Amicus Curiae Brief — Priscilla Villarreal, Petitioner v. Isidro R. Alaniz, et al.
Supreme Court briefMay 23, 2024
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No. 23-1155
IN THE
Supreme Court of the United States
PRISCILLA VILLARREAL,
Petitioner,
v.
ISIDRO R. ALANIZ, SUED IN HIS INDIVIDUAL CAPACITY,
et al.,
Respondents.
On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the
United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
BRIEF OF THE LAW ENFORCEMENT ACTION
PARTNERSHIP AS AMICUS CURIAE
IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER
APRATIM VIDYARTHI
GIBSON, DUNN & CRUTCHER LLP
200 Park Ave.
New York, N.Y. 10166
DAVID DEBOLD
Counsel of Record
JEFF LIU
CHRISTIAN DIBBLEE
ANDREW EBRAHEM
JESSE SCHUPACK
GIBSON, DUNN & CRUTCHER LLP
1050 Connecticut Ave., N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
(202) 955-8500
DDebold@gibsondunn.com
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE ............................ 1
INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF
ARGUMENT ......................................................... 2
ARGUMENT ............................................................... 4
I.
QUALIFIED IMMUNITY IS UNAVAILABLE FOR
OBVIOUS CONSTITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS................. 4
II. THE POLICY CONSIDERATIONS USED TO JUSTIFY
QUALIFIED IMMUNITY DO NOT APPLY HERE. ....... 11
III. THE FIFTH CIRCUIT’S RULE WOULD NEGATIVELY
AFFECT LAW ENFORCEMENT AND THE PUBLIC. ... 13
A. Barring Civil Liability Will Deprive The
Public Of A Key Deterrent Against The
Growing Threat Of Retaliatory Arrests. .....14
B. The Fifth Circuit’s Decision Will
Undermine Trust In The Police And
Interfere With Public Safety ........................17
C. Failing To Prohibit Premeditated
Retaliatory Arrests Will Chill First
Amendment-Protected Activity. ..................20
CONCLUSION .......................................................... 21
ii
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
Cases
Ashcroft v. al-Kidd,
563 U.S. 731 (2011) .......................................... 5, 11
Bennett v. Hendrix,
423 F.3d 1247 (11th Cir. 2005) .......................... 7, 8
City of Tahlequah v. Bond,
595 U.S. 9 (2021) .................................................. 12
Crouse v. Town of Moncks Corner,
848 F.3d 576 (4th Cir. 2017) .......................... 17, 18
Duncan v. Becerra,
970 F.3d 1133 (9th Cir. 2020) .............................. 18
Gilbert v. Homar,
520 U.S. 924 (1997) .............................................. 17
Gonzalez v. Trevino,
60 F.4th 906 (5th Cir. 2023) .......................... 14, 21
Grosjean v. Am. Press Co.,
297 U.S. 233 (1936) .............................................. 15
Harlow v. Fitzgerald,
457 U.S. 800 (1982) .............................................. 16
Harris v. Pittman,
927 F.3d 266 (4th Cir. 2019) .......................... 16, 18
Hernandez v. City of Phoenix,
43 F.4th 966 (9th Cir. 2022) ................................ 18
Hoggard v. Rhodes,
141 S. Ct. 2421 (2021) .......................................... 12
iii
Hope v. Pelzer,
536 U.S. 730 (2002) .................................... 5, 6, 7, 9
Intervarsity Christian Fellowship/USA
v. Univ. of Iowa,
5 F.4th 855 (8th Cir. 2021) .................................. 12
Irizarry v. Yehia,
38 F.4th 1282 (10th Cir. 2022) .............................. 8
Kingsley v. Hendrickson,
576 U.S. 389 (2015) .............................................. 11
Kisela v. Hughes,
138 S. Ct. 1148 (2018) ............................................ 9
Lacey v. Maricopa Cnty.,
693 F.3d 896 (9th Cir. 2012) ................................ 20
Lozman v. City of Riviera Beach,
585 U.S. 87 (2018) ................................ 3, 11, 14, 19
Matal v. Tam,
582 U.S. 218 (2017) .............................................. 21
Messerschmidt v. Millender,
565 U.S. 535 (2012) .............................................. 12
Myers v. Anderson,
238 U.S. 368 (1915) .............................................. 10
N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan,
376 U.S. 254 (1964) .............................................. 16
Nieves v. Bartlett,
139 S. Ct. 1715 (2019) .................................... 13, 15
Pasco ex rel. Pasco v. Knoblauch,
566 F.3d 572 (5th Cir. 2009) ................................ 11
iv
Pearson v. Callahan,
555 U.S. 223 (2009) .............................................. 16
Perry v. Sindermann,
408 U.S. 593 (1972) .............................................. 20
Plumhoff v. Rickard,
572 U.S. 765 (2014) .......................................... 3, 11
Reedy v. Evanson,
615 F.3d 197 (3d Cir. 2010) ................................. 12
Reynolds v. City of Chicago,
296 F.3d 524 (7th Cir. 2002) ................................ 18
Sause v. Bauer,
138 S. Ct. 2561 (2018) ............................................ 7
Stanton v. Sims,
571 U.S. 3 (2013) .................................................. 11
Stromberg v. California,
283 U.S. 359 (1931) .............................................. 20
Taylor v. Riojas,
141 S. Ct. 52 (2020) ................................................ 7
Taylor v. Stevens,
946 F.3d 211 (5th Cir. 2019) .................................. 7
United States v. Lanier,
