Amicus Curiae Brief — Avraham Goldstein, et al., Petitioners v. Professional Staff Congress/CUNY, et al.
Supreme Court briefAug 22, 2024
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No. 24-71
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
AVRAHAM GOLDSTEIN, et al.,
Petitioners,
v.
PROFESSIONAL STAFF CONGRESS/CUNY, et al.,
Respondents.
ON PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE
UNITED STATES COURT OF A PPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT
BRIEF AMICUS CURIAE OF GOLDWATER
INSTITUTE IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS
TIMOTHY SANDEFUR*
PARKER JACKSON
SCHARF-NORTON CENTER FOR
CONSTITUTIONAL LITIGATION AT
THE GOLDWATER INSTITUTE
500 East Coronado Road
Phoenix, AZ 85004
(602) 462-5000
litigation@goldwaterinstitute.org
* Counsel of Record
Counsel for Amicus Curiae Goldwater Institute
116914
A
(800) 274-3321 • (800) 359-6859
i
QUESTION PRESENTED
The State of New York is prohibiting several
professors, all but one of whom are Jews, from dissociating
themselves from a union’s representation to protest its
anti-Semitic and anti-Israel conduct and other expressive
activities. The question presented is:
Whether it violates the First Amendment for a state
to prohibit individuals from dissociating from a union’s
representation to protest that union’s expressive activities?
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
QUESTION PRESENTED . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii
IDENTITY AND INTERESTS OF AMICUS
CURIAE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
SUMMARY OF REASONS FOR GRANTING
THE PETITION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3
REASONS FOR GRANTING THE PETITION. . . . . .4
I.
The Court should grant the petition so it can
clarify its associational rights caselaw . . . . . . . . .6
A. The Court should clarify its dicta
i n Ja n u s r e g a r d i n g e x c l u s i ve
representation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6
B. The Court should clarify the status
of Knight, wh ich rest ed on the
now-overruled Abood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8
II. The Court should grant the petition so it can
adequately protect the First Amendment
right to disassociate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11
III. Public-sector unions now focus more on
partisan political advocacy than on dutifully
representing public employees in labor
negotiations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .14
CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .18
iii
TABLE OF CITED AUTHORITIES
Page
CASES
Abood v. Detroit Board of Education,
431 U.S. 209 (1977). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8-11
Agostini v. Felton,
521 U.S. 203 (1997). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .14
Ams. for Prosperity Found. v. Bonta,
141 S. Ct. 2373 (2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
Anderson Fed’n of Teachers v. Rokita,
1R WK&LUÀOHG0D\ SHQGLQJ . . .1, 2
Anderson v. Arizona Bd. of Regents,
CV2024-005713 (Ariz. Super. Ct.
ÀOHG0DU SHQGLQJ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2
Belgau v. Inslee,
975 F.3d 940 (9th Cir. 2020),
cert. denied, 141 S. Ct. 2795 (2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6
Borgelt v. City of Austin,
No. 22-1149, 2024 WL 3210046 (Tex. 2024). . . . . . . . .2
Boudreaux v. Louisiana State Bar Ass’n.,
86 F.4th 620 (5th Cir. 2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
iv
Cited Authorities
Page
Chauffeurs, Teamsters, Warehousemen &
Helpers Union, Loc. No. 377,
No. 8-CB-9415-1, 2004 WL 298352
(N.L.R.B. Feb. 11, 2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
Crowe v. Oregon State Bar,
989 F.3d 714 (9th Cir. 2021). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
Cruzan by Cruzan v.
Dir., Missouri Dep’t of Health,
497 U.S. 261 (1990) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13
Cummings v. Connell,
316 F.3d 886 (9th Cir. 2003). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
Debont v. City of Poway,
No. 98CV0502-K(LAB),
1998 WL 415844 (S.D. Cal. Apr. 14, 1998). . . . . . . . .12
Emp. Div., Dep’t of Hum. Res. of Or. v. Smith,
494 U.S. 872 (1990) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Ex parte Garland,
71 U.S. (4 Wall.) 333 (1866) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8
Faretta v. California,
422 U.S. 806 (1975). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13
Gilmore v. Gallego,
No. CV-23-0130-PR,
2024 WL 3590669 (Ariz. 2024) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2
v
Cited Authorities
Page
Hurley v. Irish-Am. Gay, Lesbian &
Bisexual Grp. of Bos.,
515 U.S. 557 (1995) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16
Janus v. AFSCME,
585 U.S. 878 (2018) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1, 3-8, 11, 12, 17
Jarrett v. Marion Cnty.,
No. 6:20-cv-01049-MK, 2021 WL 65493
(D. Or. Jan. 6, 2021),
aff ’d 2023 WL 4399242 (9th Cir July 7, 2023),
cert. denied, 144 S. Ct. 494 (2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6
Jarrett v. SEIU Loc. 503,
144 S. Ct. 494 (2023). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5, 6
Keller v. State Bar of California,
496 U.S. 1 (1990) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16
Loc. 58, Int’l Bhd. of Elec. Workers
(IBEW v. NLRB),
888 F.3d 1313 (D.C. Cir. 2018). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
Local 647, UAW,
197 N.L.R.B. 608 (1972). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
Local 74, SEIU,
323 N.L.R.B. 289 (1997) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
Marlin Rockwell Corp. (Auto. Workers, Loc. 197),
114 N.L.R.B. 553 (1955). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
vi
Cited Authorities
Page
McCahon v. Pennsylvania Tpk. Comm’n,
