Amicus Curiae Brief — Rory Douglas Wilson, Petitioner v. Idaho
Supreme Court briefApr 9, 2025
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No. 24-853
In the
Supreme Court of the United States
RORY DOUGLAS WILSON,
Petitioner,
v.
IDAHO,
Respondent.
On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari
to the Court of A ppeals of Idaho
BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE FIRST AMENDMENT
CLINICS AT DUKE, CORNELL, AND SOUTHERN
METHODIST LAW SCHOOLS, AVI ADELMAN AND
WILLIAM OETJEN IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
Peter B. Steffensen
SMU Dedman School of Law
First A mendment Clinic
P.O. Box 750116
Dallas, Texas 75275
Thomas S. Leatherbury
Thomas S. Leatherbury
Law, PLLC
Cumberland Hill
School Building
1901 North Akard Street
Dallas, Texas 75201
Sarah Ludington
Counsel of Record
Duke First Amendment Clinic
210 Science Drive
Durham, North Carolina 27708
(919) 613-7048
ludington@law.duke.edu
C. A manda Martin
Duke First Amendment Clinic
210 Science Drive
Durham, North Carolina 27708
Counsel for Amici Curiae
(For Continuation of Appearances See Inside Cover)
378907
A
(800) 274-3321 • (800) 359-6859
Heather E. Murray
Daniela del Rosario Wertheimer
Cornell Law School
First A mendment Clinic
Myron Taylor Hall
Ithaca, New York 14853
Counsel for Amici Curiae
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF CONTENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii
INTERESTS OF AMICI CURIAE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF
ARGUMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
ARGUMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
I.
Moscow’s Ordinance Violates the First
Amendment Because It is a Prior Restraint and
is Overbroad, Inviting Selective Enforcement . . . . . 5
a.
Mo s c o w ’s O r d i n a n c e i s a n
Unconstitutional Prior Restraint . . . . . . . . 6
b.
Overbroad Statutes Allow Governments
to Punish Disfavored Speakers . . . . . . . . . . . 10
II. Incidents and Ordinances Across the Country
Illustrate the Magnitude of the Problem . . . . . 14
a.
Municipalities Continue to Selectively
Enforce Their Laws to Restr ict
Disfavored Speech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
b.
The Prevalence of Overbroad SignPosting Ordinances Makes Clear the
Scope of the Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
ii
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES
Page
CASES:
Alexander v. United States,
509 U.S. 544 (1993) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Baker v. City of Fort Worth,
506 F. Supp. 3d 413 (N.D. Tex. 2020) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Bantam Books, Inc. v. Sullivan,
372 U.S. 58 (1963) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6, 7
Bella Vista United v. City of Phila.,
No. 04-1014, 2004 WL 825311
(E.D. Pa. Apr. 15, 2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Broadrick v. Oklahoma,
413 U.S. 601 (1973) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4, 10
City of Houston v. Hill,
482 U.S. 451 (1987) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10, 13
City of Lakewood v. Plain Dealer Publ’g Co.,
486 U.S. 750 (1988) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Counterman v. Colorado,
600 U.S. 66 (2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Cox v. Louisiana,
379 U.S. 536 (1965) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
iii
Cited Authorities
Page
Driver v. Town of Richmond ex rel. Krugman,
570 F. Supp. 2d 269 (D.R.I. 2008) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Epona, LLC v. Cnty. of Ventura,
876 F.3d 1214 (9th Cir. 2017) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Fla. Beach Advert., LLC v. City of Treasure Island,
511 F. Supp. 3d 1255 (M.D. Fla. 2021) . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Forsyth Cnty. v. Nationalist Movement,
