamilton’s warning.
12
A. Overreaching
With narrow exceptions, states cannot tax or regulate beyond their borders, or punish conduct that was
lawful where it occurred.
1. Personal jurisdiction
Courts have long recognized the limits this principle imposes in the law of personal jurisdiction.
In the post-Civil War period, this Court found in
Pennoyer v. Neff, 95 U.S. 714, 722 (1877), that “no
State can exercise direct jurisdiction and authority
over persons or property without its territory.” Because “the several States are of equal dignity and authority,” one state extending its reach to conduct beyond its borders is “an encroachment upon the independence” of the state where the affected persons or
property are actually located. Id. at 722–23.
The Court eventually softened Pennoyer’s requirement that state jurisdiction screeches to a stop at its
borders. It allowed jurisdiction where contacts existed
with the forum state, but affirmed that such jurisdiction must not transgress “traditional notions of fair
play and substantial justice.” Int’l Shoe v. Washington,
326 U.S. 310, 316 (1945) (citation omitted). The federal
system does not permit states to hale every outsider
with whom they have contact into court:
Even if the defendant would suffer minimal or no
inconvenience from being forced to litigate before
the tribunals of another State; even if the forum
State has a strong interest in applying its law to
the controversy; even if the forum State is the
most convenient location for litigation, the Due
Process Clause, acting as an instrument of
13
interstate federalism, may sometimes act to divest the State of its power to render a valid judgment.
World-Wide Volkswagen, 444 U.S. at 294.
The strictures of personal jurisdiction are “a consequence of territorial limitations on the power of the respective States” that safeguard individual fairness and
interstate sovereignty. Hanson v. Denckla, 357 U.S.
235, 251 (1958). Every state’s judicial power ends
where another’s authority begins, and no state can
punish or regulate conduct lawful in another state if
that conduct lacks a meaningful connection to the forum. See Home Ins. Co. v. Dick, 281 U.S. 397, 407–08
(1930) (holding that Texas law “may not validly affect
contracts which are neither made nor are to be performed in Texas”); World-Wide Volkswagen, 444 U.S.
at 292 (explaining that the personal-jurisdiction requirement of minimum contacts “acts to ensure that
States, through their courts, do not reach out beyond
the limits imposed on them by their status as coequal
sovereigns in a federal system.”); id. at 293 (“The sovereignty of each State, in turn, implied a limitation on
the sovereignty of all of its sister States—a limitation
express or implicit in both the original scheme of the
Constitution and the Fourteenth Amendment.”).
This Court’s jurisprudence thus highlights an important doctrinal facet: a state may regulate activity
beyond its physical borders only if that activity has a
meaningful, substantial nexus with it.
2. Due process
But the relevant principle is about more than personal jurisdiction and the requirement of minimum
contacts. Due process constrains states from taxing or
14
regulating in a way that “infring[es] on the policy
choices of other States.” BMW of N. Am., Inc. v. Gore,
517 U.S. 559, 572 (1996); see also Frick v. Pennsylvania, 268 U.S. 473, 477–79 (1925) (holding that the Due
Process Clause bars Pennsylvania from imposing
transfer tax on art in New York owned by Pennsylvania decedent); Nielsen v. Oregon, 212 U.S. 315, 321
(1909) (reversing criminal conviction in Oregon of
Washington resident who fished in Washington using
gear lawful in Washington).
A state may not “impose sanctions . . . in order to
deter conduct that is lawful in other jurisdictions.”
BMW, 517 U.S. at 573. This extraterritorial limitation
applies regardless of whether a state acts through
statute, regulation, or a damages award entered under
a common-law tort. “State power may be exercised as
much by a jury’s application of a state rule of law in a
civil lawsuit as by a statute.” Id. at 572 n.17; id. at 572
(“[I]t follows from principles of state sovereignty and
comity that a State may not impose economic sanctions on violators of its laws with the intent of changing the tortfeasors’ lawful conduct in other States.”).
