Statement as to jurisdiction — Charles Walen, et al., Appellants v. Doug Burgum, Governor of North Dakota, et al.
Supreme Court briefMar 4, 2024
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No._______
In The
Supreme Court of the United States
CHARLES WALEN AND PAUL HENDERSON,
Plaintiffs-Appellants,
v.
DOUG BURGUM, in his official capacity as
Governor of the State of North Dakota; MICHAEL HOWE,
in his official capacity as Secretary of State of North Dakota,
Defendants-Appellees,
The MANDAN, HIDATSA, and ARIKARA NATION;
CESAR ALVAREZ; and LISA DEVILLE,
Defendant-Intervenors/Appellees.
On Appeal from the United States District Court
for the District of North Dakota
JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT
Dalton L. Oldham
Dalton L. Oldham LLC
137 Edgewater Lane
Lexington, SC 29072
Telephone: 803-772-7729
Robert Harms
The Harms Group
Box 2732
Williston, ND 58802
Telephone: 701-471-0959
Bryan P. Tyson*
Bryan F. Jacoutot
Diane F. LaRoss
The Election Law Group
1600 Parkwood Cir.
Suite 200
Atlanta, GA 30339
Telephone: 678-336-7249
*Counsel of Record
Counsel for Appellants Charles Walen and Paul Henderson
LANTAGNE LEGAL PRINTING
1108 East Main Street Suite 1201 Richmond VA 23219 (800) 847-0477
i
QUESTIONS PRESENTED
After North Dakota adopted a new legislative
redistricting plan in 2021, Appellants challenged the
creation of two new majority-Native-American
subdistricts as drawn primarily based on race in
violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment. At summary judgment, the
three-judge district court assumed race
predominated in the creation of the subdistricts, but
still granted judgment in favor of Defendants. The
district court relied on the racial makeup of the
subdistricts and testimony to the legislature,
inappropriately weighing and ignoring evidence
about whether the districts were needed to comply
with the Voting Rights Act (VRA).
The questions presented are:
1. Whether the district court erred by
applying the incorrect legal standard when
deciding that the legislature had good
reasons and a strong basis to believe the
subdistricts were required by the VRA.
2. Whether the district court erred by
improperly weighing the evidence and
granting inferences in favor of the moving
party at summary judgment instead of
setting the case for trial.
3. Whether the district court erred when it
found that the legislature’s attempted
compliance with Section 2 of the VRA can
justify racial sorting of voters into districts.
ii
PARTIES TO THE PROCEEDING
The following were parties in the Court below:
Plaintiffs/Appellants: Charles Walen and Paul
Henderson.
Defendants: Doug Burgum, in his official
capacity; Michael Howe in his official capacity.
Defendant-Intervenors: The Mandan, Hidatsa,
and Arikara Nation; Cesar Alvarez; and Lisa Deville.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Questions Presented .................................................... i
Parties to the Proceeding ............................................ ii
Table of Authorities ................................................... vi
Introduction ................................................................. 1
Opinion Below ............................................................. 2
Jurisdiction.................................................................. 3
Constitutional Provisions Involved ............................ 3
Statement of the Case ................................................. 3
A. The North Dakota 2021 redistricting plan. ... 3
B. The challenge to the subdistricts. .................. 6
Reasons for Summarily Reversing or Noting
Probable Jurisdiction............................................ 8
I.
The district court erred in concluding that
there was sufficient evidence to determine
the subdistricts were required to comply with
the Voting Rights Act. .................................. 11
A. The district court applied the wrong legal
standard when it reviewed the
legislature’s decision-making. ............... 11
1. The district court’s analytical
process.............................................. 13
iv
2. Factors the district court failed to
consider. ........................................... 15
B. The district court erred by finding all the
Gingles factors were met, ignoring
evidence of racial makeup and past
candidate success. .................................. 18
C. The district court did not correctly apply
the required totality-of-thecircumstances review. ............................ 22
1. The district court failed to review the
totality of the circumstances at all. 23
2. The district court failed to consider
the impact of proportionality as to
District 4. ......................................... 25
II. The district court improperly resolved this
racial-gerrymandering case on summary
judgment. ...................................................... 28
A. The district court’s decision on racial
predominance was wrong. ..................... 29
B. The district court erred in granting
summary judgment to Defendants
because reaching that result required
weighing the evidence and drawing
inferences of favor of the moving party. . 30
III. The district court erred in determining that
compliance with the Voting Rights Act
justifies this racial gerrymander. ................ 35
v
IV. Summary reversal is the correct remedy in
this case. ....................................................... 37
Conclusion ................................................................. 38
Appendix:
Order of the United States District Court for the
District of North Dakota on Motions for Summary
Judgment, filed November 2, 2023 .......................... A1
Notice of Appeal to the United States Supreme
Court, filed January 2, 2024 .................................. A29
vi
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Cases
Abbott v. Perez, 138 S. Ct. 2305 (2018)........ 12, 13, 25
Ala. Legislative Black Caucus v. Alabama, 135 S. Ct.
1257 (2015) .............................................8, 12, 24, 36
Allen v. State Bd. of Elections, 393 U.S. 544 (1969) 21
Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity v. Raffensperger, 587 F.
Supp. 3d 1222 (N.D. Ga. 2022) ............................. 11
Anderson v. Liberty Lobby, Inc., 477 U.S. 242 (1986)
......................................................................... 28, 32
Bethune-Hill v. Va. State Bd. of Elections, 141 F.
Supp. 3d 505 (E.D. Va. 2015) ............................... 16
Bethune-Hill v. Va. State Bd. of Elections, 326 F.
Supp. 3d 128 (E.D. Va. 2018) ......................... 17, 25
Bethune-Hill v. Va. State Bd. of Elections, 580 U.S.
178 (2017) .............................................16, 17, 29, 36
Brnovich v. Dem. Nat’l Comm., 141 S. Ct. 2321
(2021) ............................................................... 15, 23
Burton ex rel. Republican Party v. Sheheen, 793 F.
Supp. 1329 (D.S.C. 1992) ...................................... 37
Bush v. Vera, 517 U.S. 952 (1996) ..................... 11, 36
Celotex Corp. v. Catrett, 477 U.S. 317 (1986) .......... 28
City of Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55 (1980) ........... 21
vii
Cooper v. Harris, 581 U.S. 285
(2017) ..............................................13, 15, 23, 29, 36
Cousin v. McWherter, 46 F.3d 568 (6th Cir. 1995).. 24
Ga. State Conference of the NAACP v. Fayette Cty.
Bd. of Comm’rs, 775 F.3d 1336 (11th Cir. 2015) . 24
Hunt v. Cromartie, 526 U.S. 541 (1999) ...... 28, 31, 33
Johnson v. De Grandy, 512 U.S. 997
(1994) ..............................................22, 23, 24, 26, 27
Johnson v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, 2022 WI 14, 400
Wis. 2d 626 (Wis. March 1, 2022) ......................... 15
League of United Latin Am. Citizens v. Perry, 548
U.S. 399 (2006) ................................................ 14, 22
McIntosh Cnty. Branch of the NAACP v. City of
Darien, 605 F.2d 753 (5th Cir. 1979) ................... 24
Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S. 900
(1995) .................................... 8, 12, 13, 15, 29, 35, 36
Monroe v. City of Woodville, 688 F. Supp. 255 (S.D.
Miss. 1988), vacated on other grounds by 493 U.S.