520 U.S. 259 (1997) ........................................ 5, 6, 8
Wearry v. Foster,
52 F.4th 258 (5th Cir. 2022) ................................ 12
v
Other Authorities
Amanda D’Souza et al., Federal
Investigations of Police Misconduct: A
Multi-City Comparison, 71 Crime, L., &
Soc. Change 461 (2019) ........................................ 14
Giffords L. Ctr. to Prevent Gun Violence, In
Pursuit of Peace: Building PoliceCommunity Trust to Break the Cycle of
Violence (Sept. 9, 2021), bit.ly/4bFbD80 ............. 19
Andrew Goldsmith, Police Reform and the
Problem of Trust, 9 Theoretical
Criminology 443 (2005) ........................................ 19
David S. Kirk et. al., The Paradox of Law
Enforcement in Immigrant Communities:
Does Tough Immigration Enforcement
Undermine Public Safety?, 641 Annals of
Am. Acad. of Pol. & Soc. Sci. 79 (2012) ............... 19
Ellen S. Podgor, The Dichotomy Between
Overcriminalization and Underregulation,
70 Am. Univ. L. Rev. 1061 (2021) ....................... 15
Emily Washburn, America Less Confident In
Police Than Ever Before: A Look At The
Numbers, Forbes (Feb. 3, 2023),
bit.ly/3UJci1j ........................................................ 17
GianCarlo Canaparo et al., Count the Code:
Quantifying Federalization of Criminal
Statutes, Heritage Found. (Jan. 7, 2022),
bit.ly/3Lcpve2 ....................................................... 14
vi
James R. Copland & Rafael A. Mangual,
Manhattan Inst., Overcriminalizing
America (2018), bit.ly/41CLNfT .......................... 14
Joanna C. Schwartz, After Qualified Immunity,
120 Colum. L. Rev. 309 (2020)............................. 16
Joanna C. Schwartz, What Police Learn from
Lawsuits, 33 Cardozo L. Rev. 841 (2012) ............ 17
U.S. Dep’t of Justice, Building Trust Between
the Police and the Citizens They Serve
(2009), bit.ly/3LwqCGS ........................................ 19
1
INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE 1
The Law Enforcement Action Partnership
(“LEAP”) is a nonprofit organization whose members
include police, prosecutors, judges, corrections officials, and other law enforcement officials advocating
for criminal justice and drug policy reforms that will
make our communities safer and more just. Founded
by five police officers in 2002 with a sole focus on drug
policy, LEAP’s speaker’s bureau today numbers more
than 300 criminal justice professionals advising on police-community relations, incarceration, harm reduction, drug policy, and global issues. Through speaking
engagements, media appearances, testimony, and
support of allied efforts, LEAP reaches audiences
across a wide spectrum of affiliations and beliefs, calling for more practical and ethical policies from a public safety perspective.
This case presents an important opportunity to
ensure that officers who abuse their power to engage
in premeditated retaliatory arrests are held accountable. That accountability is essential to maintaining
the integrity of law enforcement, building trust in the
police, and ultimately keeping the public safe. LEAP
and its members thus have an interest in ensuring
that remedies are available to victims of police misconduct and that individuals enjoy robust protections
against retaliation for exercising their constitutional
rights.
1
Pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37.2, Amicus provided
timely notice to all parties of its intent to file this amicus brief.
Pursuant to Supreme Court Rule 37.6, no counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in part, and no person or entity other
than Amicus or its counsel made a monetary contribution to this
brief ’s preparation.
2
INTRODUCTION AND
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
Priscilla Villarreal is a well-known citizen-journalist who has critically examined local affairs in the
border city of Laredo, Texas. Like any journalist, she
developed her own sources in local government and
published information provided by those sources. But
her journalistic activities embarrassed local prosecutors and police officers. To punish her, those officials
conspired to arrest and jail her under a public-disclosure statute never before enforced in its twenty-threeyear history—a statute that, as applied here, criminalized a citizen-journalist’s mere request of a police
officer for information. That is a blatant violation of
the First Amendment. Yet a slim majority of the en
banc Fifth Circuit—over seven dissenting votes—held
that the local officials were entitled to qualified immunity and dismissed Villarreal’s complaint at the
threshold.
This Court has consistently held that obvious violations of bedrock constitutional guarantees are not
protected by qualified immunity. And it “should have
been obvious to Defendants … that they were violating Villarreal’s First Amendment rights when they arrested and jailed her for asking a police officer for information.” Pet. App. 77a (Ho, J., dissenting). The
Fifth Circuit nonetheless granted the defendants here
qualified immunity because Villarreal had failed to
cite a judicial precedent identifying the First Amendment violation on “materially identical facts.” Id. at
33a. As Petitioner explains, that holding flouts this
Court’s precedent and conflicts with the decisions of
other federal courts of appeals.