Because this limitation sounds in due process, the
fact that Boulder County is trying to regulate conduct
via an ex post facto lawsuit—not even an ordinance or
regulation—makes its action even more damning and
worthy of more stringent review by this Court. Such a
lawsuit regulates out-of-state conduct by punishing
parties retroactively and without notice for conduct
that was permissible at the time both where it occurred and in Colorado—meaning that the parties
could not have reasonably foreseen this liability or adjusted their conduct. Boulder’s action violates a fundamental limitation on state power protecting an
15
individual’s right to rely on the law governing his conduct at the time and place that he acts. See BMW, 517
U.S. at 572 (“To punish a person because he has done
what the law plainly allows him to do is a due process
violation of the most basic sort.” (quoting Bordenkircher v. Hayes, 434 U.S. 357, 363 (1978))). Allowing
a state to penalize such conduct ex post facto ignores
the coequal sovereignty of the state where the conduct
took place, in violation of due process.
This constitutional problem does not disappear
merely because Boulder seeks compensatory damages
rather than an injunction. “Regulation can be as effectively exerted through an award of damages as
through some form of preventive relief,” while “[t]he
obligation to pay compensation can be, indeed is designed to be, a potent method of governing conduct and
controlling policy.” San Diego Bldg. Trades Council v.
Garmon, 359 U.S. 236, 247 (1959); accord Kurns v.
R.R. Friction Prods. Corp., 565 U.S. 625, 637 (2012)
(quoting that passage of Garmon). Damages and injunctions are functional equivalents in their effect on
regulating and altering out-of-state conduct. A state
cannot avoid territorial strictures merely by labeling
the cause of action “tort” and the remedy “damages.”
Boulder County’s claims squarely implicate the
overreaching prohibition. The conduct on which Boulder seeks damages—the production, refining, sale, and
promotion of fossil fuels over decades—occurred overwhelmingly outside Colorado, in other states and in
foreign nations whose laws permit—and in many cases
affirmatively encourage—that conduct. A Coloradolaw damages judgment would impose substantial economic consequences on lawful out-of-state conduct
with the practical effect of changing that conduct.
16
The structural-federalism objection here is not a
technicality of preemption doctrine but the very constitutional premise on which Pennoyer, BMW, Garmon, and Kurns all rest.
B. Exclusions
Despite the general prohibition against overreach,
as a practical matter, a large state’s in-state bans on
certain activity may lead to de facto nationwide rules,
especially in the commercial realm. But even these
rules are limited: states may not leverage their restrictive regulations to prevent more permissive policymaking elsewhere.
The dormant Commerce Clause prohibits “economic protectionism—that is, regulatory measures designed to benefit in-state economic interests by burdening out-of-state competitors.” Ross, 598 U.S. at 369
(cleaned up). Protectionist state action amounts to
“discrimination against interstate commerce” in this
telling. Northwest Airlines Inc. v. County of Kent, 510
U.S. 355, 373 n.18 (1994). But while states may not
“build up” commerce by burdening industry and “business of other states,” so long as its goals are not protectionism, “a State may exclude from its territory, or
prohibit the sale therein of any articles which, in its
judgment, fairly exercised, are prejudicial to” its own
citizenry. Guy v. Baltimore, 100 U.S. 434, 443 (1880).
In Ross, petitioners argued that the dormant Commerce Clause operates as a near-blanket prohibition of
“state laws that have the practical effect of controlling
commerce outside the State,” even unintentionally.
598 U.S. at 371 (quotation omitted). The Court disagreed, noting that its prior decisions prohibited only
state statutes that “prevented out-of-state firms from
17
undertaking competitive pricing or deprived businesses and consumers in other States of whatever competitive advantages they may possess.” Id. at 374
(cleaned up). Inferring more would “invite endless litigation and inconsistent results” when any state made
a law that influenced commerce outside its borders. Id.
at 375. The Court noted that antidiscrimination under
the dormant Commerce Clause “may well represent
one more effort to mediate competing claims of sovereign authority under our horizontal separation of powers,” but it does not allow the Court to strike down all
extraterritorial exercises of state power. Id. at 376.