915 (1989) .............................................................. 20
Page v. Bartels, 248 F. 3d 175 (3d Cir. 2001) .......... 21
Shaw v. Hunt, 517 U.S. 899 (1996) ......................... 22
Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993)................ 8, 12, 35
Singleton v. Merrill, 582 F. Supp. 3d 924 (N.D. Ala.
2022) ...................................................................... 11
viii
Solomon v. Liberty County Comm’rs, 221 F.3d 1218
(11th Cir. 2000) ..................................................... 15
Statewide Reapportionment Advisory Comm. v.
Beasley, 99 F.3d 134 (4th Cir. 1996) .................... 37
Statewide Reapportionment Advisory Comm. v.
Theodore, 508 U.S. 968 (1993) ........................ 10, 37
Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President &
Fellows of Harvard Coll., 600 U.S. 181 (2023) .... 27
Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986) ..... 8, 14, 19
Turtle Mt. Band of Chippewa Indians v. Howe, No.
3:22-cv-22, 2023 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 206894 (D.N.D.
Nov. 17, 2023) ...................... 5, 19, 20, 21, 22, 32, 34
Wis. Legis. v. Wis. Elections Comm’n, 142 S. Ct. 1245
(2022) ................................................................. 8, 12
Statutes
28 U.S.C. § 1253 .......................................................... 4
28 U.S.C. § 2284 .......................................................... 8
52 U.S.C. § 10301 ............................................ 2, 16, 38
N.D. Const. art. IV, § 2 ........................................... 4, 5
U.S. Const. amend. XV, § 2 ....................................... 38
1
INTRODUCTION
North Dakota legislators drew two new
majority-Native-American subdistricts on their 2021
legislative plan primarily based on race without
conducting any sort of analysis of whether the
subdistricts were actually required by Section 2 of
the Voting Rights Act, 52 U.S.C. § 10301 (“VRA”). In
this racial-gerrymandering lawsuit challenging the
legislature’s decision to create those subdistricts, the
district court assumed race guided the design of the
districts, but found strict scrutiny was satisfied
without conducting a trial.
In granting summary judgment to Defendants,
the three-judge district court ignored evidence that
District 9 was already majority-Native-American
and electing a tribe member without subdistricting.
It also failed to consider whether District 4, which
had also previously elected a tribal member without
subdistricting, resulted in more districts for Native
Americans than their proportion of the population.
The district court also weighed the evidence,
reviewing the application of some of the Gingles
preconditions and failed to examine the totality of
the circumstances while drawing inferences in favor
of the moving party, instead of Appellants.
Defendants, when attempting to carry their
burden of showing compliance with the VRA as a
defense, only presented conclusory statements
professing a belief that racially focused districts
were required. The district court then uncritically
accepted this evidence. But shortly after the district
court granted summary judgment to Defendants, a
different single-judge district court determined that
2
one of the challenged districts actually violated the
VRA.
Given the contrary evidence and lack of trial to
test the facts, even if the district court was right on
the law, it relied on facts construed against the nonmoving party at summary judgment. In any event,
this case should have been set for trial, not
dismissed at summary judgment.
This Court should summarily reverse the
district court and require it to set the case for trial to
review the legislature’s decision to create
subdistricts based on race on a full evidentiary
record. Or this Court should set the case for briefing
and argument.
OPINION BELOW
The district court’s opinion is available at 2023
US Dist. LEXIS 198167 and is reproduced at App.
A1-A28.
3
JURISDICTION
This Court has jurisdiction over this direct
appeal under 28 U.S.C. § 1253. The district court
issued its judgment on November 2, 2023.
Appellants filed their notice of appeal on January 2,
2024. App. A29-A30.
CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS
INVOLVED
The relevant Constitutional provision is the
Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment to the United States Constitution.
STATEMENT OF THE CASE
A. The North Dakota 2021 redistricting
plan.
The North Dakota Constitution requires the
Legislative Assembly to develop a legislative
redistricting plan following each decennial Census.
N.D. Const. art. IV, § 2. Following the 2020 Census
results, a Redistricting Committee developed a plan
to present to the Legislative Assembly with the goal
of implementing it in time for North Dakota’s 2022
primary and subsequent general elections. App. A4;
ECF 109-5, 20, 29.
North Dakota uses a “nested” system for
legislative districts, with the population contained in
each Senate district electing one Senator and two
House members “at large or from subdistricts from
those districts.” N.D. Const. art. IV, § 2, App. A3. In
certain circumstances, the legislature may create
“subdistricts” for the election of House members by
4
dividing the Senate district into two parts with each
subdistrict electing one House member. Id. In the
2021 plan, the legislature created subdistricts for the
first time in Districts 4 and 9. ECF 104-17.
From the outset of the 2021 redistricting
process, the Redistricting Committee took the
position that the Voting Rights Act required the
creation of subdistricts for the two Native American
reservations (in Districts 4 and 9) but did little to
establish the basis for that belief. As became
apparent, the legislature chose to gerrymander
Districts 4 and 9 to achieve its racial goals
elsewhere.
At preliminary meetings in the summer of
2021, discussion of the subdistricts focused primarily
on the threat of litigation under the VRA if the
legislature did not draw the subdistricts on the plan.
ECF 100-1, 38:10-14, 127:8-11, 128:13-14. The
Redistricting Committee also heard testimony on the
need for statistical analysis of North Dakota’s
elections before determining whether the updated
population demographics required racially
gerrymandered districts under the VRA. ECF 100-1,
39:9-40:18, 43:1-21. Despite the testimony the
Committee heard, it never hired any experts or even
casually considered the kind of statistical data
traditionally analyzed when looking at the potential
for racially polarized voting in a given area. ECF
100-8, 40:11-16, 44:1-7, 45:6-16.
Instead, the legislators singularly focused on
the numerical ability to draw the Native-American
districts, which they believed justified drawing the
5
subdistricts, based on the configuration the Senate
districts. ECF 100-6, 23:14-18. The committee chair
explained in the floor debate that the legislature had
“no choice under federal law and the constitution,”
but to subdivide Districts 4 and 9. ECF 100-9, 22:217; ECF 100-8, 18:5-23.
While the North Dakota constitution authorizes
subdistricts, N.D. Const. art. IV, § 2, Districts 4 and
9 were the only districts that were subdivided on the
plan. ECF 104-17, p. 1. All of the remaining districts
elect House members at-large. Id.
The reasons to subdivide—beyond the fact the
subdistricts simply could be drawn—are not clear.
District 9 was drawn as barely majority-NativeAmerican as a whole and had elected Senator
Marcellais, a tribal member and former chair of the
Turtle Mountain Tribe in a district with a greater
majority of Native voters before the changes.
Senator Marcellais offered an amendment to
eliminate the subdistricts completely. ECF 100-9,
10:1-11:9. In so doing, he voiced his concern that the
plan for subdistricts 9A and 9B “show 81 percent
Native American” in one of the subdistricts, which
he said “would be packing.”1 Id. The subdividing of
District 9 resulted in Native American voters only
1 Indeed, as discussed below, a single-judge district court later
determined that District 9 as drawn was packed in violation
of Section 2. Turtle Mt. Band of Chippewa Indians v. Howe,
No. 3:22-cv-22, 2023 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 206894, at *53 (D.N.D.
Nov. 17, 2023).
6
having a majority for one representative instead of
two. ECF 100-9, 28:4-15.