The Fifth Circuit’s imposition of an on-point-precedent requirement is particularly perplexing under
3
the circumstances of this case. Qualified immunity
gives officers breathing room to make “split-second
judgments” free from fear of liability. Plumhoff v.
Rickard, 572 U.S. 765, 775 (2014). But that justification for immunity disappears when government officials act under a plainly “premeditated plan to intimidate” a plaintiff in retaliation for her First Amendment activities. Lozman v. City of Riviera Beach, 585
U.S. 87, 100 (2018). Here, Laredo officials engaged in
a months-long campaign to find a way to arrest Villarreal and send her to jail—simply for asking her
sources to provide information. “This was not the hot
pursuit of a presumed criminal” or any similar scenario where officials were presented with split-second
judgments. Pet. App. 61a (Willett, J., dissenting). Instead, officials deliberately targeted Villarreal for
punishment, all for engaging in activities that are obviously protected by the First Amendment. There is
no justification for granting qualified immunity in
these circumstances.2
Finally, the implications of the Fifth Circuit’s
qualified immunity holding are stark. Thanks to an
ever-growing list of criminal offenses, government officials have great flexibility to arrest anyone engaged
in First Amendment activities. That arresting discretion is particularly dangerous to disfavored speak-
2
Amicus agrees with Petitioner that this Court should grant
review to address whether asking government officials questions
and publishing the information they volunteer violates the First
Amendment. Pet. i. But Amicus focuses on the second, equally
important question presented here: whether qualified immunity
is available for obvious First Amendment violations, regardless
of whether there exists a state statute purporting to authorize
the violation or a Supreme Court precedent identifying the First
Amendment violation on materially identical facts.
4
ers—like citizen-journalists—and members of minority communities, who are especially likely to face official retaliation. Because two cases will rarely involve
pretextual enforcement of similar state statutes, the
Fifth Circuit’s requirement of a materially identical
case will routinely immunize defendants from liability—and leave victims of First Amendment retaliation
without a remedy. See Pet. App. 33a (demanding that
Villarreal identify a case finding a First Amendment
violation where officers were enforcing “a statute that
prohibits solicitation and receipt of nonpublic information from the government for personal benefit”).
Depriving victims of a valuable tool to hold bad actors
accountable will, in turn, decrease public trust in law
enforcement, undercut police-community relationships, and harm public safety. And it will chill First
Amendment activity, as individuals will think twice
before exercising their rights out of fear that vindictive government officials will throw them in jail.
These dangers underscore that the judiciary must
prevent government actors from using moribund statutes “as blunt cudgels to silence speech (and to punish
speakers) they dislike.” Pet. App. 64a (Willett, J., dissenting). This Court should grant certiorari and reverse.
ARGUMENT
I.
QUALIFIED IMMUNITY IS UNAVAILABLE FOR
OBVIOUS CONSTITUTIONAL VIOLATIONS.
The Fifth Circuit held that Villarreal could defeat
qualified immunity only by citing a case that has
found a First Amendment violation “on materially
identical facts”—meaning one that has held it unconstitutional “to arrest a person … upon probable cause
for violating a statute that prohibits solicitation and
5
receipt of nonpublic information from the government
for personal benefit.” Pet. App. 33a. The Fifth Circuit
acknowledged this Court’s cases holding that qualified immunity does not apply to “obvious” constitutional violations, but brushed them aside as offering
only a “narrow … exception” to the materially-identical-facts rule for “Eighth Amendment cases” involving
“deliberate indifference to unconstitutional prison
conditions.” Ibid. (distinguishing Hope v. Pelzer, 536
U.S. 730 (2002), and Taylor v. Riojas, 141 S. Ct. 52
(2020) (per curiam)).
The Fifth Circuit’s qualified immunity holding directly flouts this Court’s precedents, creates an open
conflict in the courts of appeals, and relegates the
First Amendment to second-class status. And if left
intact, the Fifth Circuit’s holding would substantially
diminish the constitutional protections properly afforded journalists and other concerned citizens.
1. State actors are entitled to qualified immunity
if the allegedly violated right was not “‘clearly established’ at the time of the [violation].” Ashcroft v. alKidd, 563 U.S. 731, 735 (2011). Qualified immunity,
however, does not lie if the law gives the defendants
“fair warning that their alleged treatment of [the
plaintiff] was unconstitutional.” Hope, 536 U.S. at
741. Although qualified immunity insulates officials
from liability for reasonable mistakes, it does not protect officials who commit “obvious” constitutional violations. Ibid. And constitutional violations can be obvious without any “case directly on point.” al-Kidd,
563 U.S. at 741.
This Court settled that issue almost three decades
ago in United States v. Lanier, 520 U.S. 259 (1997).
There, a state judge sexually assaulted five women,
some of whose cases were before him. Id. at 261-262.
6
The judge was convicted under 18 U.S.C. § 242 for violating the women’s constitutional rights, but “[t]he
Sixth Circuit reversed his convictions on the ground
that the constitutional right in issue had not previously been identified by [the Supreme Court] in a case
with fundamentally similar facts.” Id. at 261.