The Ross petitioners advanced another argument,
premised on Pike v. Bruce Church, Inc., 397 U.S. 137,
142 (1970), which held that state statutes regulating
to “effectuate a local public interest” with incidental
interstate commerce effects will be upheld “unless the
burden imposed on such commerce is clearly excessive
in relation to the putative local benefits.” The Court
fractured over how to handle this claim. The plurality
held that the petitioners’ claim that California’s pork
regulations flunk Pike failed because courts cannot
weigh a law’s economic and non-economic effects, and
that such policy choices “belong to the people and their
elected representatives.” Ross, 598 U.S. at 382. Congress may thus step in if a state law disrupts an industry given “its power to adopt federal legislation that
may preempt conflicting state laws.” Id. at 382–83.
But Chief Justice Roberts would have vacated and
remanded. Id. at 395. He noted that most of the Court
agreed that “it is possible to balance benefits and burdens,” even of various kinds, under Pike. Id. at 397.
Accordingly, Chief Justice Roberts—joined by three
others—found that the Court’s precedents distinguish
18
“the costs of complying with a given state regulation
from other economic harms to the interstate market.”
Id. Certain regulations may not impose a cost immediately, or that cost may be “difficult to quantify,” but it
is not “noneconomic” cost. Id. at 399. The chief justice
distinguished his approach from a per se prohibition on
extraterritorial state action by finding that regulations imposing “broad impact requiring . . . compliance
even by producers who do not wish to sell in the regulated market” may fail under Pike. Id. at 402.
It cannot be that the Constitution, without exceptions, prohibits a state from regulating activity wholly
within its bounds in a way that affects commerce beyond them. But when one state makes a law that burdens commercial activity that occurs in another state,
such laws are suspect under horizontal federalism.
C. Favoritism
States also “have an incentive to favor local interests,” but if they do so in a way that burdens the Privileges and Immunities or Full Faith and Credit
Clauses, federal courts must step in to referee the conflict. See Erbsen, 93 Minn. L. Rev. at 521.
Where a state has jurisdiction to rule on a case’s
merits, the judgment of its courts is entitled to full
faith and credit. See Underwriters Nat. Assur. Co. v.
N.C. Life & Acc. & Health Ins. Guaranty Ass’n, 455
U.S. 691, 705–06 (1982). Writing for the Court, Justice
Blackmun emphasized that “the concept of full faith
and credit is central to our system of jurisprudence[,]”
as we are “a union of states,” each with its own courts
that sit in judgment over cases and controversies
properly before them. Id. at 703–04. If two states could
exercise jurisdiction over the same activity,
19
“uncertainty, confusion, and delay” would ensue. Id. at
704. The final merits judgments of state courts thus
have effect “in every other court of the United States,
which it had in the State where it was pronounced.”
Id. (quoting Hampton v. McConnell, 3 Wheat. 234, 235
(1818) (Marshall, C.J.)).
Yet, as noted above, these judgments only have authority “if the court in the first State had power to pass
on the merits—had jurisdiction, that is, to render the
judgment.” Durfee v. Duke, 375 U.S. 106, 110 (1963).
Although the united nature of America’s several states
implies full faith and credit, “the structure of our Nation as a union of States, each possessing equal sovereign powers,” limits the faith and credit any state must
provide to another. Underwriters, 455 U.S. at 704.
This Court has also emphasized the importance of
the “equal sovereign powers” of states in other cases.
As evinced by the Northwest Ordinance, see supra at
I.A, Congress established early in the Nation’s history
that new states joined the Union on equal footing with
existing ones. “Equality of constitutional right and
power is the condition of all the states of the Union, old
and new.” Id. at 575.
The Court recognized the federal system’s mediating role again in Franchise Tax Bd. of Cal. v. Hyatt.
There, a citizen of Nevada sued a California state
agency for alleged torts committed in the course of a
tax investigation. 587 U.S. at 234. The Court held that
Nevada lacked jurisdiction, as a state could not “be
sued by a private party without its consent in the
courts of a different State.” Id. at 233. The Constitution both “assumes that the States retain their sovereign immunity except as otherwise provided” and “fundamentally adjusts the States’ relationship with each
20
other and curtails their ability, as sovereigns, to decline to recognize each other’s immunity.” Id. at 237.