491 F. Supp.2d 522 (M.D. Pa. 2007) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
Mentele v. Inslee,
916 F.3d 783 (9th Cir. 2019),
cert. denied, 140 S. Ct. 114 (2019). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5
Meyer v. Grant,
486 U.S. 414 (1988) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .14
Minnesota State Board for Community Colleges
v. Knight,
465 U.S. 271 (1984) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8-11, 14, 17
Monson Trucking Inc.,
324 N.L.R.B. 933 (1997) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
Nollan v. California Coastal Comm’n,
483 U.S. 825 (1987). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8
Ochoa v. Pub. Consulting Grp., Inc.,
48 F.4th 1102 (9th Cir. 2022) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
2IÀFH 3URI ·O(PSV,QW·O8QLRQ/RF
331 N.L.R.B. 48 (2000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
Pattern Makers’ League of N. Am. v. NLRB,
473 U.S. 95 (1985) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4
vii
Cited Authorities
Page
Quezambra v. United Domestic Workers
of Am. AFSCME Loc. 3930,
445 F. Supp.3d 695 (C.D. Cal. 2020),
aff ’d, No. 20-55643, 2023 WL 4398498
(9th Cir. July 7, 2023),
cert. denied, Jarret v. SEIU Loc. 503,
144 S. Ct. 494 (2023). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6
Roberts v. U.S. Jaycees,
468 U.S. 609 (1984). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11
Savas v. California State L. Enf ’t Agency,
No. 20-56045, 2022 WL 1262014
(9th Cir. Apr. 28, 2022),
cert. denied, 143 S. Ct. 2430 (2023) . . . . . . . . . . . .5, 12
Schell v. Oklahoma Sup. Ct. Justices,
11 F.4th 1178 (10th Cir. 2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .1
Schiewe v. SEIU Loc. 503,
No. 3:20-CV-00519-JR, 2020 WL 5790389
(D. Or. Sept. 28, 2020),
aff ’d No. 20-35882, 2023 WL 4417279
(9th Cir. July 10, 2023),
cert. denied, Jarret v. SEIU Loc. 503,
144 S. Ct. 494 (2023). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6
6FRÀHOGY1/5%
394 U.S. 423 (1969). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4, 11
viii
Cited Authorities
Page
6HPHUM\DQY6(,8/RF
489 F. Supp.3d 1048 (C.D. Cal. 2020),
app. dismissed, No. 21-55104, 2021 WL 6881066
(9th Cir. Nov. 12, 2021). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6
Shea v.
Int’l Ass’n of Machinists & Aerospace Workers,
154 F.3d 508 (5th Cir. 1998). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
Speiser v. Randall,
357 U.S. 513 (1958) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .8, 10
State v. Alaska State Emps. Ass’n,
529 P.3d 547 (Alaska 2023),
cert. denied, 144 S. Ct. 682 (2024) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5
Tavernor v. Ill. Fed’n of Teachers,
226 F.3d 842 (7th Cir. 2000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
W. Va. Bd. of Ed. v. Barnette,
319 U.S. 624 (1943) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16
Wooley v. Maynard,
430 U.S. 705 (1977). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .11
Wright v. SEIU Loc. 503,
48 F.4th 1112 (9th Cir. 2022),
cert. denied, 143 S. Ct. 749 (2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . .6, 12
ix
Cited Authorities
Page
Yates v. Wash. Fed’n of State Emps.,
466 F. Supp.3d 1197 (W.D. Wash. 2020),
aff ’d, No. 20-35879, 2023 WL 4417276
(9 Cir. July 10, 2023),
cert. denied, Jarret v. SEIU Loc. 503,
144 S. Ct. 494 (2023). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6
Zielinski v. SEIU Loc. 503,
No. 20-36076, 2022 WL 4298160
(9th Cir. Sept. 19, 2022) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6
STATUTES
Declaration of Independence, 1 Stat. 1 (1776) . . . . . . . . .4
OTHER AUTHORITIES
2 Public Papers of the Presidents: Ronald
Reagan 1988-89 (1991) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4
Andrew Holman & David Osborne, The Battle
for Worker Freedom: How Gover nment
Unions Fund Politics Across the Country,
Commonwealth Foundation (December 2023) . . . . .15
Antoine Yoshinaka, Crossing the Aisle: Party
Sw it chin g b y U.S . Legi sl a t o rs in th e
Postwar Era (2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .4
Goldwater Helps Fired Conservative Prof Get
Answers, Goldwater Institute (Aug. 8, 2024) . . . . . . .2
x
Cited Authorities
Page
-HII &DQÀHOG Comment, What a Sham(e): The
Broken Beck Rights System in the Real World
Workplace, 47 Wayne L. Rev. 1049 (2001). . . . . . . . .12
Matt Beienburg, Reclaim Academic Freedom,
Goldwater Institute (Sept. 26, 2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2
Paul Larkin, The Resurgence of Antisemitism
in American Higher Education, Heritage
Foundation (Aug. 6, 2024) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .15
R. Bradley Adams, Union Dues and Politics:
Workers Speak Out Against Unions Speaking
For Them, 10 U. Fla. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 207
(1998) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
R. Owen Williams, Benjamin Curtis: Top of the
List, 82 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 277 (2007) . . . . . . . . . . . . .4
Sam Sokol, 'D\V 5RFNHWV DQG
Dead: The Israel-Gaza Fighting in Numbers,
Haaretz (May 23, 2021) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16
The New Loyalty Oaths: How Arizona’s Public
Universities Compel Job Applicants to
Endorse Progressive Politics, Goldwater
Institute (Jan. 17, 2023) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2
Use of Dues for Politics, UnionFacts.com . . . . . . . . . . .14
1
IDENTITY AND INTERESTS OF AMICUS CURIAE1
The Goldwater Institute was established in 1988
as a nonpartisan public policy and research foundation
devoted to advancing the principles of limited government,
individual freedom, and constitutional protections through
litigation, research, policy briefings, and advocacy.