District 4 had also elected a tribal member in
the past without being subdivided.2 See Biography of
Dawn Charging, available at
https://ndlegis.gov/biography/dawn-marie-charging
None of this mattered to the legislature, which
ignored concerns that the Gingles preconditions were
not satisfied and the racial design of the districts.
ECF 100-7, 35:7-11; ECF 100-9, 28:4-15, 31:17-25,
37:24-38:15. The House and Senate narrowly voted
to approve the creation of subdistricts in Districts 4
and 9 and then to approve the 2021 Plan in its
entirety. ECF 100-8, 2:2-3:15, 62:19-22; ECF 100-9,
45:7-20.
Subdistrict 4A was drawn along the exact
boundaries of the Fort Berthold Reservation. App.
A6. District 9A closely followed the boundaries of the
Turtle Mountain Reservation. App. A7. After the
legislature approved the plan, Governor Burgum
signed the 2021 Plan into law. App. A8.
B. The challenge to the subdistricts.
Appellants challenged the North Dakota
Legislature’s creation of subdistricts 4A, 4B, 9A, and
9B—the only subdistricts in the plan—as racially
gerrymandered districts in violation of the Equal
2 This Court can take judicial notice of past election results and
the individuals elected because they are not subject to
reasonable dispute. F.R.E. 201.
7
Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
App. A11 fn.2. Pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 2284, a threejudge panel convened to hear the case.
After discovery, Appellants and Defendants
filed competing motions for summary judgment. The
district court ruled that there were disputed issues
of material fact as to whether race predominated in
the legislature’s decision to create the two Native
American subdistricts. App. A15. But it nevertheless
proceeded to assume that race predominated the
decision and analyzed whether the legislature had
“good reason” and there was “strong evidence” that
“the subdistricts are narrowly tailored to the State’s
compelling interest in complying with the VRA.”
App. A16-A17.
In so doing, the district court never considered
past election returns, statistics about the districts
prior to subdistricting, racially polarized voting
analyses, the impact of partisanship on voting
patterns, avoidance of packing, or other types of
analyses this Court has found necessary to assert a
VRA defense to racial gerrymandering.
The district court ultimately denied Appellants’
motion for summary judgment and granted the
motions filed by Defendants and DefendantIntervenors, upholding the legislature’s decision to
racially subdivide Districts 4 and 9 as a matter of
law. App. A27. This appeal followed.
8
REASONS FOR SUMMARILY
REVERSING OR NOTING PROBABLE
JURISDICTION
States frequently raise compliance with the
Voting Rights Act (VRA) as a defense to a racialgerrymandering claim. But determining whether the
VRA required the racial sorting on the challenged
plan involves an “intensely local appraisal” of the
facts that apply to that district. Thornburg v.
Gingles, 478 U.S. 30, 79 (1986). Accordingly, mere
references to population changes and general
concerns about future litigation cannot provide
sufficient justification for racial gerrymandering—
this Court’s precedents require more.
Federal courts cannot simply take a state’s
word that a racially drawn district was necessary to
comply with the VRA. See, e.g., Shaw v. Reno, 509
U.S. 630, 638 (1993); Miller v. Johnson, 515 U.S.
900, 921 (1995); Ala. Legislative Black Caucus v.
Alabama, 135 S. Ct. 1257, 1272 (2015); Wis. Legis. v.
Wis. Elections Comm’n, 142 S. Ct. 1245, 1249 (2022).
But that is what the district court did in this case.
The district court short-circuited the analytical
process for the State’s VRA defense by assuming the
districts were drawn primarily based on race, then
moved directly to the question of strict scrutiny.
That approach led to at least three errors.
First, the district court engaged in no
independent analysis into whether the VRA required
the challenged districts based on the totality of the
circumstances. Instead, it relied on the legislature’s
awareness of population demographics suggesting
the districts could be drawn, and did not conduct any
9
sort of local appraisal—intense or otherwise.
Instead, it cherrypicked conclusory legislative
statements and public comments, taking them at
face value and finding them dispositive to the
defense of the plan. The district court ignored
evidence that the districts were already electing
tribal members. It ignored evidence that District 9
was majority-Native-American before subdistricting,
including tribal members being elected for decades.
It ignored evidence that subdividing led to a superproportional result for Native Americans in District
4. Defendants’ VRA defense requires far more than
relying on mere legislative beliefs and requires
affirmative evidence. The district court’s analytical
process also collapsed the analysis regarding the
totality of the circumstances into a single factor—
guaranteeing the success of Native Americanpreferred candidates of the Democratic Party—
which is insufficient to show the VRA requires
drawing districts based on race.
Second, instead of deciding this case at trial,
the district court construed the evidence before it
against the non-moving party (Appellants) when
granting Defendants’ motions for summary
judgment. Not only do Defendants carry the burden
when asserting Section 2 as a defense, but finding a
potential violation of Section 2 requires a developed
factual record and weighing facts. The district court
cannot ignore evidence favoring Appellants at
summary judgment and was required to draw
inferences in favor of Appellants, not against them.
Third, the district court found that compliance
with the VRA justifies, as a matter of law, the racial
10
sorting it assumed took place in the creation of the
subdistricts. While this Court has always assumed,
without deciding, that compliance with Section 2 is
enough to meet strict scrutiny, the district court took
a shortcut without sufficient evidence. On these
facts, compliance with Section 2 of the VRA cannot
justify prohibited racial sorting.
The district court applied the wrong legal
standard at the wrong stage of the case. Rather than
resolve this case—riddled with contested facts—at
summary judgment, the district court should have
set the case for trial where it could properly weigh
the facts and judge the credibility of witnesses before
it. In addition, the district court applied the wrong
legal standard with respect to its VRA analysis,
giving far too much weight to the legislature’s
purported goal of compliance and finding as a matter
of law that the few cursory steps taken by the
legislature wholly justifies districts drawn primarily
based on race. This Court should summarily reverse
the decision of the district court, see Statewide
Reapportionment Advisory Comm. v. Theodore, 508
U.S. 968 (1993) (summarily reversing three-judge
panel decision in redistricting case), and require the
case to proceed to trial.
11
I.
The district court erred in concluding that
there was sufficient evidence to determine
the subdistricts were required to comply
with the Voting Rights Act.
A.
The district court applied the
wrong legal standard when it
reviewed the legislature’s decisionmaking.
The district court assumed that race
predominated in the creation of the subdistricts but
then concluded in fewer than five pages of analysis
(one that was simply reprinting a legislative report)
that this racial sorting was allowed by the
Constitution because the VRA required it.3 But the
district court failed to consider that “[s]trict scrutiny
remains, nonetheless, strict.” Bush v. Vera, 517 U.S.
952, 978 (1996). Instead, it took a shortcut, finding
that, because the legislature seemed to believe some
of the Gingles preconditions existed for the
subdistricts, that was enough to allow it to racially
gerrymander. But the legislature was required to
conduct some kind of analysis to support its claim of
VRA compliance as a compelling government
interest. Or, at minimum, the district court should
have conducted that analysis. But no one in this case
3 The district court’s approach here is in sharp contrast to other
district courts considering Section 2 claims against legislative
plans. See e.g., Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity v. Raffensperger,
587 F. Supp. 3d 1222, 1326 (N.D. Ga. 2022) (over 100 reported
pages of analysis on preliminary injunction related to Section
2); Singleton v. Merrill, 582 F. Supp. 3d 924, 1035 (N.D. Ala.
2022) (same).
12
did. And when another district court undertook such
an analysis, it found District 9 violated the VRA.