This Court reversed. The Court held that “this
standard of notice” was unwarranted, and that the
proper standard under § 242 should be the same as
“the ‘clearly established [law]’ immunity standard” for
§ 1983 liability—a standard that can be met without
any “case with fundamentally similar facts.” 520 U.S.
at 261, 270-271. The Court underscored that “a general constitutional rule already identified in the decisional law may apply with obvious clarity to the specific conduct in question, even though ‘the very action
in question has [not] previously been held unlawful.’”
Id. at 271.
The Court applied the Lanier standard in a § 1983
case in Hope. There, prison guards handcuffed an inmate shirtless to a hitching post in the sweltering Alabama sun for eight hours. 536 U.S. at 733-735. The
guards did not provide bathroom breaks and offered
water only once or twice. Ibid. The Eleventh Circuit
granted the guards qualified immunity because the
inmate could not adduce “earlier cases with ‘materially similar’ facts.” Id. at 733.
But this Court reversed. The Court reasoned that
the “Eighth Amendment violation is obvious,” and the
“cruelty inherent in this practice should have provided respondents with some notice” of the constitutional violation. 536 U.S. at 738, 745. In so holding,
the Hope Court explained that Lanier “makes clear
that officials can still be on notice that their conduct
7
violates established law even in novel factual circumstances.” Id. at 741. Neither “fundamentally similar”
nor “materially similar” facts are “necessary.” Ibid.
Most recently, in Taylor, 141 S. Ct. at 53, the Court
confronted a case involving a prison inmate who had
been confined to an unsanitary cell with fecal matter,
no place to sleep, no toilets, and no insulation for six
days. The Fifth Circuit held that the defendant prison
officials were entitled to qualified immunity because
no case had “held that a time period so short [six days]
violated the Constitution.” Taylor v. Stevens, 946 F.3d
211, 222 (5th Cir. 2019). This Court summarily reversed. Citing no on-point precedent, the Court reasoned that “[c]onfronted with the particularly egregious facts of this case, any reasonable officer should
have realized that Taylor’s conditions of confinement
offended the Constitution.” 141 S. Ct. at 54.
This Court has applied the same standard in the
First Amendment context. See Sause v. Bauer, 138 S.
Ct. 2561, 2562 (2018) (reversing grant of qualified immunity on First Amendment claim in absence of comparable case because “[t]here can be no doubt that the
First Amendment protects the right to pray”). And
before the decision below, the courts of appeals had
uniformly done the same.
In Bennett v. Hendrix, for example, plaintiffs alleged that defendant police officers carried out a campaign of police harassment and retaliation after plaintiffs supported a county referendum opposed by the
sheriff. 423 F.3d 1247, 1248 (11th Cir. 2005), cert denied, 549 U.S. 809 (2006). Denying qualified immunity, the Eleventh Circuit noted that the principle that
“state officials may not retaliate against private citizens because of the exercise of their First Amendment
rights” provided “obvious clarity” and adequately
8
served as fair warning for the officers. Id. at 12551256.
Similarly, in Irizarry v. Yehia, the Tenth Circuit
held that a police officer violated a clearly established
First Amendment right by driving his car at a person
for “filming police conduct in public.” 38 F.4th 1282,
1297 (10th Cir. 2022). The court reasoned that it is
“obvious to a reasonable officer” that “driving a police
car at [the plaintiff] in response to that filming would
infringe First Amendment protected activity and chill
its exercise.” Ibid. (emphasis added); see also Pet.
App. 77a-80a (Ho, J., dissenting) (collecting cases and
noting that “nine circuits have indicated that the
standards articulated in Hope apply specifically in the
First Amendment context”).
At bottom, qualified immunity is not a shield from
liability for conduct so patently unconstitutional that
no court has yet had an opportunity to address it. Lanier, 520 U.S. at 271 (“The easiest cases don’t even
arise. There has never been ... a section 1983 case accusing welfare officials of selling foster children into
slavery; it does not follow that if such a case arose, the
officials would be immune from damages … liability.”).
2. The Fifth Circuit’s qualified immunity holding
disregards these precedents and makes no sense on its
own terms.
The court below began by reciting the purported
principle that “existing precedent” must “squarely
gover[n] the specific facts at issue.” Pet. App. 32a
(quoting Kisela v. Hughes, 138 S. Ct. 1148, 1153
(2018) (per curiam)). The Fifth Circuit thus inferred
a “requirement that ‘clearly established law’ be
founded on materially identical facts.” Id. at 33a (emphasis added). And “Villarreal cites no case, nor are
9
we aware of one, where the Supreme Court, or any
other court, has held that it is unconstitutional to arrest a person, even a journalist, upon probable cause
for violating a statute that prohibits solicitation and
receipt of nonpublic information from the government
for personal benefit.” Ibid.
The Fifth Circuit acknowledged this Court’s decisions in Hope and Taylor, but held that those decisions
established only a “decidedly narrow, obviousness exception” for “Eighth Amendment cases … for deliberate indifference to unconstitutional prison conditions.” Pet. App. 33a. “[I]n this context”—i.e., cases
involving “First Amendment free exercise rights”—
the Fifth Circuit asserted that Hope is an “inappropriate templat[e],” and the plaintiff must “offer … similar
cases to prove that an officer should have been on notice that his conduct violated the Constitution.” Id. at
34a.