505 U.S. 123 (1992) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Frederick Douglass Foundation v.
District of Columbia,
82 F.4th 1122 (D.C. Cir. 2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12, 13
FW/PBS, Inc. v. City of Dallas,
493 U.S. 215 (1990) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Gonzalez v. Trevino,
602 U.S. 653 (2024) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Hartman v. Moore,
547 U.S. 250 (2006) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Idaho v. Wilson,
556 P.3d 450 (Idaho Ct. App. 2024) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
KBS Holdco, LLC v. City of W. Hollywood,
No. 2:22-cv-05750-FLA (GJSx), 2025 WL 551651
(C.D. Cal. Jan. 2, 2025 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
iv
Cited Authorities
Page
Lamar Advert. Co. v. City of Douglasville,
254 F. Supp. 2d 1321 (N.D. Ga. 2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Lawson v. City of Kankakee,
81 F. Supp. 2d 930 (C.D. Ill. 2000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Lozman v. Riviera Beach,
585 U.S. 87 (2018) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10, 11
Lusk v. Vill. of Cold Spring,
475 F.3d 480 (2d Cir. 2007) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Martin v. City of Struthers,
319 U.S. 141 (1943) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Members of City Council of Los Angeles v.
Taxpayers for Vincent,
466 U.S. 789 (1984) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7, 8
N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan,
376 U.S. 254 (1964) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
NAACP v. Button,
371 U.S. 415 (1963) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Near v. Minnesota ex rel. Olsen,
283 U.S. 697 (1931) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Niemotko v. Maryland,
340 U.S. 268 (1951) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
v
Cited Authorities
Page
Nieves v. Bartlett,
587 U.S. 391 (2019) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4, 10, 11
Reed v. Town of Gilbert,
576 U.S. 155 (2015) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Se. Promotions, Ltd. v. Conrad,
420 U.S. 546 (1975) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Shuttlesworth v. City of Birmingham,
394 U.S. 147 (1969) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6, 7, 8
Speiser v. Randall,
357 U.S. 513 (1958) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Staub v. City of Baxley,
355 U.S. 313 (1958) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3, 8
Thornhill v. Alabama,
310 U.S. 88 (1940) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4, 10
U.S. v. Reese,
92 U.S. (2 Otto) 214 (1876) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
United States v. Hansen,
599 U.S. 762 (2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Virginia v. Hicks,
539 U.S. 113 (2003) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
vi
Cited Authorities
Page
Watchtower Bible & Track Soc’y of
N.Y., Inc. v. Vill. of Stratton,
536 U.S. 150 (2002) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
STATUTES AND ORDINANCES:
U.S. Const. Amend. I. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3, 5, 6, 14
Alva, Okla., Code of Ordinances § 32-27 . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Arcade, Ga., Code of Ordinances § 40-1(t) . . . . . . . . . . .20
Burlington Code of Ordinances § 21-29 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Campbell, Ohio, Codified Ordinances § 709.03 . . . . . . . 20
D.C. Code § 22-3312.1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Dallas City Code § 7A-16(a) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Durango, Colo., Code of Ordinances § 13-21 . . . . . . . . .20
Moscow City Code § 10-1-22(A) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3, 6, 20
Roanoke, Ill., Code § 6-4-2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Temple, Tex., Code of Ordinances § 22-20 . . . . . . . . . . 19
vii
Cited Authorities
Page
OTHER AUTHORITIES:
“Agenda Packet” for City of Burlington, Vt., City
Council, Ordinance Committee Aug. 5, 2024,
Meeting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
4 William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws
of England 151–52 (1769) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Burlington, Vt. City Council Resolution 5.07
Relating to Supporting LGBTQIA+ Community
Members and Condemning Transphobia
(Mar. 13, 2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Letter from Cornell Law School First Amendment
Clinic to Emma Mulvaney-Stanak, Mayor
of Burlington, Vt. (July 22, 2024) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
6 Writings of James Madison 386 (G. Hunt ed. 1906) . . 7
Municipal Ordinances Spreadsheet (April 9, 2025) . . . 18
Jack Perry, Carrying Nazi Flag, Protesters
D i s r upt Rea din g of ‘ Th e Co mmuni st
Manifesto’ in Providence, Providence J.
(Feb. 22, 2022, 2:35 PM) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16-17
Mark Reynolds, In East Providence, Experts
Say, Neo-Nazis Trying to Recruit Were
Not Anonymous This Time, Providence J.
(July 8, 2022, 3:01 PM) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
viii
Cited Authorities
Page
Diana Samuels, Ideafarm in Trouble with
Mountain View Police, Again, Mercury News
(Jan. 3, 2011, 4:22 PM) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17, 18
Supreme Court Rule 37.6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1
INTERESTS OF AMICI CURIAE1
Amici curiae include the First Amendment Clinics
at Duke, Cornell, and Southern Methodist Law Schools.
The Clinics defend and advance freedoms of speech,
press, assembly, and petition through court advocacy,
serve as an educational resource on free expression and
press rights, and provide law students with practice
experience to become the next generation of leaders on
First Amendment issues. The Clinics engage in advocacy
and representation across the country and have an
interest in promoting the sound interpretation of the First
Amendment to preserve the liberties guaranteed by the
U.S. Constitution.
Amicus curiae Avi Adelman is an independent
photojournalist based in Dallas, Texas. As with the
Petitioner, city officials selectively enforced against Mr.
Adelman a local ordinance that regulates the posting of
notices, posters, and other forms of protected written
speech on public property. Mr. Adelman had stapled
posters on a telephone pole in support of Israeli hostages.
Citing the ordinance, Dallas Code Compliance officials
took down Mr. Adelman’s posters after neighbors
complained that his posters constituted “bullying” and
“political hate” speech. Mr. Adelman attempted to replace
his posters several times, but officials continued to remove
1. Counsel for amici curiae certify, pursuant to Supreme
Court Rule 37.6, that this brief was not authored in whole or in
part by counsel for any of the parties; no party or party’s counsel
contributed money for the brief; and no one other than amici and
their counsel have contributed money for this brief. All counsel
of record received timely notice of the intent to file this brief and
written consent of the parties was obtained.
2
them until he eventually stopped posting altogether out of
a concern that his persistence could lead to more serious
punishment. Meanwhile, the city has left many other signs
and posters throughout Dallas untouched, suggesting that
the city specifically and repeatedly targeted Adelman’s
speech for censorship.
Amicus curiae William Oetjen is a resident of
Burlington, Vermont, and member of “Gender Critical
Vermont,” a gender-based advocacy group. As happened
to Petitioner, Burlington city officials selectively enforced
against Mr. Oetjen a local ordinance that regulates
the posting of graffiti on public property. Specifically,
Mr. Oetjen had posted stickers around Burlington in
support of the rights of women and girls. Mr. Oetjen was
issued three citations under the city’s graffiti ordinance,
resulting in a $1,200 fine, even though Burlington had not
previously enforced the ordinance against other stickerposters in the city.
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY
OF ARGUMENT
Like many university towns, downtown Moscow,
Idaho, is blanketed with posters, signs, and stickers.