Through its Scharf-Norton Center for Constitutional
/LWLJDWLRQWKH,QVWLWXWHOLWLJDWHVFDVHVDQGÀOHVDPLFXV
briefs when its or its clients’ objectives are directly
implicated.
The Institute devotes substantial resources to
defending the constitutional principles of free speech
and freedom of association. The Institute has appeared
frequently as counsel for parties or as amicus curiae in
cases implicating speech and associational rights. See,
e.g., Ams. for Prosperity Found. v. Bonta, 141 S. Ct. 2373
(2021); Janus v. AFSCME, 585 U.S. 878 (2018); Anderson
Fed’n of Teachers v. Rokita1R WK&LUÀOHG0D\
1, 2023) (pending); Crowe v. Oregon State Bar, 989 F.3d 714
(9th Cir. 2021) (reversing dismissal of First Amendment
challenge to mandatory bar association membership);
Boudreaux v. Louisiana State Bar Ass’n., 86 F.4th 620
(5th Cir. 2023); Schell v. Oklahoma Sup. Ct. Justices, 11
F.4th 1178 (10th Cir. 2021).
1. The parties received timely notice of the Goldwater
,QVWLWXWH·VLQWHQWWRÀOHWKLVDPLFXVEULHISHU6XSUHPH&RXUW5XOH
3XUVXDQWWR5XOHFRXQVHOIRU$PLFXV&XULDHDIÀUPV
that no counsel for any party authored this brief in whole or in
part and that no person or entity, other than Amicus, its members,
or counsel, made a monetary contribution to the preparation or
submission of this brief.
2
The Institute dedicates particular attention to
holding public-sector unions accountable when they
abuse the public trust. See, e.g., Rokita, supra; Borgelt
v. City of Austin, No. 22-1149, 2024 WL 3210046 (Tex.
2024); Gilmore v. Gallego, No. CV-23-0130-PR, 2024 WL
3590669 (Ariz. 2024). Additionally, the Institute’s scholars
and litigators are intimately familiar with the excesses
of radicalism in higher education and the free speech
crisis on America’s college campuses. See, e.g., Anderson
v. Arizona Bd. of Regents, CV2024-005713 (Ariz. Super.
&WÀOHG0DU SHQGLQJ Goldwater Helps Fired
Conservative Prof Get Answers, Goldwater Institute (Aug.
8, 2024)2; Matt Beienburg, Reclaim Academic Freedom,
Goldwater Institute (Sept. 26, 2023)3; The New Loyalty
Oaths: How Arizona’s Public Universities Compel Job
Applicants to Endorse Progressive Politics, Goldwater
Institute (Jan. 17, 2023).4
The Institute believes its litigation experience and
public policy expertise will aid this Court in considering
the appeal.
KWWSVZZZJROGZDWHULQVWLWXWHRUJJROGZDWHUKHOSVÀUHG
conservative-prof-get-answers/.
3. https://www.goldwaterinstitute.org/reclaim-academicfreedom/.
4. https://www.goldwaterinstitute.org/policy-report/thenew-loyalty-oaths/.
3
SUMMARY OF REASONS
FOR GRANTING THE PETITION
The egregious facts of this case dramatize like
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be, and that must be, addressed by this Court. If the right
against compelled association means anything, then surely
the government cannot force someone, as a condition of
public employment or otherwise, to be represented by an
organization that actively advocates against that person’s
interests. Having no representation is preferable to
adverse representation.
No person should be coerced into association
with—let alone representation by—ideologically driven
organizations with which they fundamentally disagree.
That is cruel and oppressive. Janus v. AFSCME, 585
U.S. 878, 893 (2018). And choosing to terminate such
representation is itself an expressive activity protected
by the First Amendment. Yet lower courts continue to
enforce rules that prohibit public sector employees from
severing ties with their unions, even when those unions
engage in egregious and outrageous behavior such as in
this case. The public thirsts for clarity regarding their
fundamental First Amendment rights—rights that at this
point only this Court can secure.