The Court has recognized an outer limit to the federal policing responsibility regarding favoritism, however. When addressing the Voting Rights Act’s reliance on out-of-date data for its preclearance coverage
formula, Chief Justice Roberts grounded his reasoning
that the law as applied was unconstitutional in the
“fundamental principle of equal sovereignty” of the
states. Shelby County v. Holder, 570 U.S. 529, 544
(2013) (citation omitted). Because the VRA held some
states to be “more equal than others,” requiring nine
less-equal states to “beseech the Federal Government
for permission to implement laws that they would otherwise have the right to enact and execute on their
own,” its preclearance regime violated the Constitution. Id. Even though the VRA was adopted when
these states were “geographic areas where immediate
action seemed necessary” to correct race-based voting
discrimination, it was meant to expire after five years.
Id. at 546 (quoting South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383
U.S. 301, 328 (1966)). Instead it was reauthorized and
extended even after voter turnout equalized, removing
any need for its “unprecedented authority” over an
area reserved to the states under the Tenth Amendment. Id. at 546. As umpire over the situation, the
Court held that this VRA provision, as it then stood,
impermissibly favored some states over others.
The Court will not, therefore, sanction federal intervention that violates the equal power of states to
govern their own affairs if there is no constitutional
need to do so—no violation of privileges or immunities,
full faith and credit, or due process. Anything else
would represent an “extraordinary departure” from
21
federalism. Id. at 557 (quoting Presley v. Etowah
County Comm’n, 502 U.S. 491, 500–01 (1992)).
That equal-sovereignty principle is both older and
broader than the modern voting-rights cases. It is the
same principle the Court has applied to questions of
admission and statehood: “the constitutional equality
of the States is essential to the harmonious operation
of the scheme upon which the Republic was organized.” Coyle, 221 U.S. at 580. Each state enters and
remains in the Union “on an equal footing with the
original States in all respects whatsoever.” Id. at 567.
Shelby County recognized the equal-sovereignty
principle in the vertical dimension—as a limit on unjustified federal differential treatment of the states.
570 U.S. at 544. But the same structural premise operates horizontally—as a constraint on what one state
may impose on another. Kansas v. Colorado stated the
horizontal rule directly:
One cardinal rule, underlying all the relations of
the states to each other, is that of equality of
right. Each state stands on the same level with
all the rest. It can impose its own legislation on
no one of the others, and is bound to yield its own
views to none.
206 U.S. 46, 97 (1907). Shelby County and Kansas thus
reflect the same constitutional commitment, and both
illuminate why Colorado may not project its law into
the territory of coequal sovereigns.
D. Externalities
Finally, when states with different regimes of law
have an equal right of action regarding use of a common resource, the proper solution is a federal one. In
the aforementioned Kansas v. Colorado, Kansas filed
22
an original action to enjoin Colorado’s diversion of water from the Arkansas River, arguing that Colorado’s
upstream irrigation was harming Kansans. 206 U.S.
46, 47–48 (1907). Although the Court noted from the
outset that the suit “involves no question of boundary
or of the limits of territorial jurisdiction[,]” id. at 80, it
held that the Supreme Court was still the proper forum for such a question, as the Court “must be held to
embrace all controversies of a justiciable nature arising within the territorial limits of the nation.” Id. at
83. In settling the matter, the Court held that no state
may “legislate for, or impose its own policy upon the
other” in a matter of interstate concern. Id. at 95. Kansas followed the common-law riparian doctrine while
Colorado embraced the doctrine of public ownership.
Neither state could impose its controlling regime on
the other unilaterally. Id. It fell to this Court to settle
the dispute “in such a way as will recognize the equal
rights of both, and at the same time establish justice
between them.” Id. at 98.
That structural premise—that disputes over transboundary environmental harms are governed by federal law—runs through this Court’s interstate-pollution jurisprudence. “When we deal with air and water
in their ambient or interstate aspects, there is a federal common law.” Am. Elec. Power Co., Inc. v. Connecticut, 564 U.S. 410, 421 (2011) (“AEP”) (quoting Illinois v. City of Milwaukee, 406 U.S. 91, 103 (1972)).