People searching for lost pets, advertising yard sales, and
expressing political ideas and slogans have long shared
their messages on Moscow public property without fear of
retribution. Petitioner Rory Wilson is the only person ever
arrested and prosecuted by Moscow under its ordinance
regulating sign posting (the “Ordinance”) since it was first
enacted in 2009. That Wilson was targeted by Moscow law
enforcement is no coincidence. Wilson’s grandfather is the
leader of Christ Church of Moscow, which made national
3
news in 2020 after police arrested and issued citations
to several attendees at an outdoor “psalm sing” that the
church organized to protest the city’s COVID-19 policies.
Several months later, police issued Wilson a citation for
affixing small, removable vinyl stickers with the image of
a hammer-and-sickle, the phrase “Soviet Moscow,” and
Moscow’s COVID-19 slogan (“Enforced because we care”)
at various locations across the city.
Wilson was charged under the Ordinance, codified
at Moscow City Code § 10-1-22(A) (2025), which provides
that:
No person shall post, paint, tack, tape or
otherwise attach or cause to be attached,
any notice, sign, announcement, or other
advertising matter to any fence, wall, building,
tree, bridge, awning, post, apparatus or other
property not belonging to said person without
first obtaining the consent of the owner or
lessee of such property or their agent(s) or
representative(s). No person shall post, paint,
tack, tape or otherwise attach or cause to be
attached any notice, sign, announcement, or
other advertising matter to any telephone or
electric pole within the City.
A s w r itten, the Ordinance violates the First
Amendment under two long-established doctrines
protecting free speech. First, under the doctrine of prior
restraint, the government may not enforce licensing
schemes that give unfettered discretion to public officials
to pick and choose who may speak. See Staub v. City of
Baxley, 355 U.S. 313, 322–24 (1958) (collecting cases).
4
Second, the Ordinance is a paradigmatic example of
a broadly written penal statute that enables selective
enforcement and “may cause others not before the
court to refrain from constitutionally protected speech
or expression.” Broadrick v. Oklahoma, 413 U.S. 601,
612 (1973); see also Thornhill v. Alabama, 310 U.S. 88,
97–98 (1940) (noting the threat to expressive freedoms
posed by a penal statute that broadly sweeps expressive
activities into its ambit because the statute “readily lends
itself to harsh and discriminatory enforcement by local
prosecuting officials, against particular groups deemed
to merit their displeasure, [and] results in a continuous
and pervasive restraint on all freedom of discussion that
might reasonably be regarded as within its purview”).
The danger to speech posed by the selective
enforcement of ordinances like Moscow’s is not hypothetical.
In cities large and small across the country, known critics
of the government have been arrested and prosecuted
for violating sign-posting laws that were seldom, if ever,
enforced. Today, there are hundreds of ordinances like
Moscow’s in effect. As Justice Gorsuch has opined, the
threat of selective enforcement increases as criminal laws
expand “to cover so much previously innocent conduct that
almost anyone can be arrested for something.” Nieves v.
Bartlett, 587 U.S. 391, 412 (2019) (Gorsuch, J., concurring
in part and dissenting in part). There would be little left
of our First Amendment liberties if the state could use
criminal laws “not for their intended purposes but to
silence those who voice unpopular ideas.” Id.
For these reasons, the Court should accept Wilson’s
petition and hold that the Ordinance—and others like
it—are unconstitutional.
5
ARGUMENT
I.
Moscow’s Ordinance Violates the First Amendment
Because It is a Prior Restraint and is Overbroad,
Inviting Selective Enforcement.
The First Amendment protects “uninhibited, robust,
and wide-open” debate on public issues, including
(and especially) “vehement, caustic, and sometimes
unpleasantly sharp attacks on government and public
officials.” N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 270
(1964). To preserve open discourse on public matters,
the Constitution forbids government retaliation against
people who voice critical or unpopular opinions. Hartman
v. Moore, 547 U.S. 250, 256 (2006). Licensing schemes
that regulate where and how people may communicate
their ideas, and broadly written laws that provide cover
for the punishment of unpopular viewpoints, betray the
First Amendment’s promise that “[e]very freeman has
an undoubted right to lay what sentiments he pleases
before the public.” Near v. Minnesota ex rel. Olsen, 283
U.S. 697, 713–14 (1931) (quoting 4 William Blackstone,
Commentaries on the Laws of England 151–52 (1769)).
Moscow’s broad prohibition on posting signs, and
other ordinances like it, pose a two-fold threat to that
promise. First, these laws are unlawful prior restraints
when they provide no clear mechanism for obtaining the
government’s consent in advance of speaking and no clearly
defined standards to limit the discretion of government
decisionmakers. Second, as with the Ordinance, overbroad
statutes enable selective enforcement—because they
permit law enforcement to use a little-enforced statute
as a pretext for punishing disfavored speakers—and
6
selective enforcement deters other would-be dissenters
from speaking.
a.
Moscow’s Ordinance is an Unconstitutional
Prior Restraint.