The Court should grant certiorari if it is to preserve
Americans’ rights to freely associate—and, importantly
here, disassociate.
4
REASONS FOR GRANTING THE PETITION
The right to freely associate, as protected by the First
$PHQGPHQWUHVWVRQWKHIRXQGDWLRQRIDIÀUPDWLYHFRQVHQW
See Janus, 585 U.S. at 930. From the “I do’s” of marriage
to the underpinnings of our very nation, see Declaration
of Independence, 1 Stat. 1 (1776), mutual consent is the
touchstone of every form of free human association, small
or large. That is because the right to refuse to associate
is the most basic safeguard of individual conscience—as
well as of a properly functioning democratic process.
The right to disassociate—the right to cut ties,
publicly or privately, with individuals or organizations with
whom a person previously associated—is thus a crucial
form of self-expression and individual choice. Whether
it be Justice Benjamin Curtis resigning from this Court
to protest the Dred Scott ruling, see R. Owen Williams,
Benjamin Curtis: Top of the List, 82 Chi.-Kent L. Rev.
277, 286–87 (2007), or Senator Wayne Morse quitting
the Republican Party to become a Democrat, Antoine
Yoshinaka, Crossing the Aisle: Party Switching by U.S.
Legislators in the Postwar Era 15 (2016), or Ronald
Reagan leaving the Democratic Party because “[t]hey left
me,” 2 Public Papers of the Presidents: Ronald Reagan
1988-89 1084 (1991), the right to refuse to be counted as
part of a group one disagrees with is absolutely critical
to freedom of expression and conscience.
This Court has, indeed, recognized the centrality of
the right to resign from a labor union. See, e.g., 6FRÀHOG
v. NLRB, 394 U.S. 423, 430 (1969); cf. Pattern Makers’
League of N. Am. v. NLRB, 473 U.S. 95, 105 (1985).
And yet public-sector unions violate this right routinely,
5
through the imposition of exclusive representation rules
and restrictions on the right to quit—and they keep getting
away with it, thanks to precedent that allows states to
force employees to accept exclusive representation by a
XQLRQWKH\PD\ÀQGXQDFFHSWDEOHRUWREHEDUUHGIURP
the workplace. See, e.g., State v. Alaska State Emps. Ass’n,
529 P.3d 547 (Alaska 2023), cert. denied, 144 S. Ct. 682
(2024); Savas v. California State L. Enf ’t Agency, No.
20-56045, 2022 WL 1262014 (9th Cir. Apr. 28, 2022), cert.
denied, 143 S. Ct. 2430 (2023); Jarrett v. SEIU Loc. 503,
144 S. Ct. 494 (2023) (denying cert. in several such cases);
Mentele v. Inslee, 916 F.3d 783 (9th Cir. 2019), cert. denied,
140 S. Ct. 114 (2019).
Although dicta in Janus paradoxically recognizes that
H[FOXVLYH UHSUHVHQWDWLRQ LV ´D VLJQLÀFDQW LPSLQJHPHQW
on associational freedoms,” 585 U.S. at 916, the Court
simultaneously suggested that exclusive representation
might be permissible, even though it “would not be
tolerated in other contexts.” Id. The result is legal
precedent such as that established below, which says
that Janus “does not undermine the constitutionality
of exclusive representation by public-sector unions that
do not assess mandatory agency fees.” App. 9a. The
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associational freedoms” should “not be tolerated” at all,
XQOHVVVWULFWVFUXWLQ\LVVDWLVÀHG86DW
The freedom to disassociate merits at least as
much protection as the right to freely associate. And
because of the political nature of modern public-sector
unions, the rights of dissenting employees to resign and
terminate all representation are essential to protect not
only associational rights generally, but the core First
Amendment right to express one’s political views.
6
I.
The Court should grant the petition so it can clarify
its associational rights caselaw.
A.
The Court should clarify its dicta in Janus
regarding exclusive representation.
Janus held that public employees’ associational rights
were violated by a forced subsidization scheme where
workers paid fees to a union as a condition of employment,
“even if they [chose] not to join and strongly object[ed] to
the positions the union t[ook] in collective bargaining and
related activities.” 585 U.S. at 884–85. 5 The Janus court
recognized that “[f ]undamental free speech rights [we]re
at stake” because unions engaged in “private speech on
matters of substantial public concern.” Id. at 886.