That rationale revives the very rule that Hope and
its progeny laid to rest. By requiring Villarreal to
show a case with “materially identical facts,” the Fifth
Circuit repeated the exact same error Hope condemned: “requir[ing] that the facts of previous cases
be ‘ “materially similar” to [the plaintiff’s] situation.’ ”
536 U.S. at 739. And “[n]othing in Hope or Taylor indicates that those decisions apply only to prison conditions.” Pet. App. 77a (Ho, J., dissenting).3
The Fifth Circuit’s rationale is also unsupportable
as a matter of first principles and common sense. As
Judge Ho persuasively explained, limiting the Hope
3
The Fifth Circuit misread this Court’s decision in Kisela to require “[p]recedent involving similar facts,” when Kisela instead
reinforces the point that such a showing is necessary only “outside an obvious case.” 138 S. Ct. at 1153 (emphasis added)
(cleaned up).
10
standard to the Eighth Amendment context “would
treat the First Amendment as a second-class right.”
Pet. App. 77a. And “[n]othing in § 1983 suggests that
courts should favor the Eighth Amendment rights of
convicted criminals over the First Amendment rights
of law-abiding citizens.” Ibid. Unsurprisingly, therefore, the Fifth Circuit’s holding conflicts with every
other court of appeals to consider the issue. See supra
7-8; see Pet. 28-32; Pet. App. 77a (Ho, J., dissenting)
(explaining that court’s ruling conflicts with holdings
of “nine circuits”).
For the reasons Petitioner and the dissenting opinions below explain, that error was dispositive in this
case because Laredo officials blatantly violated Villarreal’s First Amendment rights. Pet. 21-24; Pet. App.
43a-46a (Graves, J., dissenting) (right to newsgathering); id. at 57a-59a (Higginson, J., dissenting) (focusing on First Amendment retaliation claim); id. at 75a77a (Ho, J., dissenting). The analysis does not change
merely because a state statute purports to authorize
the unconstitutional conduct. Pet. 28-32 (collecting
cases in First Amendment context); Pet. App. 83a (Ho,
J., dissenting) (collecting “[a] mountain of Supreme
Court and circuit precedent” for this principle); e.g.,
Myers v. Anderson, 238 U.S. 368, 382 (1915) (“the new
statute did not … interpose a shield to prevent the operation upon [the state officers] of the provisions of the
Constitution of the United States”).
Ultimately, “while we may not impute to officers
the foreknowledge of what a federal court may later
say, neither should we impute to officers the ignorance of what the First Amendment already says.”
Pet. App. 64a (Willett, J., dissenting). The Fifth Cir-
11
cuit’s error in expanding the scope of qualified immunity alone is reason to grant certiorari or summarily reverse.
II. THE POLICY CONSIDERATIONS USED TO
JUSTIFY QUALIFIED IMMUNITY DO NOT APPLY
HERE.
The Fifth Circuit’s grant of qualified immunity—
and its requirement of a “materially identical” case—
was especially improper here, where officials undertook a deliberate, months-long campaign to violate the
First Amendment rights of a journalist.
The policy behind qualified immunity is that officers who must make judgments “in circumstances that
are tense, uncertain, and rapidly evolving” should not
be subject to liability for reasonable mistakes. Kingsley v. Hendrickson, 576 U.S. 389, 399 (2015) (cleaned
up). So qualified immunity offers “officials breathing
room” to make “split-second judgments.” Ashcroft v.
al-Kidd, 563 U.S. 731, 743 (2011) (“breathing room”);
Plumhoff v. Rickard, 572 U.S. 765, 775 (2014) (“splitsecond judgments”). Where officers must make onthe-spot judgments “without clear guidance from legal
rulings,” they are immune from damages under
§ 1983. Pasco ex rel. Pasco v. Knoblauch, 566 F.3d
572, 582 (5th Cir. 2009); see also, e.g., Stanton v. Sims,
571 U.S. 3, 10 (2013) (per curiam) (granting qualified
immunity to an officer who “made his split-second decision” when the law was not clearly established).
But that rationale evaporates when a defendant
undertakes a “premeditated plan to intimidate [the
plaintiff] in retaliation for his criticisms of city officials.” Lozman v. City of Riviera Beach, 585 U.S. 87,
100 (2018). When officers “make the deliberate and
12
considered decision to trample on a citizen’s constitutional rights, they deserve to be held accountable.”
Wearry v. Foster, 52 F.4th 258, 259 (5th Cir. 2022)
(Ho, J., concurring in denial of rehearing en banc).
Qualified immunity is meant to protect only officials
who make “mistaken judgments,” Messerschmidt v.
Millender, 565 U.S. 535, 553 (2012), not officials “who
knowingly violate the law,” City of Tahlequah v. Bond,
595 U.S. 9, 12 (2021).
Courts therefore routinely deny qualified immunity when “no ‘split-second’ decisions [were] made.”
Reedy v. Evanson, 615 F.3d 197, 224 n.37 (3d Cir.