North Dakota’s claim that it was just trying to
follow the VRA when it drew districts based on race
is not unusual. Jurisdictions facing lawsuits about
racial predominance in drawing district plans
regularly point to the VRA as justification. See, e.g.,
Shaw, 509 U.S. at 638 (“the State’s purpose here was
to comply with the Voting Rights Act”); Miller, 515
U.S. at 921 (“the State’s true interest in designing
the Eleventh District was creating a third majorityblack district to satisfy the Justice Department[]”);
Ala. Legislative Black Caucus, 135 S. Ct. at 1272
(State claimed that “insofar as [its] redistricting
embodied racial considerations, it did so in order to
meet this §5 [of the VRA] requirement”); Wis. Legis.,
142 S. Ct. at 1249 (Governor “claim[ed] that the VRA
required the seven majority-black districts that he
drew”).
It makes sense that jurisdictions would attempt
to rely on the VRA to justify race-based districting
because while “the Equal Protection Clause restricts
consideration of race . . . the VRA demands
consideration of race.” Abbott v. Perez, 138 S. Ct.
2305, 2315 (2018). But merely asserting the
conclusory justification that a state believes a
particular racially sorted district is necessary for
compliance with the VRA is not enough. Nor is this
belief—however earnest—sufficient to demonstrate
the necessary “strong basis in evidence” before
concluding the VRA requires a particular district.
Even if Defendants stood on better evidentiary
footing in this regard, the district court must also
13
determine if the VRA actually requires such a racepredominant district configuration in the first place
because the district must be “necessary under a
proper interpretation of the VRA.” Cooper v. Harris,
581 U.S. 285, 306 (2017) (emphasis added); see also
Miller, 515 U.S. at 921.4
1.
The district court’s analytical
process.
The district court completely failed in its
obligation to determine if Defendants’ interpretation
of the VRA was proper. Instead, it cited largely lay
commentary from just five non-expert members of
the public5 discussing the growth of Native
American populations and various elements of the
Gingles preconditions. App. A21-A22. It also cited
the final report of the Redistricting Committee,
which focused primarily on whether the legislature
had the numerical ability to draw a majority-NativeAmerican subdistrict in Districts 4 and 9. App. A22A25). Besides this loose consideration of the Gingles
preconditions, the only additional factor referenced
was the success of Native-American-preferred
candidates who are Democrats. App. A26. The
4 On previous occasions when this Court considered defenses
from jurisdictions that claimed they were following Section 2,
it has consistently found those claims were not based on a
correct interpretation of Section 2. See, e.g., Vera, 517 U.S. at
979 (Gingles prong 1); Cooper, 581 U.S. at 306 (Gingles prong
3); Wis. Legis., 142 S. Ct. at 1250 (Gingles 1 and totality);
Abbott, 138 S. Ct. at 2334-35 (lack of sufficient inquiry).
5 None of the witnesses provided any statistical analyses relied
on by the legislature.
14
district court then concluded that “the Redistricting
Committee considered possible voter dilution claims
under Section 2 by Native American voters and
whether Native American voters would be able to
satisfy the Gingles preconditions without the
subdistricts.” App. A25 (emphasis added).
The district court never considered past
election returns, statistics about the districts prior to
subdistricting, racially polarized voting analyses, the
impact of partisanship on voting patterns, avoidance
of packing, or other types of analyses this Court has
found necessary to assert a VRA defense to racial
gerrymandering. Instead, it relied on the fact that
the districts could be drawn.
But even if the legislature conducted a
searching inquiry or functional analysis into the
Gingles preconditions—and there is no evidence in
the record to suggest it did—this is not enough as a
matter of law. Section 2 requires an “intensely local
appraisal” of the conditions in the jurisdiction.
League of United Latin Am. Citizens v. Perry, 548
U.S. 399, 437 (2006) (“LULAC”) (quoting Gingles,
478 U.S. at 79); see also Wis. Legis., 142 S. Ct. at
1251. This intensely local appraisal is required by
the statute to determine if the vote dilution the
legislature and district court believed was present
without subdistricting was “on account of race or
color,” 52 U.S.C. § 10301(a), or was caused by some
15
other factor, which was Defendants’ burden when
asserting a VRA defense to racial gerrymandering.6
2.
Factors the district court failed
to consider.
The anemic analyses undertaken by both the
legislature and the district court into what the VRA
requires were significantly less robust than what
this Court has found insufficient in past cases. For
example, the Wisconsin Supreme Court performed a
comparatively detailed analysis of Section 2
compliance before being reversed by this Court. That
analysis included (1) a detailed review of racially
polarized voting statistical evidence and electoral
history going back 30 years, Johnson v. Wis.
Elections Comm’n, 2022 WI 14, ¶45, 400 Wis. 2d 626,
656 (Wis. March 1, 2022); (2) population growth
trends, id. at ¶48, 400 Wis. 2d at 658; (3) avoidance
of packing, id. at ¶49, 400 Wis. 2d at 658-59. But
this Court found even that level of analysis
6 This matters in the context of considering the preconditions
because “what appears to be bloc voting on account of race
may, instead, be the result of political or personal affiliation
of different racial groups with different candidates.” Solomon
v. Liberty County Comm’rs, 221 F.3d 1218, 1225 (11th Cir.
2000). And “partisan motives are not the same as racial
motives.” Brnovich v. Dem. Nat’l Comm., 141 S. Ct. 2321,
2349 (2021); see also Cooper, 581 U.S. at 335 (Alito, J.,
concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part)
(without “extraordinary caution” courts will invite “losers in
the redistricting process to seek to obtain in court what they
could not achieve in the political arena.”) (quoting Miller, 515
U.S. at 916). These are the exact issues that should be
weighed out at trial, not at summary judgment as a matter of
law.
16
insufficient, Wis. Legis. 142 S. Ct. at 1250. The
district court’s analysis here was nowhere near as
comprehensive as the Wisconsin Supreme Court’s.
The district court’s approach here is also in
sharp contrast to the processes followed in BethuneHill. For example, in Bethune-Hill, the district court
originally upheld all 12 challenged districts, but
found that District 75 was the only one that
constituted a racial gerrymander. Bethune-Hill v.
Va. State Bd. of Elections, 580 U.S. 178, 182 (2017).
The remaining districts were found not to have an
actual conflict with the state’s traditional
redistricting principles.7 Id. at 185.
The district court still upheld District 75
because it concluded it was drawn to comply with
the VRA after reviewing evidence establishing (1)
the pre-existing nature of the ability-to-elect district;
(2) that the legislature conducted a functional
analysis that included turnout rates, prison
populations, and contested electoral history results;
and (3) statistical evidence of racially polarized
voting. Bethune-Hill v. Va. State Bd. of Elections,
141 F. Supp. 3d 505, 558-59 (E.D. Va. 2015).
When this Court upheld the decision regarding
District 75, it relied on exactly these facts. First,
District 75 was already an existing ability-to-elect
district, unlike the brand-new subdistricts created
7 As discussed below, the district court found disputes of fact
regarding racial predominance when—unlike De Grandy—
there was a direct conflict with North Dakota’s traditional
redistricting principle of not subdividing districts.
17
for the first time here. Bethune-Hill, 580 U.S. at 195.
Second, the functional analysis that supported the
Black voting-age population included in District 75
was comprehensive, including turnout rates, a study
of contested elections going back more than a decade,
and a “careful assessment of local conditions and
structures.” Id. at 196-97. All of those facts
undergirded the conclusion that a majority-Black
district was required to elect candidates of choice. Id.