The Moscow Ordinance falls within the ambit of the
Court’s many decisions holding that “a law subjecting
the exercise of First Amendment freedoms to the prior
restraint of a license, without narrow, objective, and
definite standards to guide the licensing authority, is
unconstitutional.” Shuttlesworth v. City of Birmingham,
394 U.S. 147, 150–51 (1969). On its face, the Ordinance
establishes a licensing scheme whereby any person who
desires to post a notice on city property must first obtain
consent from the property owner (apart from posting
on telephone or electrical poles, which is completely
forbidden). Moscow City Code § 10-1-22(A). But its fatal
flaw is that it does not specify how to obtain such consent,
let alone impose any limits upon the officials who would
be responsible for enforcing the Ordinance’s permissionbased regime. Indeed, “[n]o standards appear anywhere;
no narrowly drawn limitations; no circumscribing of this
absolute power; no substantial interest of the community
to be served.” Niemotko v. Maryland, 340 U.S. 268, 272
(1951).
Any system of prior restraints on expression bears
“a heavy presumption against its constitutional validity.”
Bantam Books, Inc. v. Sullivan, 372 U.S. 58, 70 (1963). 2
2. This Court has historically expressed heightened concern
about licensing regimes that “throttle” speech before it is uttered,
as opposed to laws that impose criminal penalties “to punish the
7
To legitimately impose a pre-clearance regime for speech,
the government must include “procedural safeguards
that reduce the danger of suppressing constitutionally
protected speech.” Conrad, 420 U.S. at 559 (citing Bantam
Books, 372 U.S. at 71). But even if a city can regulate sign
posting to preserve esthetic values, see, e.g., Members of
City Council of Los Angeles v. Taxpayers for Vincent, 466
U.S. 789, 806 (1984), it cannot use a permission-based model
to achieve its goals without ensuring that the licensor is
guided by clearly defined standards. Shuttlesworth, 394
U.S. at 150–51. Otherwise, “the mere existence of the
licensor’s unfettered discretion, coupled with the power
of prior restraint, intimidates parties into censoring their
own speech, even if the discretion and power are never
actually abused.” City of Lakewood v. Plain Dealer Publ’g
Co., 486 U.S. 750, 757 (1988); see also Forsyth Cnty. v.
Nationalist Movement, 505 U.S. 123, 130 (1992) (noting
that an ordinance that delegates overly broad discretion
to the decisionmaker creates an impermissible risk of
suppression of ideas in every application).
The values protected by the First Amendment are
offended when citizens like Petitioner are required
few who abuse rights of speech after they break the law.” Se.
Promotions, Ltd. v. Conrad, 420 U.S. 546, 558–59 (1975). The
Ordinance here is a chimera that embeds a prior restraint within a
criminal prohibition, strengthening the concerns that animate the
Court’s prior restraint jurisprudence, because the added threat
of a criminal penalty amplifies the chill felt by would-be speakers.
See Alexander v. United States, 509 U.S. 544, 568 (1993) (Kennedy,
J., dissenting) (“‘[T]his idea of the freedom of the press can never
be admitted to be the American idea of it’ because a law inflicting
penalties would have the same effect as a law authorizing a prior
restraint.” (quoting 6 Writings of James Madison 386 (G. Hunt
ed. 1906))).
8
to seek permission from a government official before
expressing their views, especially without strict limits
on the official’s discretion. See Staub, 355 U.S. at 325
(striking down ordinance that made “enjoyment of speech
contingent upon the will of the Mayor and Council of
the City”); Shuttlesworth, 394 U.S. at 150–51 (striking
down ordinance that granted “virtually unbridled and
absolute power to prohibit any ‘parade,’ ‘procession,’ or
‘demonstration’ on the city’s streets or public ways”);
Conrad, 420 U.S. at 560–62 (striking down licensing
scheme for use of municipal theater for lack of procedural
safeguards); Watchtower Bible & Track Soc’y of N.Y., Inc.
v. Vill. of Stratton, 536 U.S. 150, 165–67 (2002) (striking
down ordinance that required speaker to get a permit
before engaging in door-to-door advocacy); see also
Martin v. City of Struthers, 319 U.S. 141, 146–47 (1943)
(opining that the “[f]reedom to distribute information to
every citizen wherever he desires to receive it is so clearly
vital to the preservation of a free society that, putting
aside reasonable police and health regulations of time
and manner of distribution, it must be fully preserved”).
But despite this Court’s admonishments to the contrary,
local governments continue to enact laws, like the Moscow
Ordinance, that function as prior restraints because they
give local censors the freewheeling authority to exclude
disfavored speakers from the public square.
Where similar ordinances have been subjected to
legal challenge, they have failed to withstand scrutiny
because conditioning the exercise of a First Amendment
right on the whims of government officials is among the
most fundamental evils of a prior restraint. See FW/
PBS, Inc. v. City of Dallas, 493 U.S. 215, 225–26 (1990)
(ordinance requiring a more onerous inspection regime
9
for sexually oriented businesses); Epona, LLC v. Cnty. of
Ventura, 876 F.3d 1214, 1222–26 (9th Cir. 2017) (ordinance
requiring that conditions be met “to the satisfaction of the
appropriate decision-making authority”); Baker v. City of
Fort Worth, 506 F. Supp. 3d 413, 421–25 (N.D. Tex. 2020)
(ordinance requiring permission of city council to post
any “handbill, sign, poster or advertisement”); Driver v.
Town of Richmond ex rel. Krugman, 570 F. Supp. 2d 269,
272 (D.R.I. 2008) (ordinance requiring approval of Chief
of Police to post a sign); Lawson v. City of Kankakee, 81
F. Supp. 2d 930, 935 (C.D. Ill. 2000) (ordinance requiring
consent of the city); Bella Vista United v. City of Phila.,
No. 04-1014, 2004 WL 825311, at *3–5 (E.D. Pa. Apr. 15,
2004) (ordinance requiring permission from the city); see
also Lusk v. Vill. of Cold Spring, 475 F.3d 480, 491–92 (2d
Cir. 2007) (invalidating sign-posting ordinance that froze
speech for impermissibly long time during pendency of
permitting process).