2010); e.g., Intervarsity Christian Fellowship/USA v.
Univ. of Iowa, 5 F.4th 855, 867 (8th Cir. 2021) (refusing to extend qualified immunity because university
officers had time to make calculated choices about infringing on the First Amendment rights of religious
student organizations). As Justice Thomas recently
asked, “why should … officers, who [had] time to make
calculated choices about enacting or enforcing unconstitutional policies, receive the same protection as a
police officer who makes a split-second decision to use
force in a dangerous setting?” Hoggard v. Rhodes, 141
S. Ct. 2421, 2421-2422 (2021) (Thomas, J., statement
respecting the denial of certiorari). There is no logic
to that “one-size-fits-all” approach. Ibid.
Here, Villarreal’s arrest was a result of deliberate
planning, “cooked up with legal advice from the Webb
County District Attorney’s Office.” Pet. App. 62a (Willett, J., dissenting). For months, the Laredo officials
looked for an excuse to arrest Villarreal because of her
journalism criticizing local government affairs. And
they found one: arresting Villarreal under a Texas
statute that had never been used once in the 23 years
of its existence. Why? Because she asked a Laredo
13
officer to verify one of her stories, and the officer provided her with information. The underlying retaliatory purpose was clear, as Villarreal was arrested for
routine newsgathering months after she had published the articles at issue. This was not an arrest
that required “quick decisions in circumstances that
are tense, uncertain, and rapidly evolving.” Nieves v.
Bartlett, 139 S. Ct. 1715, 1725 (2019) (internal quotation marks omitted).
Given the ample time Respondents had to reflect
on whether to engage in conduct that obviously violated the First Amendment, qualified immunity is unwarranted. This case is an ideal vehicle for the Court
to reconsider its one-size-fits-all approach to qualified
immunity.
III. THE
FIFTH
CIRCUIT’S
RULE
WOULD
NEGATIVELY AFFECT LAW ENFORCEMENT AND
THE PUBLIC.
The dramatic expansion of criminal codes across
the country has made it easier than ever for a law enforcement officer who wishes to punish a person for
engaging in protected First Amendment activity to
find probable cause for some criminal violation on
which to base an arrest. Civil lawsuits against officers
who are engaged in premeditated, retaliatory arrests
serve as a critical check on this kind of misconduct.
Unless this Court intervenes, however, the Fifth
Circuit’s decision will insulate officers from accountability in many cases of deliberate, premeditated retaliation. Allowing that shield to stand will in turn undermine public trust in law enforcement, making it
harder for the vast majority of honest officers to do
their job and keep their communities safe. It will also
chill First Amendment-protected speech and activity,
14
especially among journalists and those who hold
views disfavored by government actors. These dangers underscore why the decision below cannot stand.
A. Barring Civil Liability Will Deprive
The Public Of A Key Deterrent Against
The Growing Threat Of Retaliatory
Arrests.
Retaliatory arrests have become an increasingly
common occurrence. See Gonzalez v. Trevino, 60
F.4th 906, 907 (5th Cir. 2023) (Ho, J., dissenting from
denial of rehearing en banc) (the risk of retaliatory arrests “has never been more prevalent than today”);
Amanda D’Souza et al., Federal Investigations of Police Misconduct: A Multi-City Comparison, 71 Crime,
L., & Soc. Change 461, 474 (2019) (“[a] troublesome
finding in all [federal investigations over the past two
decades] was officers’ retaliatory actions against citizens”). This trend is a byproduct of the ever-growing
size of modern criminal codes.
See GianCarlo
Canaparo et al., Heritage Found., Count the Code:
Quantifying Federalization of Criminal Statutes 3
(2022), bit.ly/3Lcpve2 (showing that the number of
statutory provisions creating a federal crime increased by 36% between 1994 and 2019); James R.
Copland & Rafael A. Mangual, Manhattan Inst., Overcriminalizing America 4 (2018), bit.ly/41CLNfT (“common problems in state criminal law” include “[t]oo
many crimes on the books”); see generally @CrimeADay, Twitter.
An officer who may be inclined to punish a disfavored speaker—such as a journalist, as here—can
therefore readily find a minor offense they committed
and use that to justify an arrest. See Lozman v. City
of Riviera Beach, 585 U.S. 87, 99 (2018) (“[T]here is a
risk that some police officers may exploit the arrest
15
power as a means of suppressing speech.”). For instance, this Court recently observed that jaywalking
is “endemic but rarely results in arrest.” Nieves v.
Bartlett, 139 S. Ct. 1715, 1727 (2019). But an officer
seeking to punish, for example, “an individual who
has been vocally complaining about police conduct”
can exercise his discretion and arrest that person if
they jaywalk. Ibid.
Broad arresting powers in the wrong hands can be
used to disproportionately burden disfavored groups.
Public officials acting in bad faith can use their lawenforcement discretion to arrest a journalist because
“her newsgathering and reporting activities annoyed
them,” Pet. App. 47a (Higginson, J., dissenting), or a
citizen who merely “ask[s] for a person’s name,” id. at
89a (Ho, J., dissenting) —even though “informed public opinion is the most potent of all restraints upon
misgovernment,” Grosjean v. Am. Press Co., 297 U.S.