But that kind of comprehensive analysis is entirely
absent in this case, where the evidence before the
district court only showed—at most—that the
legislature relied on the fact a majority-NativeAmerican subdistrict could be drawn based on
population. The district court in this case cites no
basis to conclude that Native American candidates of
choice were not being elected from existing districts,
which was critical to the finding in Bethune-Hill, and
it could not. Both Districts 4 and 9 had elected or
were electing Native American candidates without
being subdivided. ECF 100-10, p. 4; Dawn Charging,
available at https://ndlegis.gov/biography/dawnmarie-charging
The district court also cites no analysis of any
local conditions before reaching its conclusions.8 This
8 When Bethune-Hill was returned to that district court for
trial, it found the 11 remaining districts were drawn
primarily based on race and that the legislature did not
engage “in an analysis of any kind to determine the
percentage of black voters necessary to comply with Section 5”
of the VRA in those districts. Bethune-Hill v. Va. State Bd. of
Elections, 326 F. Supp. 3d 128, 176 (E.D. Va. 2018). In this
case, unlike Bethune-Hill on remand, the district court
18
failure of proof demonstrates the incorrect legal
standard the district court applied.
The district court in this case erred from the
outset because it simply took Defendants’ asserted
positions regarding compliance with Section 2 of the
VRA at face value. It never actually considered what
the legislature did and, more importantly, what the
legislature did not do. The cursory analyses
undertaken by the legislature and then the district
court fail to reach even the modest levels this Court
found insufficient in Wis. Legis. And this Court
should reverse for this lack of evidence alone.
B.
The district court erred by finding
all the Gingles factors were met,
ignoring evidence of racial makeup
and past candidate success.
The district court also ignored evidence plainly
in the record demonstrating the enacted maps were
not “narrowly tailored” to comply with the VRA.
The legislature subdivided only two districts on
the entire 2021 plan, both of which created majorityNative-American subdistricts for the first time. ECF
104-17, p. 1. District 9 was already majority-NativeAmerican before subdistricting and had been
electing a Native-American candidate. ECF 100-10,
p. 4.
ratified the decision of the legislature to select a level of
Native American support “without evidentiary foundation.”
Id. at 179.
19
Senator Marcellais, who is Native American
and a former tribal chairman of the Turtle Mountain
Tribe, won election multiple times across the entirety
of District 9. Likewise, District 4 had elected Dawn
Charging in past elections.
With these elections, the district court was
required at summary judgment to assume tribal
members were the preferred candidate of Native
American voters because there is evidence in the
record (provided by Defendants’ own expert) that the
election of Native Americans occurs only “because
they have sufficient support among Native voters to
overcome their Anglo opponents.” ECF 108, Ex. 18 at
69.9 At minimum, this provides strong
circumstantial evidence that the third Gingles
precondition cannot be met. Because Native
Americans have regularly been able to elect their
candidate of choice in districtwide elections, there is
no indication that “a white majority votes
sufficiently as a bloc usually to defeat the candidates
chosen by [Native Americans].” Gingles, 478 U.S. at
63. But in the face of this evidence, the district court
somehow found the State had “good reasons” for
slicing up both districts despite failing to analyze the
issue when it should have drawn this inference in
Appellants’ favor.
Further, the record shows that legislators
warned about possible packing as a result of the
9 But see Turtle Mt. Band of Chippewa Indians, 2023 U.S. Dist.
LEXIS 206894, at *38 (“District 9 at-large presents a much
closer call” on the third Gingles precondition). If anything,
this disagreement emphasizes the need for a trial.
20
subdistricting. ECF 100-9, 11:3-9. The district court
ignored this evidence even though it was also part of
the analysis of one of Defendants’ own experts.10 Dr.
Hood explained in his report that an undivided
District 9 was already a majority-Native-American
district because it “is comprised of 51.7% Native
American voting age population.” ECF 100-10, p. 4.
Thus, according to Dr. Hood, District 9 “under
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act . . . would be
described as a minority, opportunity-to-elect
district.” Id.
Whether District 9 must be kept whole to avoid
violating the VRA is not the question to be answered
here. But it is notable that Defendants’ expert found
that subdividing District 9 effectively sacrificed a
district in which Native Americans formed the
majority of the electorate in a district that elects two
House members at-large—and one where a Native
American candidate was already succeeding—in
favor of a subdistrict in which Native Americans
form the majority in a district that elects just one
House member. See, e.g., Monroe v. City of Woodville,
688 F. Supp. 255, 264 (S.D. Miss. 1988), vacated on
other grounds by 493 U.S. 915 (1989) (vote-dilution
claim failed when city was already majorityminority); see also Monroe v. City of Woodville, 881
F.2d 1327, 1334 (5th Cir. 1989) (“visceral response”
10 Dr. Hood was not an expert who provided information to the
legislature but was only retained once this lawsuit was filed.
He is also testified in the single-judge VRA case that the
Gingles preconditions were not present in District 9. Turtle
Mt. Band of Chippewa Indians, 2023 U.S. Dist. LEXIS
206894, at *20-21. This would obviously be a topic of crossexamination in a trial in this case if a trial had been held.
21
that majority-Black city was not electing Black
candidates must violate Section 2 was incorrect).11
Yet when a single-judge district court12
undertook its Section 2 analysis of the same plan, it
determined that District 9 violated the VRA. Turtle
Mt. Band of Chippewa Indians, 2023 U.S. Dist.
LEXIS 206894 at *53-54. Not only does this
undercut the district court’s findings in this case, but
it also supports Appellants’ argument that the
legislature engaged in the exact racial
gerrymandering without properly considering the
requirements of the VRA. But the legislature “may
not trade off the rights of some members of a racial
group against the rights of other members of that
11 The district court’s failure to construe this evidence in favor
of Appellants again highlights how the district court
incorrectly weighed evidence at summary judgment, which is
discussed in more detail below.
12 Because 28 U.S.C. § 2284(a) requires a three-judge panel
whenever a federal “action is filed challenging… the
apportionment of any statewide legislative body,” the case
should have been heard by a three-judge district court. Allen
v. State Bd. of Elections, 393 U.S. 544, 562 (1969) (applying
Section 5 of the VRA); Page v. Bartels, 248 F. 3d 175, 190 (3d
Cir. 2001); see also Garcia v. Hobbs, S. Ct. Dkt. 23-467
(vacating and remanding). That is especially true when
Section 2 is legislation that implements the Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Amendments. City of Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U.S. 55,
61 (1980). At the very least, a three-judge panel in the VRA
case could have addressed the apparent inconsistency
between the racial-gerrymandering ruling on appeal here and
the VRA case before a single judge. In the meantime, the
single-judge district court decision is on appeal to the Eighth
Circuit, which has recently found there is no private right of
action under Section 2. Turtle Mt. Band of Chippewa Indians
v. Howe, Appeal Nos. 23-3697, 24-1171 (8th Cir.).
22
group.” LULAC, 548 U.S. at 437; Shaw v. Hunt, 517
U.S. 899, 916–18 (1996) (“Shaw II”). In other words,
the legislature could not reduce the Native-American
population of District 9 and then “fix” that reduction
by creating the subdistricts. The legislature instead
should have drawn Section-2-compliant Senate
districts with two House seats instead of a racial
gerrymander. But the district court instead
determined that this racial gerrymander was
appropriate based on the VRA. A trial on the merits
could have addressed the interplay of these issues at
the very least.