The Moscow Ordinance’s “consent” requirement
commits the same sin. It effectively confers upon Moscow
officials the unfettered discretion to regulate expression,
without establishing clear criteria, procedures, or time
frames for seeking consent or determining its grant or
denial. Petitioner’s prosecution demonstrates ex post why
these safeguards are necessary; without them, viewpointbased prosecutions are more likely, because the lack of
guardrails emboldens officials to wield these ordinances
selectively against speakers they dislike. Here, despite the
documented absence of enforcement of the Ordinance prior
to Petitioner’s prosecution—or to put it differently, despite
a history of Moscow giving constructive permission to all
other members of the public to post stickers and other
signage on public property without first obtaining the
10
City’s blessing—the City acted swiftly and specifically to
punish Petitioner for his speech. Those actions should be
fatal both to Petitioner’s prosecution and to the ordinance
itself. This Court should review the Ordinance and
Petitioner’s conviction to reiterate that official censorship
has no place in a free country.
b.
Overbroad Statutes Allow Governments to
Punish Disfavored Speakers.
The Moscow Ordinance is broadly written, giving
law enforcement virtually unfettered discretion to decide
whom to prosecute for sign posting. This discretion invites
selective enforcement—as happened in Petitioner’s case—
which in turn chills speech. These dual concerns sit at the
heart of the overbreadth doctrine: “It is not merely the
sporadic abuse of power by the censor but the pervasive
threat inherent in its very existence that constitutes the
danger to freedom of expression.” Thornhill, 310 U.S.
at 97; see also Broadrick, 413 U.S. at 612 (expressing a
concern that “protected speech of others may be muted
and perceived grievances left to fester because of the
possible inhibitory effects of overly broad statutes”).
The right to verbally oppose the government without
fear of arrest is a defining feature of our constitutional
democracy. City of Houston v. Hill, 482 U.S. 451, 462–63
(1987). Expansive discretion in enforcement threatens
First Amendment freedoms when officials “exploit the
arrest power as a means of suppressing speech,” as
happened to Petitioner. Nieves, 587 U.S. at 406 (quoting
Lozman v. Riviera Beach, 585 U.S. 87, 99 (2018)); see also
Cox v. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 536, 557 (1965) (opining that
“[t]he pervasive restraint on freedom of discussion by the
11
practice of the authorities under [a] statute is not any less
effective than a statute expressly permitting such selective
enforcement”). The potential for law enforcement officers
to punish government critics via the selective enforcement
of otherwise dormant laws is an increasingly vexing
problem. Recently, in Nieves, 587 U.S. at 407, this Court
noted that it would be “insufficiently protective of First
Amendment rights” to dismiss a retaliatory arrest claim
brought by a vocal critic of the police who was arrested
for jaywalking—behavior that is widely prohibited but
rarely prosecuted. To rigidly require the absence of
probable cause in those cases could pose “a risk that some
police officers may exploit the arrest power as a means
of suppressing speech.” Id. (quoting Lozman, 585 U.S. at
99); see also Gonzalez v. Trevino, 602 U.S. 653, 665 (2024)
(Alito, J., concurring).
Petitioner exemplifies the concern that speakers who
are known government critics are particularly vulnerable
to selective enforcement. Three months before his arrest,
Wilson was part of a “psalm sing” in which congregants
of his church were arrested and cited. To protest the
arrests, Wilson began his stickering campaign criticizing
Moscow’s restrictive COVID-19 policies. Soon thereafter,
he was arrested for violation of the Ordinance—the only
individual ever charged under that law in its fifteen-year
history. The City’s animus towards Wilson’s message is
a much likelier explanation for his arrest than any newfound enthusiasm for enforcing its sign-posting ordinance.
See Gonzalez, 602 U.S. at 665 (Alito, J., concurring)
(noting that police animus towards a jaywalker’s message
may be a much likelier explanation for his arrest than the
mere existence of probable cause).
12
A recent case from the District of Columbia illustrates
the way that broadly drafted statutes facilitate selective
enforcement that amounts to viewpoint discrimination. In
Frederick Douglass Foundation v. District of Columbia,
82 F.4th 1122 (D.C. Cir. 2023), the D.C. Circuit held that
the city government plausibly engaged in viewpoint
discrimination by selectively enforcing its defacement
ordinance against a pro-life advocacy organization. The
D.C. ordinance at issue prohibited citizens from “‘willfully
and wantonly . . . writ[ing], mark[ing], draw[ing], or
paint[ing]’ on public or private property, without consent
of the owner or the public official” in control. Id. at 1131
(alterations in original) (quoting D.C. Code § 22-3312.1).
But in the summer of 2020, the District of Columbia
“all but abandoned enforcement” of the ordinance,
“creating a de facto categorical exemption” for anyone
who marked public or private property with Black Lives
Matter (“BLM”) messages. Id. at 1132. Even D.C. Mayor
Muriel Bowser appeared to give her blessing to the BLM
messaging by commissioning a painting of “Black Lives
Matter” to cover more than a city block. Id.