5. Lower courts’ resistance to Janus KDV EHHQ ÀHUFH See,
e.g., Belgau v. Inslee, 975 F.3d 940 (9th Cir. 2020), cert. denied,
141 S. Ct. 2795 (2021); Zielinski v. SEIU Loc. 503, No. 20-36076,
2022 WL 4298160 (9th Cir. Sept. 19, 2022); Jarrett v. Marion
Cnty., No. 6:20-cv-01049-MK, 2021 WL 65493 (D. Or. Jan. 6, 2021),
aff ’d 2023 WL 4399242 (9th Cir July 7, 2023), cert. denied, 144
S. Ct. 494 (2023); Schiewe v. SEIU Loc. 503, No. 3:20-CV-00519JR, 2020 WL 5790389 (D. Or. Sept. 28, 2020), aff ’d No. 20-35882,
2023 WL 4417279 (9th Cir. July 10, 2023), cert. denied, Jarret v.
SEIU Loc. 503, 144 S. Ct. 494 (2023); Wright v. SEIU Loc. 503,
48 F.4th 1112 (9th Cir. 2022), cert. denied, 143 S. Ct. 749 (2023);
6HPHUM\DQY6(,8/RF, 489 F. Supp.3d 1048 (C.D. Cal. 2020),
app. dismissed, No. 21-55104, 2021 WL 6881066 (9th Cir. Nov. 12,
2021); Yates v. Wash. Fed’n of State Emps., 466 F. Supp.3d 1197
(W.D. Wash. 2020), aff ’d, No. 20-35879, 2023 WL 4417276 (9 Cir.
July 10, 2023), cert. denied, Jarret v. SEIU Loc. 503, 144 S. Ct. 494
(2023); Quezambra v. United Domestic Workers of Am. AFSCME
Loc. 3930, 445 F. Supp.3d 695 (C.D. Cal. 2020), aff ’d, No. 20-55643,
2023 WL 4398498 (9th Cir. July 7, 2023), cert. denied, Jarret v.
SEIU Loc. 503, 144 S. Ct. 494 (2023).
7
Although it wasn’t at issue in the case, the Janus
Court also noted that exclusive representation creates “a
VLJQLÀFDQW LPSLQJHPHQW RQ DVVRFLDWLRQDO IUHHGRPV WKDW
would not be tolerated in other contexts.” Id. at 916. The
reason why is that “this designation means that individual
employees may not be represented by any agent other
than the designated union; nor may individual employees
negotiate directly with their employer.” Id. at 887. Rather,
“[p]rotection of the employees’ interests is placed in the
hands of the union, and therefore the union is required
by law to provide fair representation for all employees in
the unit, members and nonmembers alike.” Id. In other
words, states may not forbid people from speaking, nor
may they force people to join and subsidize unions—and
yet in this and other cases, states are forbidding people
from speaking (i.e., from negotiating with employers) if
they refuse to join and subsidize a union.
That makes no logical sense, and the practical
consequences are constitutionally offensive, even
outrageous. It certainly is in this case, in which a group
of predominantly Jewish, pro-Israel, Zionist professors
are being forced to choose between representation by a
union that is openly hostile to the nation of Israel, and that
RIÀFLDOO\ VXSSRUWV WKH %'6 PRYHPHQW 3HW DW $SS
93a–95a—or, in effect, to surrender their employment,
because they “may not themselves directly bargain with
or select their own representative to bargain with CUNY
over their employment terms.” App. 9a.
It is hard to imagine any context in which such “heads
I win; tails you lose” logic would be permitted. The
government cannot, for example, tell a property owner that
she must either surrender her property or be prohibited
8
from building on it, see, e.g., Nollan v. California Coastal
Comm’n, 483 U.S. 825, 837 (1987), or tell a person that he
must waive his free speech rights in order to qualify for a
tax exemption, Speiser v. Randall, 357 U.S. 513, 518–19
(1958), or bar a person from a profession and then argue
that this isn’t a punishment because she could simply
choose another profession, cf. Ex parte Garland, 71 U.S.
(4 Wall.) 333, 370 (1866) (argument of Reverdy Johnson:
“[the petitioner] is gravely told, ‘You are not obliged to take
[the oath].’ Certainly, he is not obliged to take it. No man
is obliged to follow his occupation; but unless he takes it
he must starve, except he have other means of living.”).
How much more outrageous is such logic in the realm of
the First Amendment, which has for so long been accorded
special legal solicitude.
B. The Court should clarify the status of Knight,
which rested on the now-overruled Abood.
The petition commendably discusses the Second
Circuit’s expansive reading of Minnesota State Board
for Community Colleges v. Knight, 465 U.S. 271 (1984),
and suggests that the facts here are distinguishable.
%XW UHJDUGOHVV RI ZKHWKHU WKHUH LV VXIÀFLHQW EDVLV WR
distinguish the two cases, Knight itself rests on shaky
ground. Three of the four opinions in that case cite Abood
v. Detroit Board of Education, 431 U.S. 209 (1977), to
rationalize laws that impose exclusive representation by
force. Compare 465 U.S. at 291, with id. at 299 (Brennan,
J., dissenting), and id. at 316 (Stevens, J., dissenting). Yet
with the overruling of Abood in Janus—indeed, Janus
recognized Abood as a First Amendment “anomaly” and
“oddity,” 585 U.S. at 925–26—this Court has already
eroded one of the foundation stones on which Knight rests.
9
In truth, Knight is as much an oddity as Abood. In
no other context would this Court countenance forcing
people to join a group with which they disagree—or
among whom they are despised and treated with scorn
and contempt—on pain of being effectively deprived of
their employment by state law.