Ultimately, it cannot be the case that using
subdistricting to reduce the number of legislative
seats in which Native Americans are the majority
and were already succeeding in electing Native
American candidates is somehow “narrowly tailored”
to comply with the requirements of the Voting
Rights Act, as the Turtle Mt. Band of Chippewa
Indians later found. That is precisely why an
intensely local appraisal is required under Section 2.
C.
The district court did not correctly
apply the required totality-of-thecircumstances review.
Further, while the Gingles preconditions are
necessary to a showing of liability under Section 2,
they are not sufficient because “courts must also
examine other evidence in the totality of
circumstances.” Johnson v. De Grandy, 512 U.S. 997,
1011 (1994); accord Wis. Legis., 142 S. Ct. at 1249.
This is because “equal openness remains the
touchstone” of a Section 2 claim. Brnovich, 141 S. Ct.
23
at 2338. And while the legislature need not prove a
Section 2 violation before embarking on a racial
gerrymander, “a strong basis” in the evidence cannot
be reasonably inferred at any stage of litigation
(especially not at summary judgment) in the absence
of a more robust analysis into the Senate Factors
than was undertaken here.
1.
The district court failed to
review the totality of the
circumstances at all.
The question the district court should have
answered is not merely whether a mechanical
application of the three (or any) Gingles
preconditions could be met. Instead, it should have
determined whether the legislature had “good
reasons” for thinking “the Act demanded” the racebased districts. Cooper, 581 U.S. at 301 (emphasis
added); see also Wis. Legis., 142 S. Ct. at 1249. While
that standard may fall short of pre-enactment proof
of a Section 2 violation, it requires more than the lip
service the district court paid to the totality-ofcircumstances analysis here. Indeed, courts cannot
reduce that searching analysis to a single factor, as
the district court did here by relying solely on the
Gingles preconditions plus one additional factor. Wis.
Legis., 142 S. Ct. at 1250; De Grandy, 512 U.S. at
1020-21.13
13 Further, the Circuits that have reached this issue have found
that finding vote dilution should be based on the totality of
the circumstances of evidence weighed at trial with detailed
24
In fact, the district court relied on a statement
from the Tribal and State Relations Committee that
the “population base” of Native Americans existed in
those two districts as a key reason for drawing
them—almost identical to the claims the Governor
made in Wis. Legis., 142 S. Ct. at 1249. The focus on
“population base” may go to establishing the first
Gingles precondition of a sufficiently numerous
minority population, but it is not sufficient to show
Section 2 required the district in question. Id.
This is a situation where “the [district court]
asked the wrong question with respect to narrow
tailoring.” Ala. Legislative Black Caucus, 575 U.S. at
279. Instead of focusing on equal openness, De
Grandy, 512 U.S. at 1014, which is the textual basis
for a Section 2 claim, the district court instead—
under the most generous interpretation—focused
only on a mechanical application of some of the three
Gingles preconditions while ignoring the totality of
the circumstances.14 The district court’s reliance on
factual findings, not at summary judgment. Ga. State
Conference of the NAACP v. Fayette Cty. Bd. of Comm’rs, 775
F.3d 1336, 1343 (11th Cir. 2015) (“Normally, claims brought
under § 2 of the VRA are resolved pursuant to a bench trial,
with judgment issued under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure
52.”); see also Cousin v. McWherter, 46 F.3d 568, 575 (6th Cir.
1995) (requiring more detailed factual findings even after a
trial); McIntosh Cnty. Branch of the NAACP v. City of Darien,
605 F.2d 753, 757, 759 (5th Cir. 1979) (same).
14 Even if only the Gingles preconditions applied, evidence
before the district court at the very least raised questions
about the nature of partisanship. Dr. Hood’s report found an
almost perfect overlap of partisanship and race, leading to
questions that required the weighing of evidence—specifically
25
Abbott illustrates this error.15 App. A19. Abbott did
not reach the question of a full analysis under
Section 2 because Texas could not even point to any
“‘legislative inquiry’ that would establish the need
for its manipulation of the racial makeup of the
district.” Abbott, 138 S. Ct. at 2335. Thus, Abbott
does not stand for the proposition that a mere
cursory legislative inquiry into Section 2 liability can
justify a racially drawn district. Rather, it
emphasizes that the failure to undertake any such
inquiry is fatal to using Section 2 as a defense, which
is also exactly what the district court found in
Bethune-Hill on remand. 326 F. Supp. 3d at 179-80.
This is precisely what the legislature failed to do in
this case and is a legally insufficient basis for
judgment in their favor as a matter of law.
2.
The district court failed to
consider the impact of
proportionality as to District 4.
Unlike District 9, which was already majorityNative-American, District 4 contains 31.0% Native
American voting age population as a whole. ECF
100-10, p. 8. That means the decision to subdistrict
ensures that Native Americans will now hold the
majority in 50% of the total seats in the House from
District 4. Because Native Americans will be the
majority in a proportion of districts greater than
their population, the district court also failed to
that the polarized voting in question was racial in nature.
ECF 100-10, pp. 5-7, 9-10.
15 Abbott was also decided after “multiple trials,” 138 S. Ct. at
2317, not at summary judgment.
26
consider the impact of proportionality on whether
Section 2 required the district. Proportionality is
generally measured from a relevant area as opposed
to a statewide basis. De Grandy, 512 U.S. at 102223.
Whatever Section 2 required of the legislature
in District 4, it does not mean that a “failure to
maximize” the number of Native-American-majority
districts violates the statute.16 Id. at 1016. In De
Grandy, this Court reversed a decision about House
districts based on the population of Dade County,
which was approximately 50% Latino voting age.
The challenged plan provided Latino supermajorities
in 9 of the 18 districts that were located primarily in
the county. Id. at 1014. When it looked at all
districts located in Dade County,17 Latino voting age
population again nearly mirrored the percentage
where Latino voters were a majority. Id. That
resulted in this Court concluding that the districts
did not violate Section 2 because they provided equal
political opportunity. Id. at 1020. But the same
provisions could not result in super-proportionality,
where Latino voters obtain more seats than they
16 Defendant-Intervenors claimed in their Motion for Summary
Judgment to have enough evidence that at-large elections in
District 4 would have violated the VRA. ECF 108. But the
district court did not indicate any consideration of this in its
opinion. As discussed below, it would have been inappropriate
for the district court to consider the analysis offered by
Defendant-Intervenors at summary judgment.
17 Even with these districts, the total Latino-majority districts
would have been less than proportional statewide. De Grandy,
512 U.S. at 1014, 1021.
27
would otherwise be entitled to as a portion of the
population. Id. at 1016-17.
That is exactly what happened here. The
district court should have looked at the relevant area
of review of District 4, which is the “smaller
geographical scale” where any Section 2 claim would
be litigated. Id. at 1022. And in that review area,
despite being only 31% of the population of District
4, the district court upheld a plan—as necessary to
avoid liability under the VRA—where Native
American voters receive 50% of the House districts.18
Using the logic from De Grandy, the legislature here
provided Native American voters with effective
political power that is more than 60% above their
numerical strength, claiming that was required by
Section 2. Compare ECF 100-10, p. 8 with De
Grandy, 512 U.S. at 1017 n.13.
This is another part of the totality of the
circumstances that the district court completely
failed to consider. In order for the district court to
correctly decide this case, whether at summary
judgment or at trial, it must conduct a more detailed
analysis of the basis for its conclusions about vote
dilution. It failed to do so here and must be reversed.