During the same period, however, the Frederick
Douglass Foundation sought, but never received,
permission from Mayor Bowser to paint “Black PreBorn Lives Matter” on a sidewalk. Id. at 1133–34. When
Foundation members arrived for a permitted rally, police
officers told them that they would be arrested for violating
the defacement ordinance if they chalked on the sidewalk
and promptly arrested two Foundation members who
began chalking their message. Id. at 1134. A year later,
the Foundation again sought permission to display their
message on the sidewalk but were again denied their
request. Id. The D.C. Circuit found that the Foundation
13
had “plausibly alleged the District abridged its members’
First Amendment rights by enforcing the defacement
ordinance on the basis of the content and viewpoint of
their speech.” Id. at 1142. The decision underscores the
principle that the government may not “pick[] winners and
losers in public debates” “under the cover of prosecutorial
discretion.” Id.
The Frederick Douglass Foundation case is just one
example of why this Court has cautioned that trusting
government officials to fairly apply overly broad statutes
invites abuse. See also Fla. Beach Advert., LLC v. City
of Treasure Island, 511 F. Supp. 3d 1255, 1274 (M.D.
Fla. 2021) (finding city sign ordinance unconstitutional
because its broadly worded prohibition granted “unbridled
discretion” to city in granting exemptions and “[n]othing in
the law prevent[ed] the City from encouraging some views
and discouraging others through the arbitrary grant or
denial of . . . sign permits”) (quoting Lamar Advert. Co. v.
City of Douglasville, 254 F. Supp. 2d 1321, 1328–29 (N.D.
Ga. 2003)); KBS Holdco, LLC v. City of W. Hollywood, No.
2:22-cv-05750-FLA (GJSx), 2025 WL 551651 at *5 (C.D.
Cal. Jan. 2, 2025) (finding plaintiffs alleged facts sufficient
to state a claim that sign ordinance was unconstitutional
because “the unbridled discretion granted to the City
Manager and Screening Committee . . . could cause
applicants to self-censor . . . out of fear that they might be
excluded from future rounds”). As this Court has observed,
“[i]t would certainly be dangerous if the legislature could
set a net large enough to catch all possible offenders, and
leave it to the courts to step inside and say who could be
rightfully detained, and who should be set at large.” City
of Houston, 482 U.S. at 466 (quoting U.S. v. Reese, 92 U.S.
(2 Otto) 214, 221 (1876)).
14
The First Amendment requires “breathing space
to survive.” NAACP v. Button, 371 U.S. 415, 433 (1963).
Ordinances that broadly prohibit expressive activities
choke out that breathing space. See United States v.
Hansen, 599 U.S. 762, 769–70 (2023) (“Overbroad laws
‘may . . . chill constitutionally protected speech,’ and if
would-be speakers remain silent, society will lose their
contributions to the ‘marketplace of ideas.’”) (quoting
Virginia v. Hicks, 539 U.S. 113, 119 (2003)). The threat
of being prosecuted for the expression of unpopular
views will cause ordinary citizens to “steer ‘wide[] of the
unlawful zone’” for fear that if their judgment is wrong,
they could become the next person arrested under the
sign-posting ordinance. Counterman v. Colorado, 600
U.S. 66, 77–78 (2023) (quoting Speiser v. Randall, 357 U.S.
513, 526 (1958)). If the Ordinance is allowed to stand, other
citizens of Moscow may be deterred from expressing views
critical of the City for fear of being criminally prosecuted,
as Petitioner Wilson was.
II. Incidents and Ordinances Across the Country
Illustrate the Magnitude of the Problem.
a.
Municipalities Continue to Selectively Enforce
Their Laws to Restrict Disfavored Speech.
Petitioner Wilson is not alone in being targeted and
punished for criticizing his local government. Overbroad
ordinances have been wielded by municipalities across
the country to selectively enforce ostensibly contentneutral laws against disfavored speech. The problem is
especially acute with respect to sign-posting ordinances.
As happened to Petitioner Wilson, public officials exploited
15
overbroad sign-posting ordinances to target and punish
amici, and others, for expressing disfavored, unpopular,
or dissenting viewpoints.
Amicus William Oetjen placed homemade stickers
in public places in Burlington, Vermont, to express his
view that efforts to advance transgender rights have
harmed non-transgender women and girls. Letter from
Cornell Law School First Amendment Clinic to Emma
Mulvaney-Stanak, Mayor of Burlington, Vt. (July 22,
2024), at 1. 3 Burlington city officials repeatedly expressed
their disapproval of Mr. Oetjen’s stickering campaign
and ultimately enacted a resolution to acknowledge the
“spread [of] hate through . . . aggressive stickering” and
express support for the continued “tracking all [instances
of] . . . hate speech.” Id. at 2 (citing Burlington, Vt.
City Council Resolution 5.07 Relating to Supporting
LGBTQIA+ Community Members and Condemning
Transphobia (Mar. 13, 2023)). Although Burlington had
a “longstanding culture of public stickering campaigns
on social and cultural issues,” the city served Mr. Oetjen
with three citations for violating its graffiti ban, § 21-29
of the Burlington Code of Ordinances—the first time the
ordinance had been enforced against anyone in the prior
eighteen months. Id. at 1–2.
The selective enforcement of overbroad sign-posting
ordinances chills speech even when the speaker faces only
the threat of government punishment, as experienced
3. “Agenda Packet” for City of Burlington, Vt., City Council,
Ordinance Committee Aug. 5, 2024, Meeting, https://burlingtonvt.
portal.civicclerk.com/event/7365/files/agenda/11480 (click on
“CornellClinicLettertoBTVCityCouncil” in sidebar).