233, 250 (1936). See also Pet. App. 46a (Graves, J.,
dissenting) (“a democracy functions properly only
when the citizenry is informed”). As Petitioner highlights, these dangers are far from hypothetical—and
Priscilla Villarreal’s experience is hardly an outlier.
See Pet. 33-34 (collecting real-world examples). And
the ill effects of retaliatory arrests are especially likely
to fall on individuals in minority communities. See
Ellen S. Podgor, The Dichotomy Between Overcriminalization and Underregulation, 70 Am. Univ. L. Rev.
1061, 1065 (2021) (observing that overcriminalization
“provides increased choices to prosecutors,” which
“can result in disparities, especially to poor and minority members of society”).
Civil lawsuits are a vital check against police officers engaging in premeditated retaliatory arrests.
Indeed, this Court has repeatedly recognized that civil
16
suits help “to hold public officials accountable when
they exercise power irresponsibly.” Pearson v. Callahan, 555 U.S. 223, 231 (2009); accord Harlow v. Fitzgerald, 457 U.S. 800, 807 (1982) (acknowledging “the
importance of a damages remedy to protect the rights
of citizens”). This element of accountability ensures
that the “government will respond to the will of the
people.” N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 301
(1964) (Goldberg, J., concurring in the result); cf. Harris v. Pittman, 927 F.3d 266, 282-283 (4th Cir. 2019)
(Wilkinson, J., dissenting) (“Police officers do overreach. And when they do, the law must hold them to
account.”).
The Fifth Circuit’s rule would close the courthouse
doors on many deserving plaintiffs who are deliberately punished for exercising their First Amendment
rights by officers who—despite having probable cause
for an arrest—clearly acted on retaliatory animus. By
requiring that the plaintiff show even a prior case violating First Amendment rights through enforcement
of a similar state law, Pet. App. 33a, the Fifth Circuit
effectively makes qualified immunity “unqualified impunity,” id. at 62a (Willett, J., dissenting). Given the
variety of state criminal codes, rarely will different
plaintiffs be subject to retaliatory enforcement under
similar laws.
That result will only further contribute “to the
deep deficit in police accountability throughout our
country.” Joanna C. Schwartz, After Qualified Immunity, 120 Colum. L. Rev. 309, 312 n.8, 313 (2020).
And the lack of accountability would harm police departments, too: Exposure to civil liability provides incentives to improve police performance and reduce
constitutional violations; allows departments to
gather information about misconduct and illegal uses
17
of force; and helps gather data that fills gaps in internal reporting systems, such as unearthing more conclusive evidence in excessive-force lawsuits. Joanna
C. Schwartz, What Police Learn from Lawsuits, 33
Cardozo L. Rev. 841, 845-846 (2012).
Other consequences for rogue officers—such as internal discipline—are inadequate alone to stamp out
bad-faith, unconstitutional behavior. See Schwartz,
33 Cardozo L. Rev. at 862-874; Crouse v. Town of
Moncks Corner, 848 F.3d 576, 589 (4th Cir. 2017)
(Motz, J., concurring in the judgment) (“Serious allegations of misconduct sometimes go unanswered, and
officers who abuse their power sometimes go undisciplined.”). Allowing the Fifth Circuit’s ruling to stand
would deprive many individuals of a crucial way to
hold accountable officers who retaliate against them
for engaging in constitutionally protected behavior.
B. The Fifth Circuit’s Decision Will
Undermine Trust In The Police And
Interfere With Public Safety.
Allowing officers who carry out deliberate, premeditated retaliatory arrests to avoid liability will diminish the public’s trust in and cooperation with goodfaith law enforcement efforts. Trust in the police has
declined over the past two decades, reaching its lowest
level in recent years, especially in minority communities. See Emily Washburn, America Less Confident In
Police Than Ever Before: A Look At The Numbers,
Forbes (Feb. 3, 2023), bit.ly/3UJci1j. But police officers are supposed to “occupy positions of great public
trust and high public visibility.” Gilbert v. Homar,
520 U.S. 924, 932 (1997). If those who violate that
trust are not held responsible, that will only exacerbate existing tensions between law-abiding police officers and their communities. Rising tensions, in
18
turn, will undermine law enforcement’s ability to
maintain public safety. This case presents that concern in sharp relief, because Respondents ginned up
prosecution of a private journalist who simply asked
for governmental information while taking no action
against the officer who supposedly violated the law by
giving that information to her.
“Effective police work, including the detection and
apprehension of criminals, requires that the police
have the trust of [their] community” and that the public believes that police departments “will use [their]
powers responsibly and adequately discipline officers
who do not.” Reynolds v. City of Chicago, 296 F.3d
524, 530 (7th Cir. 2002) (Posner, J.); Crouse, 848 F.3d
at 589 (Motz, J., concurring in the judgment). Members of the public need to believe in the good faith of
officers so they feel comfortable calling on law enforcement to help in emergencies and aiding police investigations. See Duncan v. Becerra, 970 F.3d 1133, 1161
(9th Cir. 2020) (noting that “some people, especially in
communities of color, do not trust law enforcement
and are less likely ... to call 911 even during emergencies”). And to effectively do their job, police officers
need to feel trusted by the people they serve. See Hernandez v. City of Phoenix, 43 F.4th 966, 981 (9th Cir.