When Congress comprehensively legislates in an area
in which federal common law has operated, federal
common law is displaced. City of Milwaukee v. Illinois,
451 U.S. 304, 316–17 (1981). And once federal common
law is displaced, “the availability vel non of a state
lawsuit depends, inter alia, on the preemptive effect
of” the displacing federal statute. AEP, 564 U.S. at
23
429. AEP applied that framework to greenhouse-gas
emissions specifically, holding that the Clean Air Act
displaces federal common-law abatement claims for
carbon-dioxide emissions. Id. at 424. The Ninth Circuit then applied AEP’s displacement rule to damages
claims. Native Vill. of Kivalina v. ExxonMobil Corp.,
696 F.3d 849, 856–58 (9th Cir. 2012).
Ouellette completes the chain. There, the Court
held that the Clean Water Act’s savings clauses did not
authorize affected-state tort suits seeking to apply the
affected state’s own law to out-of-state sources. Int’l
Paper Co. v. Ouellette, 479 U.S. 481, 497 (1987). Otherwise, a regulated source could be subjected to “a variety of common-law rules established by the different
States,” making it “virtually impossible to predict the
standard for a lawful discharge.” Id. at 496–97. The
Clean Air Act’s savings clauses, 42 U.S.C. §§ 7416 and
7604(e), are materially parallel to the Clean Water Act
savings clauses at issue in Ouellette. See City of New
York v. Chevron Corp., 993 F.3d 81, 99–100 (2d Cir.
2021). Like those provisions, they preserve state authority within the Act’s cooperative federal framework
and do not authorize affected states or localities to impose their own tort law on out-of-state sources for interstate and international emissions. See Mayor &
City Council of Baltimore v. B.P. P.L.C., 2026 WL
809501, at *24–25 (Md. Mar. 24, 2026).
The Second Circuit applied that framework to climate-change tort claims in City of New York. There,
the city sought damages for climate-related harms allegedly caused by the defendants’ global production,
promotion, and sale of fossil fuels. The court rejected
the idea that damages claims avoid federal-law limits
merely because they do not expressly seek emissions
24
standards or injunctive relief. Such a lawsuit, the
court explained, “would regulate cross-border emissions in an indirect and roundabout manner, [but] it
would regulate them nonetheless.” 993 F.3d at 93. And
because the Clean Air Act did not affirmatively authorize that form of affected-state regulation, the
state-law claims could not proceed. Id. at 99. Maryland
has now adopted the same logic. Baltimore, 2026 WL
809501, at *18–25.
The doctrinal line from Kansas to Milwaukee I, Milwaukee II, AEP, Ouellette, Kivalina, City of New York,
and Baltimore points in one direction: affected-state
climate-tort claims seeking relief for global emissions
are precluded by federal law.
* * *
In sum, horizontal federalism is the doctrine that
State A generally may not directly regulate activity
that occurs in State B, unless that activity has a substantial connection with State A. Even in such an instance, the Constitution requires State A to give full
faith and credit to State B’s decisions about the activity, and to regulate in a manner that does not prevent
State B from regulating the activity as it sees fit. A
federal solution may be required to settle secondary effects of differing state policies. To “fuse into one Nation” coequal states, Toomer v. Witsell, 334 U.S. 385,
395 (1948), capacity-and-constraint analysis should
guide the result when state priorities clash.
Horizontal federalism thus acts as a structural “instrument of interstate federalism” that cabins a state’s
ability to reach across borders. World-Wide Volkswagen, 444 U.S. at 294. As the Court has repeatedly
held, a state lacks the constitutional power to punish
a defendant for conduct that was “lawful where it
25
occurred.” State Farm Mutual Auto. Ins. Co. v. Campbell, 538 U.S. 408, 421 (2003) (citing BMW, 517 U.S. at
572, and Bigelow v. Virginia, 421 U.S. 809, 824 (1975)).
Boulder’s claims seek to impose liability on out-ofstate actors for activities that were (and are) expressly
permitted by their home sovereigns and the federal
government—and in Colorado when the conduct at issue occurred. These claims violate the basic principle
that no state may “impose its own policy choice on
neighboring States” as well as the due-process reliance
interests of the citizens of those States and should be
dismissed with prejudice. BMW, 517 U.S. at 571.