18 This Court has made clear that racial classifications of any
kind must be temporary. Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v.
President & Fellows of Harvard Coll., 600 U.S. 181, 212
(2023) (“SFFA”). But under the district court’s interpretation,
Section 2 will continue to require or allow states to racially
sort voters beyond proportionality with “no end … in sight.”
Id. at 213.
28
II.
The district court improperly resolved
this racial-gerrymandering case on
summary judgment.
Even if this Court were to agree that the
cursory analysis conducted by the district court and
legislature could be enough to justify a racial
gerrymander, it falls well short of satisfying
Defendants’ burden of proof at summary judgment.
Summary judgment is warranted only “if the movant
shows that there is no genuine dispute as to any
material fact and the movant is entitled to judgment
as a matter of law.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(c). In other
words, there must be “a complete failure of proof
concerning an essential element of the nonmoving
party’s case [that] necessarily renders all other facts
immaterial.” Celotex Corp. v. Catrett, 477 U.S. 317,
323 (1986). Critically, “[t]he evidence of the nonmovant is to be believed, and all justifiable
inferences are to be drawn in his favor.” Anderson v.
Liberty Lobby, Inc., 477 U.S. 242, 255 (1986).
In the equal-protection context, this is a
particularly exacting standard because racial
gerrymandering cases generally require “a developed
record” and are usually decided “after the respective
District Courts ha[ve] made findings of fact.” Hunt v.
Cromartie, 526 U.S. 541, 552 n.8 (1999) (collecting
cases). Here, the district court erred in granting
summary judgment to Defendants on the thin record
before it, which denied Appellants the opportunity to
cross-examine witnesses, probe their testimony, and
further develop evidence for the finder of fact.
29
Although the district court accurately identified
the summary-judgment standard described above, it
thoroughly misapplied it to the record. An Equal
Protection claim challenging districts involves
applying a two-prong test with shifting burdens.
First, the plaintiff must prove that “race was the
predominant factor motivating the legislature’s
decision to place a significant number of voters
within or without a particular district.” Miller, 515
U.S. at 916. If a plaintiff can make this showing,
“[t]he burden then shifts to the state to prove that its
race-based sorting of voters serves a ‘compelling
interest’ and is ‘narrowly tailored’ to that end.” App.
A13 (quoting Cooper, 581 U.S. at 291).
A.
The district court’s decision on
racial predominance was wrong.
As to the first prong, the district court found
that “conflicting views of the evidence present a fact
question as to whether race was the predominant
motivating factor for the Legislative Assembly’s
decision to draw subdistricts in districts 4 and 9.”
App. A15 (emphasis in original). But with the reality
that Districts 4 and 9 were the only subdistricts on
the plan, the decision to subdistrict created an actual
conflict with the state’s otherwise-consistent
application of its traditional practice of not
subdistricting in other districts. While an actual
conflict between race and those principles is not
required, Bethune-Hill, 580 U.S. at 188, the conflict
here shows there was no dispute—these subdistricts
were drawn primarily based on race.
30
Nevertheless, the district court proceeded to
“[a]ssum[e] without deciding that race was the
predominate motivating factor,” and moved
immediately to the second prong. App. A15. After a
perfunctory declaration that a legislature’s mere
assertion of compliance with the VRA constitutes a
compelling state interest, the district court
proceeded to consider whether the legislature’s racebased subdistricting was “narrowly tailored” to that
end.
B.
The district court erred in
granting summary judgment to
Defendants because reaching that
result required weighing the
evidence and drawing inferences
in favor of the moving party.
Turning to the second prong, the district court
correctly flagged that a state can prove its actions
are “narrowly tailored,” by showing it had “a strong
basis in evidence” and “good reasons” to think the
VRA required the “race-based district lines.” App.
A20 (quoting Wis. Legis., 142 S. Ct. at 1250). But, in
ruling for Defendants at summary judgment, the
district court converted this “breathing room” into a
blank check. The fact that a state is obligated to
prove its actions are the product of “good reasons”
prevents granting summary judgment on the
question, because reaching that conclusion requires
weighing evidence. And this Court has overturned
lower courts that improperly applied strict scrutiny
at the summary-judgment phase of racial
gerrymandering cases.
31
In a similar case before this Court on appeal
from a summary-judgment ruling finding racial
predominance, the district court had ruled in favor of
the plaintiffs because the purportedly
“uncontroverted material facts” proved the
legislature “used criteria with respect to [the
challenged district] that are facially race driven.”
Cromartie, 526 U.S. at 545. But this Court
disagreed. Despite finding that the evidence in the
record before it “tend[ed] to support an inference
that the State drew its district lines with an
impermissible racial motive,” id., at 548-49, it
concluded the district court erred when it granted
summary judgment because the record contained
enough contradictory evidence that the motive of the
legislature was grounded in partisanship, not race.
Id. at 549-50. Thus, “[a]ccepting appellants’ political
motivation explanation as true, as the District Court
was required to do in ruling on appellees’ motion for
summary judgment… appellees were not entitled to
judgment as a matter of law.” Id. at 551 (emphasis
added). Here, the district court committed the same
error.
While all parties agree for purposes of
summary judgment about the facts surrounding how
the legislature passed the maps, what those facts
mean—or what can be inferred from them—is very
much at issue. For example, Appellants moved for
summary judgment relying on the same floor
speeches and committee testimony as Defendants.
See generally, ECF 98, 101, 107, 111. 113 114, 115.
And the district court highlighted some of these
exact facts in its order to support its ruling in favor
of Defendants. See App. A4-A8; A21-A27. But doing
32
so was the opposite of what was required: “The
evidence of the non-movant is to be believed, and all
justifiable inferences are to be drawn in his favor.”
Anderson, 477 U.S. at 255.
Appellants have already shown a number of
shortcomings in the legislature’s inquiry into what
Section 2 requires, many of which are underscored
by Turtle Mt. Band of Chippewa Indians, 2023 U.S.
Dist. LEXIS 206894. Not only is the legislature and
district court’s back-of-the-napkin analysis related to
Gingles dispositive, but Appellants also provided
evidence demonstrating the legislature was aware
the proposed subdistricts could violate Section 2. In
addition to examples of this evidence already
discussed above in Section I(B)(2), Appellants
highlighted further evidence in their Motion for
Summary Judgment. This included the discussion
among redistricting committee members concerning
racial concentrations produced by subdistricting in
District 9, and the fear that the new districts will
cause minority residents on the reservation to “only
be able to have one representative.” ECF 98 at 14.
Indeed, apart from receiving testimony from a few
lawyers and a handful of stakeholders (some with a
personal interest in the creation of racially
gerrymandered subdistricts) the record reveals the
legislature’s failure to grapple with whether the
VRA actually “demanded” the creation of
subdistricts, as legislators assumed.
Instead of inferring from the evidence that the
legislature did not adequately consider the issue of
VRA compliance, “as the District Court [is] required
to do in ruling on appellees’ motion for summary
33
judgment,” Cromartie, 526 U.S. at 551, the district
court did the opposite. Ruling in favor of Defendants,
the district court highlighted contrary evidence it
thought was sufficient to conclude that the
legislature satisfied strict scrutiny. But this is not
appropriate at summary judgment—and the fact
that the district court found some testimony from
the public persuasive is a weighing of evidence that
is not allowed at summary judgment before
witnesses can be cross-examined.