In practice, Knight permits states to force people
to join unions against their will, because it empowers
states to forbid people from negotiating with the state
unless they join that private association. The Knight
Court characterized its holding in euphemistic terms—as
rejecting the proposition that people have “a right to force
RIÀFHUV RI WKH VWDWH DFWLQJ LQ DQ RIÀFLDO SROLF\PDNLQJ
capacity to listen to them in a particular formal setting,”
465 U.S. at 282, but in reality, the decision authorized
the state to close off all but a single avenue whereby a
prospective employee could approach the state for a job—
that one avenue being: joining the union. This simply is
compelled association under a different name, as Justices
Stevens, Brennan, and Powell explained:
It is inherent in the republican form of
JRYHUQPHQWWKDWKLJKRIÀFLDOVPD\FKRRVH>QRW@
. . . to listen to some of their constituents . . . .
But the First Amendment does guarantee an
open marketplace for ideas . . . . The Minnesota
VWDWXWHSODFHVDVLJQLÀFDQWUHVWUDLQWRQWKDWIUHH
competition, by regulating the communication
that may take place between the government
and those governed. . . . [It] gives only one
speaker a realistic opportunity to present its
YLHZVWRVWDWHRIÀFLDOV$OORWKHUFRPPXQLFDWLRQ
is effectively prohibited, not by reference to the
10
time, place or manner of communication, or
HYHQE\UHIHUHQFHWRWKHRIÀFLDOV·ZLOOLQJQHVV
to listen, but rather by reference to the identity
of the speaker.
Id. at 300–01 (Stevens, J. dissenting). This was obviously
correct. Yet the majority in Knight rejected it by invoking
the rational basis test and by a single case citation: “it is
rational for the state to [see to it that it] ha[s] before it only
one collective view of its employees when ‘negotiating.’ See
Abood . . . .” Id. at 291.
What’s more, the Knight Court had no call to address
the First Amendment value of disassociation. The Court
said that the compulsory representation law there did
not violate the First Amendment because it merely
increased the “pressure” on professors to join, but left
them free to speak and associate, id. at 289–90, but it
was not asked to address the way in which exclusive
representation penalizes a person for disassociation from
DXQLRQWKDWHQJDJHVLQVSHHFKWKDWWKH\ÀQGUHSXJQDQW
for political, religious, or racial reasons. In Speiser, the
Court acknowledged that “[t]o deny [a tax] exemption to
claimants who engage in certain forms of speech is in
effect to penalize them for such speech,” because it would
have the same “deterrent effect . . . as if the State were
WRÀQHWKHPIRUWKLVVSHHFKµ86DW<HWQHLWKHU
Knight nor subsequent cases addressed how this principle
applies in situations where an exclusive representation law
forces employees to accept representation by a union—
and penalizes them for disassociation with that union by
effectively barring them from employment.6
6. Although aware of the tension in these principles, the
Knight majority did not address them—again citing Abood: “Abood
11
Now that Abood has been rightly overruled—and with
it the rational basis test that it (anomalously) employed
in the free speech context, cf. Janus, 585 U.S. at 894–95
(attributing rational basis review to Abood and rejecting
it)—the Court should clarify the status of Knight in the
wake of Janus.
II. The Court should grant the petition so it can
adequately protect the First Amendment right to
disassociate.
The r ight of association belongs not only to
organizations, but to all individuals who may wish to
associate, or abstain from associating, or disassociate.
Like “the right to refrain from speaking,” Wooley v.
Maynard, 430 U.S. 705, 714 (1977), “[t]he right to eschew
association for expressive purposes,” is protected by
the First Amendment. Janus, 585 U.S. at 892. This
Court’s precedents make clear that without the right to
disassociate, the right to associate means little. Roberts
v. U.S. Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609, 623 (1984) (“Freedom of
association . . . plainly presupposes a freedom not to
associate.”). In fact, the Court long ago recognized the
centrality of the right to resign from a union. 6FRÀHOG, 394
U.S. at 430 (union members’ freedom to leave the union
and escape union rule meant rule was not coercive).
Association with any organization should not, and
constitutionally cannot, be a one-way ticket. In fact, the
held that employees may not be compelled to support a union’s
ideological activities unrelated to collective bargaining. . . . Of
course, this case involves no claim that anyone is being compelled
to support MCCFA’s activities.” 465 U.S. at 291 n.13.
12
right to resign is more important than the right not to
MRLQLQWKHÀUVWSODFH%HLQJIRUFHGWRDVVRFLDWHZLWKDQ
organization is offensive enough, but at least it may be a
one-time injury. Being denied the right to disassociate if
that organization commits an act one regards as wrong
is worse—because it stretches the associational and
H[SUHVVLYHLQMXU\LQWRWKHLQGHÀQLWHIXWXUH7
T h is Cou r t ’s m i xed messag i ng on exclusive
representation is largely responsible for this incongruity:
Because of Janus, Petitioners could resign from
7. Disturbingly, and with little judicial recourse for victims,
many unions often use deceptive or coercive tactics to compel or
retain membership and dues. See, e.g., Ochoa v. Pub. Consulting
Grp., Inc., 48 F.4th 1102 (9th Cir. 2022); Wright v. SEIU Loc. 503,
48 F.4th 1112 (9th Cir. 2022); Loc. 58, Int’l Bhd. of Elec. Workers
(IBEW v. NLRB, 888 F.3d 1313, 1317 (D.C. Cir. 2018); Cummings
v. Connell, 316 F.3d 886, 890–91 (9th Cir. 2003); Tavernor v. Ill.