III. THE COLORADO SUPREME COURT IGNORED HORIZONTAL FEDERALISM
The court below ignored horizontal federalism principles. Boulder County, a political subdivision of Colorado, see Colo. Const. art. XIV §1, sued out-of-state oil
companies—affiliates of Suncor Energy, headquartered in Canada, and ExxonMobil Corporation, headquartered in Texas—for alleged violations of state tort
law based on the companies’ production and promotion
of fossil fuels throughout the world. Boulder County
alleged that these companies’ activities led to the emission of greenhouse gases that contributed to climate
change that caused harms within Colorado—increased
wildfires, floods, heat, and the like—based on attribution modeling. 2
2 Ironically, when Rep. Harriet Hageman (R-Wyo.) challenged
Boulder to abandon its use of fossil-fuel energy sources given its
professed fear of their alleged effects, city leaders cursorily rejected the suggestion because of the city’s admitted reliance on
them. See Angus Thuermer, “Hageman Proposes a Boulder, Colorado, Fossil-Fuel-Free Experiment,” Cap City News, Aug. 8,
2024, https://tinyurl.com/nd95cu6b.
26
The court below found that these state-law claims
could proceed and were not preempted by the Clean
Air Act because of a savings clause in the federal statute. It stated that federal common-law claims for pollution abatement only applied to “suits brought by one
State to abate pollution emanating from another
state,” Cnty. Comm’rs of Boulder County v. Suncor Energy USA, Inc., 586 P.3d 161, 171 (Colo. 2025) (paraphrasing AEP, 564 U.S. at 419) (emphasis in original),
and that Boulder’s claims were different because they
sought damages from upstream producers rather than
abatement from emitters. That analysis treats the displacement of federal common law as though it revives
affected-state law.
The Court addressed a similar fact pattern in the
Clean Water Act context in Ouellette, a case replete
with horizontal federalism principles. Recognizing an
externality problem, the Court held that “it is not necessary for a federal statute to provide explicitly that
particular state laws are pre-empted.” 479 U.S. at 491.
Put another way, a savings clause does not mean that
federal law fails to preempt state regulation. See id. at
493. States may not impose their own regulations
against out-of-state water pollution sources. See id. at
495. Subjecting a company to potentially 50 different
state nuisance standards for a single course of conduct
would make it “virtually impossible to predict the
standard for a lawful discharge into an interstate body
of water.” Id. at 497 (quoting People of State of Ill. v.
City of Milwaukee, 731 F.2d 403, 414 (7th Cir. 1984)).
The majority below distinguished Ouellette on the
ground that Boulder County was not trying to regulate
emissions but seeking compensation for local harms.
In its telling, the Court in Ouellette was just
27
performing “the very type of preemption analysis that
we have conducted above” to determine whether a suit
under state law could proceed. Boulder County, 586
P.3d at 172. But there is no meaningful difference, in
this instance, between direct regulation via state law
and indirect regulation via state tort. Requiring damages is “a potent method of governing conduct and controlling policy.” Kurns v. R.R. Friction Prods. Corp.,
565 U.S. 625, 637 (2012) (quotation omitted). In fact,
in Ouellette this Court recognized that it ought not
“draw a line” between different types of relief when
evaluating preemption, because then a state might try
to control out-of-state activity via another form of punishment. 479 U.S. at 498 n.19. Again, per this Court’s
horizontal federalism jurisprudence, externalities suggest a potential opportunity for federal preemption.
Respondents’ attempt to reframe this litigation as
a “deception” or “failure-to-warn” case is a transparent
effort to plead around horizontal federalism. This
Court’s decision in Bigelow v. Virginia, 421 U.S. 809
(1975), makes clear that a state may not, “under the
guise of exercising internal police powers, bar a citizen
of another State from disseminating information about
an activity that is legal in that State.” Id. at 824–25.
Because the production, sale, and promotion of fossil
fuels are lawful activities in the jurisdictions where
Petitioners operate, Colorado cannot use its consumerprotection or tort laws to effectively “veto” out-of-state
speech concerning those activities. If a state cannot directly regulate out-of-state emissions or the interstate
commerce of energy, it cannot do so indirectly by penalizing the promotion of that commerce in other
states. Allowing such a theory would enable any locality to bypass the displacement of federal common law
28
simply by alleging that out-of-state producers misled
consumers about their products.