16
by amicus Avi Adelman. Mr. Adelman stapled “Bring
Them Home Now” posters supplied by an advocacy group
supporting the return of Israeli hostages to a telephone
pole in front of his house in East Dallas. Within a few days,
neighbors contacted the City of Dallas’s Code Compliance
office to complain about Mr. Adelman’s posters, which one
neighbor characterized as “political hate” speech. Code
Compliance officers immediately removed the posters
pursuant to § 7A-16(a) of the Dallas City Code, which
makes it illegal to “post[] or affix[] . . . any notice, poster,
or device, which is calculated to attract the attention of
the public, to any lamp post, utility pole, telephone pole,
cellular telephone pole, or tree that is located on any
public right-of-way or other public property, or to any
public structure or building.” Code Compliance officers
told Mr. Adelman that they had no choice but to remove
the posters, a rationale belied by the city’s long history
of allowing posters on other topics to remain on poles
throughout North Dallas. Mr. Adelman witnessed this
cycle—posting signs only to see them removed by city
officials—repeat several times until he eventually gave
up and stopped replacing the posters altogether. City
officials singled out Mr. Adelman for his viewpoint and
successfully used the threat of enforcement under the
ordinance to silence him.
Amici are just two of many speakers throughout the
country who have been subjected to selective enforcement
by law enforcement through the use of overbroad signposting ordinances. For example, in East Providence,
Rhode Island, two men were arrested after posting
literature on telephone poles to recruit new members to
the Nationalist Social Club 131, their neo-Nazi group.
Mark Reynolds, In East Providence, Experts Say, Neo-
17
Nazis Trying to Recruit Were Not Anonymous This
Time, Providence J. (July 8, 2022, 3:01 PM). 4 At the
time of the arrests, police had already been following
Nationalist Social Club 131 and its activities—just a few
months earlier, police were called to a local library after
the organization interrupted a reading of the Communist
Manifesto. Jack Perry, Carrying Nazi Flag, Protesters
Disrupt Reading of ‘The Communist Manifesto’ in
Providence, Providence J. (Feb. 22, 2022, 2:35 PM).5 Police
cited a local ordinance that bans posting signs on any pole
absent approval by the mayor as their basis for identifying
and arresting two members of the group. Reynolds, supra.
Wo’O Ideafarm, a resident of Mountain View,
California, was likewise well known to the police for his
expressive activities, and thus he was “not surprised” to
learn that police were seeking a warrant for his arrest for
posting signs opposing Proposition 8 and gay marriage on
a town utility pole, in contravention of a local ordinance
prohibiting sign-posting without permission. Diana
Samuels, Ideafarm in Trouble with Mountain View
Police, Again, Mercury News (Jan. 3, 2011, 4:22 PM).6
Mr. Ideafarm had previously faced dozens of charges
for displaying controversial signs throughout town and
4 . https: // w w w.prov idencejou r na l.com /st or y/new s /
crime/2022/07/08/neo-nazi-recruiters-east-providence-werenot-anonymous-this-time/7821731001/.
5. https: // w w w.prov idencejou r na l.com /st or y/new s /
loca l / 2 0 2 2 /0 2 / 2 2 /na zi- swasti ka-f lag-prot estors- disr upt p r o v i de nc e - c o m mu n i s t - m a n i fe s t o - r e a d i n g - r e d - i n klibrary/6891544001/.
6. https://www.mercurynews.com/2011/01/03/ideafarm-introuble-with-mountain-view-police-again/.
18
had been arrested a few months earlier for staging a
sit-in at the police station. Id. Even though Mr. Ideafarm
ultimately decided “not to fight that fight” and offered
to take the signs down, police were intent on arresting
him: “[W]hen he breaks the law, we go for the warrant,”
a police spokeswoman declared. Id.
b.
The Prevalence of Overbroad Sign-Posting
Ordinances Makes Clear the Scope of the
Problem.
Sign-posting laws implicate core First Amendment
rights. See Reed v. Town of Gilbert, 576 U.S. 155, 164 (2015)
(analyzing municipal “Sign Code” as a “content-based
regulation[] of speech”); Taxpayers for Vincent, 466 U.S.
at 803 (noting that an ordinance prohibiting the posting
of signs on public property “raises the question whether
the ordinance abridges [appellees’] ‘freedom of speech’
within the meaning of the First Amendment”). This case
warrants review to provide clarity to the governments
across the country that regulate signs and other forms of
protected speech such as posters and stickers.
Hundreds of municipalities regulate sign-posting
using language similar to or broader than Moscow’s
Ordinance. Amici identified over 400 sign-posting
ordinances enacted by cities large and small, liberal and
conservative, reflecting the full scope of the country’s
regional, economic, and political diversity.7 Amici’s
7. Municipal Ordinances Spreadsheet (April 9, 2025),
available at https://law.duke.edu/sites/default/files/clinics/
firstamendment/2025.04.09_Municipal_Ordinances_Spreadsheet.
xlsx and https://cornell1a.law.cornell.edu/ordinance-spreadsheet.