For example, the district court noted that the
“Redistricting Committee heard from the leaders of
[Native American tribes].” App. A21. It highlighted
testimony from the “Chairman of the Standing Rock
Sioux Tribe” that covered compliance with the VRA
even though the subdistricts in Districts 4 and 9 did
not apply to that particular tribe.19 Id. And it
reproduced a large portion of the Redistricting
Committee’s final report to the Legislative
Assembly, which summarized other oral and written
testimony received by the committee and discussions
the committee had while in session, as well as some
recent Census figures. App. A22-A25. While these
figures could be useful and the testimony of voters
and lawyers was sincere, it is insufficient to
19 The district court also failed to consider whether relying on
the testimony of a Native-American individual from another
tribe was appropriate, given that the relevant minority it
reviewed was the particular tribes. The district court
apparently assumed all Native Americans should be treated as
the relevant minority, yet this evidence is insufficient to prove
that all Native American tribes vote cohesively.
34
establish the “good reasons” needed to survive strict
scrutiny. And this is particularly true at summary
judgment, where the district court is not yet
permitted to weigh the competing evidence.
Nevertheless, the district court summarily
concluded that “[t]his is sufficient pre-enactment
analysis to establish it had good reasons to believe
the subdistricts were required by the VRA.” App.
A25. But even if that legal standard is correct, this is
the kind of judgment that is appropriate only after a
trial. That is the stage where witnesses can be
subject to cross-examination and the district court
can appropriately weigh the evidence and make
credibility determinations. That is the stage where
the contrary evidence presented by the State in the
single-judge Section 2 case can be weighed with the
claims of Defendants in this case. See, e.g., Turtle
Mt. Band of Chippewa Indians, 2023 U.S. Dist.
LEXIS 206894, at *21 (Dr. Hood testifying at trial
that Gingles 3 was not met in District 9). Further,
Defendants’ arguments on the appeal of the Turtle
Mt. Band of Chippewa Indians decision claiming a
lack of statistical evidence of a VRA violation could
be tested. Appellants’ Brief, Appeal No. 23-3655, pp.
53-55 (8th Cir.), filed January 30, 2024.
The district court should have tried this case.
And if its ruling on summary judgment is upheld,
state legislatures will have acquired far more than
“breathing room” to navigate the often-conflicting
mandates of the VRA and the Equal Protection
Clause—they will have found a statutory shield to
racially gerrymander. Wis. Legis., 142 S. Ct. at 1250.
This Court can and must correct that misadventure.
35
The evidence put forth here by Defendants is not
enough for a court to bless a racial gerrymander as a
matter of law at summary judgment. This Court
should reverse the district court.
III. The district court erred in determining
that compliance with the Voting Rights
Act justifies this racial gerrymander.
The district court also introduced another
danger into federal-court review of redistricting
plans. This Court has been crystal clear about the
dangers of using race to justify legislative decision
making in the absence of exceedingly compelling
circumstances that demand it, especially in the
context of voting because “Racial gerrymandering,
even for remedial purposes, may balkanize us into
competing racial factions; it threatens to carry us
further from the goal of a political system in which
race no longer matters.” Shaw, 509 U.S. at 657
(emphasis added). This is because “[w]hen the State
assigns voters on the basis of race, it engages in the
offensive and demeaning assumption that voters of a
particular race, because of their race, ‘think alike,
share the same political interests, and will prefer the
same candidates at the polls.’” Miller, 515 U.S. at
911-12 (quoting Shaw, 509 U.S. at 647).
In spite of this background, the district court
incorrectly determined that this Court “has long held
that compliance with the VRA is a compelling
government interest.” App. A13. But this is not only
wrong as a matter of fact, it is wrong a matter of law
because it subordinates the Constitution to the VRA,
especially in the context of relying on such a thin
record of a potential Section 2 violation.
36
In a series of racial-gerrymandering cases, this
Court has assumed, without deciding, that
compliance with the VRA could be a compelling
government interest. Miller, 515 U.S. at 921 (leaving
open the question); Shaw II, 517 U.S. at 911 (“again
we do not reach that question”); Vera, 517 U.S. at
977 (“we assume without deciding that compliance
with the results test, as interpreted by our
precedents, . . . can be a compelling state interest”);
Cooper, 581 U.S. at 301 (“we have long assumed that
complying with the VRA is a compelling interest”);
Alabama Legis. Black Caucus, 575 U.S. at 275-79;
Bethune-Hill, 580 U.S. at 193 (compliance with
Section 5).
In every case involving compliance with Section
2 as a defense to a racial gerrymandering case, the
Court has struck down the plan at issue. The only
apparent case where this Court has ever reached the
question of whether the VRA constituted a
compelling interest for purposes of strict scrutiny
was highly fact intensive and related solely to
Section 5, not Section 2. See Bethune-Hill, 580 U.S.
at 193.
This case, coming to the Court in this
procedural posture, represents an exceptionally poor
vehicle for this Court to find that Section 2 justifies
race-predominant redistricting for the first time—
especially when the exact map has been found to
violate Section 2. Race-based district must at least
be required by “a constitutional reading and
application of those laws.” Miller, 515 U.S. at 921
(emphasis added). Thus, this Court should also reject
37
the district court’s approach because Section 2
cannot justify the districts at issue here.
IV. Summary reversal is the correct remedy
in this case.
This Court has previously summarily reversed
a three-judge district court that improperly applied a
Section 2 analysis on a far-more-developed record. In
Burton ex rel. Republican Party v. Sheheen, the
district court conducted an exhaustive analysis of
South Carolina’s redistricting plans under the
Voting Rights Act. 793 F. Supp. 1329 (D.S.C. 1992).
That analysis took place after a full trial on the
merits. Id. at 1339. That district court “rejected
redistricting plans submitted by all parties and
adopted its own plan.” Statewide Reapportionment
Advisory Comm. v. Beasley, 99 F.3d 134, 135 (4th
Cir. 1996).
After adoption of the district court’s plan, both
parties directly appealed to this Court, which
summarily reversed in a one-sentence order: “The
judgment is vacated and the cases are remanded to
the United States District Court for the District of
South Carolina for further consideration in light of
the position presented by the Acting Solicitor
General in his brief of the United States filed May 7,
1993.” Theodore, 508 U.S. at 968. No other
information or reasoning was provided by this Court,
but the briefing filed by “the Solicitor General had
maintained that the three-judge court had failed to
apply a proper § 2 analysis to the plans.” Beasley, 99
F.3d at 135. Unlike that case, this appeal is even
easier.
38
Sheheen involved a developed evidentiary
record, analysis of expert reports, and an appraisal
of the facts and circumstances over the course of a
trial. In contrast, the record here is sparse. The
district court opinion is abbreviated and contains
almost no substantive analysis related to Section 2.
This case must be sent back to the district for
further development of a proper record, and with the
benefit of the appropriate Section 2 analysis.
CONCLUSION
This Court should summarily reverse, vacate
and remand for trial, or note probable jurisdiction.
Respectfully submitted this 4th day of March, 2024.
Dalton L. Oldham
Dalton L. Oldham LLC
137 Edgewater Lane
Lexington, SC 29072
Telephone: 803-772-7729
Robert Harms
The Harms Group
Box 2732
Williston, ND 58802
Telephone: 701-471-0959
Bryan P. Tyson*
Bryan F. Jacoutot
Diane F. LaRoss
The Election Law Group
1600 Parkwood Cir.
Suite 200
Atlanta, GA 30339
Telephone: 678-336-7249
*Counsel of Record
Counsel for Appellants Charles Whalen and
Paul Henderson
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.