Fed’n of Teachers, 226 F.3d 842, 848 (7th Cir. 2000); Shea v. Int’l
Ass’n of Machinists & Aerospace Workers, 154 F.3d 508, 515
(5th Cir. 1998); Savas, 2022 WL 1262014 at *1–2; Debont v. City
of Poway, No. 98CV0502-K(LAB), 1998 WL 415844, at *2 (S.D.
Cal. Apr. 14, 1998); McCahon v. Pennsylvania Tpk. Comm’n,
491 F. Supp.2d 522, 527 (M.D. Pa. 2007); Chauffeurs, Teamsters,
Warehousemen & Helpers Union, Loc. No. 377, No. 8-CB-9415-1,
2004 WL 298352 (N.L.R.B. Feb. 11, 2004); 2IÀFH 3URI ·O(PSV
,QW·O8QLRQ/RF, 331 N.L.R.B. 48 (2000); Monson Trucking
Inc., 324 N.L.R.B. 933, 935 (1997); Local 74, SEIU, 323 N.L.R.B.
289, 290 (1997); Local 647, UAW, 197 N.L.R.B. 608, 609 (1972);
Marlin Rockwell Corp. (Auto. Workers, Loc. 197), 114 N.L.R.B.
-HII &DQÀHOG Comment, What a Sham(e): The
Broken Beck Rights System in the Real World Workplace, 47
Wayne L. Rev. 1049, 1050 (2001); R. Bradley Adams, Union Dues
and Politics: Workers Speak Out Against Unions Speaking For
Them, 10 U. Fla. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 207, 222 (1998).
13
membership in the union and stop paying union dues8;
and yet, Petitioners are still subject to representation
by the union in negotiations regarding the terms of their
employment.
Representation, however, is a stronger form of
association than mere membership —because
UHSUHVHQWDWLRQFRPHVZLWKÀGXFLDU\GXWLHVDQGWKHDELOLW\
for a representative to literally stand in the place of the
represented party. It is, again, anomalous to suggest that
DSHUVRQ·VULJKWWRRIÀFLDOO\TXLWWKHXQLRQLVSURWHFWHG
perhaps by the highest register of constitutional strict
scrutiny, while at the same time allowing the state to
penalize a person for refusing to accept the state as
an RIÀFLDO VSRNHVPDQ in the employment negotiation
process, responsible for the most important binding
legal obligations and economic consequence to affect that
employee. By way of analogy, it is as if this Court were to
hold that a person may proceed at trial without counsel,
Faretta v. California, 422 U.S. 806, 807 (1975)—but also
that a defendant who waives counsel must nevertheless
adhere to a plea bargain negotiated by the lawyer she
rejected—or that a person may refuse medical treatment,
Cruzan by Cruzan v. Dir., Missouri Dep’t of Health,
497 U.S. 261, 270 (1990), but that a person refusing such
treatment could be prohibited from obtaining medical
services from anyone else.
None of this is logical. If compelled membership
violates the First Amendment, so does compelled
8. Three of the Petitioners had to sue to halt the deduction of
union dues from their paychecks. Those claims settled relatively
early in the litigation below. See App. at 5a n.2.
14
representation. Yet lower courts are bound to follow
Knight until this Court says otherwise. See Agostini v.
Felton, 521 U.S. 203, 207 (1997). This Court should take
the opportunity to protect the critical right to freedom of
speech and of association by granting certiorari.
III. Public-sector unions now focus more on partisan
political advocacy than on dutifully representing
public employees in labor negotiations.
The right to disassociate is even more important
when political speech is involved than in other situations,
because this Court has said that “core political speech”
is at the “zenith” of First Amendment values. Meyer v.
Grant, 486 U.S. 414, 420, 425 (1988). And as this Court
is well aware, public-sector unions are partisan political
entities, not labor negotiators in the traditional sense.
Given their overwhelming (and increasing) political
identity, association with a union has taken on a political
valence that was not present in the days of Samuel
Gompers or George Meany.
Consider: to date in the 2023–2024 election cycle,
the National Education Association (the nation’s largest
teacher union), has donated nearly $22 million to political
parties, candidates, and causes—99.7% to liberals and
progressives.9 Those numbers roughly track prior election
cycles. See, e.g., Use of Dues for Politics, UnionFacts.com10
´)URPWRXQLRQRIÀFLDOVVHQWPRUHWKDQ
billion in member dues to hundreds of liberal advocacy
groups . . . account[ing] for 99 percent of the union
9. https://www.opensecrets.org/industries/indus?ind=P04.
10. https://www.unionfacts.com/article/political-money/.
15
money going toward political advocacy during that time
period.”); Andrew Holman & David Osborne, The Battle
for Worker Freedom: How Government Unions Fund
Politics Across the Country, Commonwealth Foundation
14 (December 2023)11 (noting that in 2021–2022, the four
largest public-sector unions spent over $708 million—
outspending the defense, transportation, and construction
industries—95.7% of which landed in liberal coffers).