A recent Maryland Supreme Court decision confirms the point. Addressing substantially similar
claims by local Maryland governments—public and
private nuisance, trespass, and failure-to-warn theories pleaded as deception-driven harm to local property—the court affirmed dismissal of the claims. The
majority agreed that the claims are displaced by federal common law, that any federal common law is in
turn displaced by the Clean Air Act under AEP, and
that the Clean Air Act’s savings clauses do not authorize affected-locality suits against out-of-state sources
for global emissions under the Ouellette framework.
Baltimore, 2026 WL 809501, at *18–25. The Maryland
court expressly disagreed with its Colorado counterpart; it aligned instead with the dissent below and the
Second Circuit’s decision in City of New York. Id. at
*20 n.18; see also id. at *1 (determining that “the local
governments, through their various state law claims,
are seeking to regulate air emissions beyond their jurisdictional boundaries”). It also rejected the precise
argument on which the Colorado court relied: “No
amount of creative pleading can masquerade the fact
that the local governments are attempting to utilize
state law to regulate global conduct that is purportedly
causing global harm.” Id. at *20.
But the problem with the judgment below is
broader than statutory preemption alone. 3 To allow
3 As mentioned above, the EPA recently rescinded the 2009 endangerment finding for greenhouse gases under section 202(a)(1)
of the Clean Air Act, 42 U.S.C. § 7521(a)(1), and repealed the implementing motor-vehicle greenhouse-gas standards. Rescission
of the Greenhouse Gas Endangerment Finding and Motor Vehicle
29
the long-arm application of state torts in a manner
that effectively prohibits not only legal activity occurring in other American states, but legal activity
throughout the world, violates horizontal federalism’s
chief tenet regarding overreaching: One state may not,
via its own law, penalize conduct that is legal in another state and occurs within that state’s boundaries.
If Colorado’s tort law were used to judge conduct
that other states permit, regulate, or encourage, Colorado could override the policy judgments of those jurisdictions. That is the horizontal-federalism problem
amici have identified throughout this brief: the export
of one state’s standards in a manner that governs conduct beyond its borders. That is the kind of interstate
tyranny horizontal federalism exists to prevent. The
court below failed to account for that structural injury,
and its failure to do so is a form of willful blindness to
the constitutional consequences of its rule.
Every state may redress action that occurs within
or has sufficient contacts with its territory. See, e.g.,
Underwriters, 455 U.S. at 705–06. But a state may not
apply its own law to settle an injury caused by action
in another state. See Kansas, 206 U.S. at 95. Such controversies fall to the federal courts—and federal law—
to settle. See Ouellette, 479 U.S. at 495. And a state (or
Greenhouse Gas Emission Standards Under the Clean Air Act, 91
Fed. Reg. 7686 (Feb. 18, 2026). Whatever the ultimate fate of that
rulemaking—petitions challenging it have been filed in the D.C.
Circuit—the analysis above does not depend on it. The horizontalfederalism objection to one state’s applying its tort law to interstate and international emissions does not turn on the precise
scope of federal regulation at any given moment, but on the constitutional principle that regulation of activity occurring across
multiple states and abroad must proceed through the federal
framework Congress enacted, not through state tort verdicts.
30
locality) certainly may not apply its law in a manner
that conflicts with another state’s sovereignty. Ross,
598 U.S. at 388.
If this case is allowed to proceed, Boulder County
residents will be able to affect national policymaking,
but nobody outside the county will have any role in
electing the officials pushing here to drive national energy policy through tort suits at the local courthouse.
In cases like these, horizontal federalism’s delicate
balance can only be preserved by a federal umpire.
CONCLUSION
The judgment below should be reversed because
horizontal federalism bars the application of one
state’s tort law to restrict activity in another.
Respectfully submitted,
Marcella Burke
Paul B. Simon
Connor Mighell
BURKE LAW GROUP PLLC
1000 Main Street,
Suite 2300
Houston, TX 77002
(832) 987-2214
marcella@burkegroup.law
May 19, 2026
Ilya Shapiro
Counsel of Record
MANHATTAN INSTITUTE
52 Vanderbilt Ave.
New York, NY 10017
(212) 599-7000
ishapiro@manhattan.
institute
David B. Kopel
INDEPENDENCE
INSTITUTE
727 East 16th Ave.
Denver, CO 80203
(303) 279-6536
david@i2i.org
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.