2022) (“Police departments also have a strong interest
in maintaining a relationship of trust and confidence
with the communities they serve”); Harris, 927 F.3d
at 286-287 (Wilkinson, J., dissenting).
Those police-community relations fray, however—
and the public’s trust is diminished—when officers engage in misconduct without facing any consequences.
Even the bad acts of a small number of officers will
hinder community trust in the police, the vast majority of whom carry out their jobs with dignity and
19
honor. U.S. Dep’t of Just., Building Trust Between the
Police and the Citizens They Serve 17 (2009),
bit.ly/3LwqCGS. By shielding from liability officers
who “exploit the arrest power as a means of suppressing [First Amendment conduct],” Lozman, 585 U.S. at
99, the Fifth Circuit’s rule will further undermine
trust in the police and officers’ ability to fulfill their
duties to the public.
This loss of trust will have major downstream effects. If people do not feel comfortable calling on the
police in a crisis, that will threaten public safety. Andrew Goldsmith, Police Reform and the Problem of
Trust, 9 Theoretical Criminology 443, 443 (2005)
(“Without public trust in police, ‘policing by consent’
is difficult or impossible and public safety suffers.”).
And if community members are less likely to cooperate in police investigations, police officers will find it
harder to conduct their duties in the future. See, e.g.,
David S. Kirk et al., The Paradox of Law Enforcement
in Immigrant Communities: Does Tough Immigration
Enforcement Undermine Public Safety?, 641 Annals of
Am. Acad. of Pol. & Soc. Sci. 79, 79 (2012) (lawless actions by officers “undermine[] individuals’ willingness
to cooperate with the police and engage in the collective actions necessary to socially control crime”).
These costs are likely to be significant: A lack of trust
in the police is correlated with an increase in gun violence, which in turn fuels a cycle of over-enforcement
of minor misdemeanors, further eroding trust in the
police and fueling violence. See In Pursuit of Peace:
Building Police-Community Trust to Break the Cycle
of Violence, Giffords L. Ctr. to Prevent Gun Violence
(Sept. 9, 2021), bit.ly/4bFbD80. A qualified immunity
rule that promotes accountability for the minority of
20
bad-faith actors in law enforcement, by contrast, promotes public confidence in the integrity of the criminal justice system.
C. Failing To Prohibit Premeditated
Retaliatory Arrests Will Chill First
Amendment-Protected Activity.
The Fifth Circuit’s holding is likely to have a
chilling effect on activity protected by the First
Amendment. Individuals may choose to abstain from
conducting newsgathering activities—or speaking,
petitioning the government, or engaging in religious
exercise—if they fear that law enforcement may punish them with impunity for exercising their constitutional rights.
When the government takes adverse action based
on an individual’s First Amendment activity, their
“exercise of [protected] freedoms” is “in effect ... penalized and inhibited.” Perry v. Sindermann, 408 U.S.
593, 597 (1972). And “[t]o state that arresting someone in retaliation for their exercise of free speech
rights is sufficient to chill speech is an understatement.” Lacey v. Maricopa Cnty., 693 F.3d 896, 917
(9th Cir. 2012) (en banc) (cleaned up) (citations omitted); see also Pet. App. 100a (Ho, J., dissenting)
(“[T]he American Constitution also guarantees freedom after the speech.”).
The free exchange of ideas will also be hampered
unless individuals know they can exercise their First
Amendment rights free from government penalty—
and that if they are punished, they will have legal recourse against it. Open and active discussion of matters of public import is “a fundamental principle of our
constitutional system,” Stromberg v. California, 283
21
U.S. 359, 369 (1931), but it cannot flourish if government actors can stomp out disfavored voices, see
Matal v. Tam, 582 U.S. 218, 253-254 (2017) (Kennedy,
J., concurring in part and concurring in the judgment)
(“A law that ... can be turned against minority and dissenting views” works “to the detriment of all.”).
It therefore “falls on the judiciary” to “make certain that law enforcement officials exercise their significant coercive powers to combat crime—not to police political discourse.” Gonzalez, 60 F.4th at 907-908
(Ho, J., dissenting from denial of rehearing en banc).
The First Amendment demands nothing less.
CONCLUSION
The petition for a writ of certiorari should be
granted.
Respectfully submitted.
APRATIM VIDYARTHI
GIBSON, DUNN & CRUTCHER LLP
200 Park Ave.
New York, N.Y. 10166
DAVID DEBOLD
Counsel of Record
JEFF LIU
CHRISTIAN DIBBLEE
ANDREW EBRAHEM
JESSE SCHUPACK
GIBSON, DUNN & CRUTCHER LLP
1050 Connecticut Ave., N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20036
(202) 955-8500
DDebold@gibsondunn.com
Counsel for Amicus Curiae
May 23, 2024
This is a copy of a public record, reproduced as it was published. It is not legal advice, and it may not be the version a court would rely on. Check the official source before you cite it.