But union political activities extend far beyond merely
raising and spending money. Public sector unions actively
advocate regarding matters of public concern—often at
the expense of those whom they are supposed to represent
and serve.
The Court need look no further than this case. Even
before the most recent nationwide spike in violent and
public anti-Semitism on American college campuses,12
PSC passed a radical resolution condemning Israel as “a
settler colonial state,” and falsely accusing it of practicing
“apartheid” and “legalized racial discrimination.” App.
93a. The resolution called for ending all American aid
to Israel and for “discussions” related to the “Boycott,
Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS)” movement. Id. at
94a–95a. Unsurprisingly, Petitioners consider this
resolution and PSC to be anti-Semitic, Pet. at 1, and for
good reason. The resolution, after all, denounces “the
11. https://www.commonwealthfoundation.org/wp-content/
uploads/2023/12/Union-Political-Spending-Report-Dec2023.pdf.
12. See, e.g., Paul Larkin, The Resurgence of Antisemitism
in American Higher Education, Heritage Foundation (Aug. 6,
2024), https://www.heritage.org/education/report/the-resurgenceantisemitism-american-higher-education.
16
massacre of Palestinians by the Israeli state,” App. 94a,
but made no mention of the fact that Hamas began the
DWWDFNVE\ÀULQJURFNHWVDW,VUDHO DLPHGDWQHDUO\
1,000 targets and involving more than 4,000 rockets). Sam
Sokol, 'D\V5RFNHWVDQG'HDG7KH,VUDHO
Gaza Fighting in Numbers, Haaretz (May 23, 2021).13
Nor did the PSC pass any resolutions condemning, e.g.,
the violence simultaneously occurring in Syria, Nigeria,
or India. This asymmetrical condemnation of Israel—a
victim defending itself—combined with silence regarding
atrocities committed by Muslim forces, indicates the true
motivation behind the PSC’s anti-Israel resolution.
Or at least a reasonable Jewish professor could believe.
Regardless of where one falls on these issues, Petitioners
and the representatives they are legally compelled
to accept as their spokesmen in labor negotiations
are obviously at odds. Certainly if the sponsors of a
St. Patrick’s Day parade can’t be forced to include
participants who wish to speak on social issues that the
organizers would rather remain silent on, Hurley v. IrishAm. Gay, Lesbian & Bisexual Grp. of Bos., 515 U.S. 557,
572–81 (1995), and people with religious scruples cannot
EHFRQVWLWXWLRQDOO\IRUFHGWRVDOXWHWKHÁDJW. Va. Bd. of
Ed. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624 (1943), and attorneys cannot
be forced to participate in a bar association that engages
in non-germane political or ideological activities, Keller
v. State Bar of California, 496 U.S. 1, 15–16 (1990), then
certainly Jewish employees cannot be forced to submit
to being legally and economically represented by a labor
union that they reasonably view as anti-Semitic.
13 . https: // w w w.ha a ret z .com / isra el-new s /elect ions /
2021-05-23/ty-article/.highlight/11-days-4-340-rockets-and-261GHDGWKHLVUDHOJD]DÀJKWLQJLQQXPEHUVIHIGD
a5ff-ffde438f0000.
17
Obviously, the problem would be the same if the
state forced Muslim professors to be represented by
an Islamophobic union, if LGBTQ+ professors were
coercively represented by a homophobic union, if female
professors were forcibly represented by a misogynistic
union, or if black professors were compelled to accept
representation by a white supremacist union.
“[P]rominent members of the founding generation
FRQGHPQHG ODZV UHTXLULQJ SXEOLF HPSOR\HHV WR DIÀUP
or support beliefs with which they disagreed.” Janus,
585 U.S. at 905. Indeed, they called such laws not only
“tyrannical,” but “sinful,” id. (emphasis added), precisely
because they recognized the close connection between
speech, association, and conscience, particularly touching
on religious matters. When the beliefs in question are so
personal, religious, and sensitive in nature as those of
fundamental religious or personal identity, as informed
by the historical marginalization of minority groups, the
constitutional dimensions are multiplied. Cf. Emp. Div.,
Dep’t of Hum. Res. of Or. v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872, 881 (1990)
(recognizing increased constitutional concern when speech
and religion rights intersect).
For all those reasons, this case presents a crucial
opportunity to address the continued viability of Knight,
and its acceptance of the principle of compulsory
representation. The Court should consider the scope of
Petitioners’ First Amendment to completely disassociate
from persons and organizations they abhor. The very act
of disassociating is an expressive activity and should be
protected to the same extent as other core political speech.
18
CONCLUSION
To address blatant injustice and to bolster the First
Amendment’s broad associational rights protections, the
Court should grant the petition.
Respectfully submitted,
TIMOTHY SANDEFUR*
PARKER JACKSON
SCHARF-NORTON CENTER FOR
CONSTITUTIONAL LITIGATION AT
THE GOLDWATER INSTITUTE
500 East Coronado Road
Phoenix, AZ 85004
(602) 462-5000
litigation@goldwaterinstitute.org
* Counsel of Record
Counsel for Amicus Curiae Goldwater Institute
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.