19
research is a non-exhaustive representation of the
broad range of local sign-posting ordinances that are
currently in force nationwide. The quantity of ordinances
underscores the stakes here—Petitioner’s arrest in
Moscow, Idaho could just as easily have happened in Alva,
Oklahoma, 8 or Temple, Texas,9 or any of hundreds of other
cities and towns across the country that have enacted
similar prohibitions. The danger of selective enforcement
under these laws is thus a national concern, because they
give local law enforcement officials virtually unfettered
discretion to punish speech with which they disagree.
Amici’s research also revealed that many municipal
sign-posting ordinances act as prior restraints because
they impose a requirement to obtain permission or
consent from local officials to place signs and similar
materials on public property, while offering little in the
way of clearly defined standards to ensure permission
is not withheld based on the content or viewpoint of the
speaker. Accordingly, these ordinances enable selective
enforcement because municipal officials have unlimited
discretion to pick and choose which speakers have
permission to speak. For example, in Campbell, Ohio, it
8. “It is unlawful for any person to place, stick, tack, paste, post,
paint, mark, write or print any sign, poster, picture, announcement,
advertisement, bill placard, device or inscription upon any public or
private building, fence, sidewalk, bridge, viaduct, post, automobile,
other vehicle or other property of another, without the consent of the
owner or person in charge thereof.” Alva, Okla., Code of Ordinances
§ 32-27.
9. “Any person who, without first having obtained the consent
of the owner, shall stick, paint or stamp upon any house, fence, wall,
pavement, or other object not his own, any written printed or other
notice, bill sign, circular, poster or advertisement shall be deemed
guilty of a misdemeanor.” Temple, Tex., Code of Ordinances § 22-20.
20
is forbidden to erect any “poster, sign, handbill, placard
or literature” on any “public building,” without first
obtaining permission from the “occupant or owner” of the
building. Campbell, Ohio, Codified Ordinances § 709.03.
Similarly, in Arcade, Georgia, it is unlawful to post any
“sign, poster, advertisement, or notice of any kind” on
“any public property” without the “written consent of the
owner.” Arcade, Ga., Code of Ordinances § 40-1(t).
Moreover, laws that purport to limit their reach to
“advertising matter” are not immune from being used as
tools of suppression. Petitioner Wilson’s conviction under
Moscow’s Ordinance, which includes a prohibition on the
posting of “advertising matter,” emphasizes that problem.
Moscow, Idaho City Code § 1-22(A). Wilson argued that the
plain language of the statute was limited to a prohibition
on “advertising matter.” Idaho v. Wilson, 556 P.3d 450,
455 (Idaho Ct. App. 2024). The Idaho Court of Appeals
concluded that the Ordinance included, but was not limited
to, “advertising matter,” and that Wilson’s speech “did not
need to constitute ‘advertising matter’” to fall within the
Ordinance’s ambit. Id. If interpreted similarly by other
state courts, ordinances like those in Durango, Colorado,10
or Roanoke, Illinois11 could be used to criminalize core
political speech in those municipalities, too.
10. “It shall be unlawful for any person to post, paint, tack or
otherwise attach any notice or other advertising matter to any fence,
wall or building or other property until first obtaining the consent
of the owner of such property.” Durango, Colo., Code of Ordinances
§ 13-21.
11. “It shall be unlawful for any person to post, paint, tack or
otherwise attach any notice or other advertising matter to any fence,
wall or building or other property until first obtaining the consent of
the owner of such property.” Roanoke, Ill., Code § 6-4-2.
21
The selective prosecution of Petitioner Wilson, under
an ordinance that is one of hundreds of similar ordinances
in force around the country, reveals a significant First
Amendment blind spot in need of correction. Each of
these ordinances could be used to silence speakers who
express viewpoints unpopular with government officials.
When speakers are punished for posting in the same public
spaces that others use without incident—provided that
their speech conforms to the government’s orthodoxy—
the specter of viewpoint discrimination is inescapable.
Petitioner Wilson’s case is an ideal vehicle to address
the broader constitutional concerns raised here. His
conviction is the paradigmatic example of an improper,
viewpoint-based prosecution that could arise under any
of the hundreds of similar ordinances currently in effect
around the country. Absent clarification of the basic First
Amendment principles that should have restrained local
officials from punishing Wilson solely because of his
speech, overbroad local ordinances that regulate sign
posting will continue to permit selective enforcement
against unpopular viewpoints and will deter would-be
speakers who fear reprisal. Our public squares are not,
and never have been, spaces where only governmentsanctioned messages are permitted. Where, as here, the
government tacitly opens its spaces for the messages
of some, but acts swiftly to punish others, the First
Amendment must serve as a check on that discriminatory
exercise of government power.
22
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, this Court should grant
certiorari and reverse the decision of the Idaho Court of
Appeals.
Respectfully Submitted,
Sarah Ludington
Counsel of Record
Duke First Amendment Clinic
210 Science Drive
Durham, North Carolina 27708
(919) 613-7048
ludington@law.duke.edu
C. A manda Martin
Duke First Amendment Clinic
210 Science Drive
Durham, North Carolina 27708
Peter B. Steffensen
SMU Dedman School of Law
First A mendment Clinic
P.O. Box 750116
Dallas, Texas 75275
Thomas S. Leatherbury
Thomas S. Leatherbury
Law, PLLC
Cumberland Hill
School Building
1901 North Akard Street
Dallas, Texas 75201
23
Heather E. Murray
Daniela del Rosario Wertheimer
Cornell Law School
First A mendment Clinic
Myron Taylor Hall
Ithaca, New York 14853
Counsel for Amici Curiae
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